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本研究旨在探討目前臺灣在以國中生為對象之生命教育的研究現況、發展趨勢及對生命教育研究的啟示,本研究係以內容分析法進行,共分析2000年至2017年之臺灣學位論文共120篇,從研究主題、論文數量和研究方法等角度切入,探討近年來臺灣以國中生為對象之生命教育的多種面向,以作為未來從事相關研究之借鏡。研究結果如下:一、研究數量方面,2008 年以後,維持每一年5 篇以上,可以保守估計這一種 持平的趨勢將繼續維持下去,且研究數量與政策的推動有相關性。二、研究集中在北部與南部,而中部與東部較少,且研究數量較多的學校中,生命教育的相關研究大部分是由特定幾位教授所指導的。三、研究主題中教學類的研究居多,而學生的生命態度認知調查研究佔第二多數,教學類與認知類的主題幾乎每年都有穩定占比,而教材類的研究近2年所占比例大幅提升。四、生命教育融入人文與社會領域的研究佔最多數,而融入數理領域的研究偏低。生命教育融入課程之研究佔最大百分比乃是藝術與人文領域課程,這是因為該領域通常不需紙筆測驗,也不納入升學考試之範圍。五、實驗研究法基本上屬於單班前後測或兩班的t考驗(t-test),而問卷調查法之篇數為最高,這或許是因為在職教師的研究生可以就近在所服務的學校全面實施所致。六、生命教育之認知與生命態度之改變,通常無法在短期之內達到顯著差異,因此建議生命教育之研究期程定在8週以上,較能看出實施成效。 ; The study aims to investigate theses of life education of junior high schools by using content analysis so as to know its current state and trend. The study covers those theses from 2000 to 2017 with a total of 120 master's theses focusing on junior high school students. The themes of the analysis cover basic data, research subjects, methodology, and outcomes from the selected theses. The research findings are as follows: 1. Amount: After 2008, there were at least 5 theses a year. It is conservatively estimated such an increasing trend will continue with the support of governmental policies. 2. Distribution: The majority of theses were conducted in some of northern and southern universities in Taiwan, especially directed by some specific professors. 3. Theme: Teaching-related theses were rank the top one, while those investigation-related theses on perception of life education the second. These two categories have steady percentage each year, while content-related theses are increasing dramatically in last two years. 4. Discipline: The theses integrated with humanity and social science areas have the highest percentage, while those with science and math areas have lower percentage. The reason why art and humanity theses outnumbered was because of paper-and-pencil assessment free and was excluded from entrance exam. 5. Methodology: The majority of experimental studies applied t-test in their either dependent-sample or independent-sample studies. Investigation-typed theses outnumbered others possibly due to high feasibility. 6. Duration of study: The perception of life education and the change of life attitude could not reach statistically significant difference within a short period of time. It is highly suggested that the duration of study can be extended to at least 8 weeks so as to have a better expectation.

到2013年,香港教育專業人員協會(教協會)創會已過了四十年,成為香港最大的教師工會,在香港教育界扮演著重要的角色。本研究將重點放在回歸十年(1997-2007年)這段期間。在這期間香港教育經歷很大的變化,有人稱之為翻天覆地的改變。隨著教育統籌局局長李國章及常任秘書長羅范椒芬在2007年離任,教育改革似乎又走向另一個階段。本研究以教師語文基準為研究焦點。雖然教師語文政策自1982年《國際顧問團報告書》提出後,1992年的教育統籌委員會的五號報告書建議成立「語文能力工作小組」,而小組於1994年提出的《語文能力工作小組報告書》中已提及教師的語文基準,但至教改開始時仍在討論醞釀階段,語文教師基準檢測是回歸以來特區政府的首項重要教育政策,也是教師工會自1973年文憑教師爭薪酬事件以後的另一次大規模抗爭行動。 ; 本研究嘗試用定質方法分析這種現象﹐旨在了解教協會作為一個教師工會,如何參與教育改革。本研究視教育改革為一個福柯式的規訓制度,焦點在於教協在建立這規訓制度過程中的參與,以教師語文基準為例,通過深度訪談(in-depth interview)和文獻查檢,分析官員、學者、教師、學生、家長等的言論、政府的政策文件以及對教協會的評論及回應等。傳媒的報道、外界的批評,未必與事實相符,因此,本研究的其中一個步驟是查閱教協會的內部文件,並訪問主要處理該政策的教協會理事,理解教協會提出政策建議背後的理念,以及它對官員的回應以及對政策的影響,最後透過本人當年作為教協會義工和後期作為理事的親身經歷加以印證,分析教協會在教師語文政策論述中的角色,理解國家與工會的互動如何建構規訓式的教育改革的政策。 ; By 2013, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union (PTU), the biggest teachers' union in Hong Kong, has been founded for over four decades and plays an important role in the education sector. This research focuses on the ten years after the handover of Hong Kong (1997-2007), which is a period of great change (some call it radical change) in the history of education in Hong Kong. After the Secretary of Education and Manpower Arthur Li Kwok-cheung and the Permanent Secretary Fanny Law Fan Chiu-fun stepped down in 2007, the Education Reform seems to have entered another stage. Within the decade of Education Reform, all changes are of great research significance. This thesis attempts to explore the Teachers' Language Benchmarks Policy, amidst other reform policies. Although the teachers' language policy was put on the agenda as early as the Llewellyn Report in 1982, and, although teachers' language benchmark was mentioned in the " Report of the Working Group on Language Proficiency " in 1994, formed after the Education Commission Report No.5's recommendation in 1992, it was still in an embryonic stage when the Education Reforms started. This policy was the first important educational policy launched by the SAR Government since the handover, and it also instigated one of the teachers' union major mass protest actions, after the ...

譚秀影. ; "2008年8月". ; "2008 nian 8 yue". ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 163-170). ; Abstracts in Chinese and English. ; Tan Xiuying. ; Chapter 第一章: --- 緒論 ; Chapter 第一節: --- 導言 --- p.3 ; Chapter 第二節: --- 前人硏究回顧 --- p.10 ; Chapter 第三節: --- 史料簡介 --- p.16 ; Chapter 第二章: --- 唐、遼、北宋科舉與官學 ; Chapter 第一節: --- 唐代科舉與官學 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 唐代科舉 --- p.19 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 唐代官學 --- p.21 ; Chapter 三 ´Ø --- 唐代科舉與官學關係 --- p.22 ; Chapter 第二節: --- 遼代科舉與官學 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 遼代科舉 --- p.24 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 遼代官學 --- p.25 ; Chapter 三 ´Ø --- 遼代科舉與官學關係 --- p.26 ; Chapter 第三節: --- 北宋科舉與官學 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 神宗熙寧變法前的科舉與官學 --- p.27 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 神宗熙寧變法實行後的科舉與官學關係一一以三舍法爲切入點頁 --- p.29 ; 小結 --- p.34 ; Chapter 第三章: --- 金代科舉與官學簡介 ; Chapter 第一節: --- 金代漢人科舉 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 金代科舉的演變一一南北分選至倂南北選爲一的過程 --- p.36 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 考試程序、科目及時間 --- p.42 ; Chapter 第二節: --- 金代漢人官學 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 官學槪況 --- p.44 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 金代學校經費來源 --- p.45 ; Chapter 三 ´Ø --- 官學的整體一一廟與學 --- p.46 ; Chapter 第三節: --- 女真進士與女真官學 ; 小結 ; Chapter 第四章: --- 朝廷政策中科舉與官學關係 ; Chapter 第一節: --- 選士方式:科舉考試與學校考選的取向 --- p.53 ; Chapter 第二節: --- 興辦官學與進士教育 ; Chapter 一 ´Ø --- 官學錄取學生的條件與舉人釋義 --- p.63 ; Chapter 二 ´Ø --- 官學講授的內容與應考進士科的關係 --- p.69 ; 小結 --- p.70 ; Chapter 第五章: --- 晉地進士與官學關係 ; Chapter 第一節: --- 進士分佈與官學關係(一):晉地綜論 --- p.73 ; Chapter 第二節: --- 進士分佈與官學關係(二):府州情況 --- p.77 ; Chapter 第三節: --- 進士分佈與官學關係(三):府州治所及其轄縣情況 --- p.80 ; Chapter 第四節: --- 朝廷政策對地方進士及官學關係的影響 --- p.86 ; 小結 --- p.91 ; Chapter 第六章: --- 結論 ; Chapter 第一節: --- 金代科舉與官學關係 --- p.93 ; Chapter 第二節: --- 唐至金科舉與官學的演變 --- p.95 ; Chapter 附錄一´Ø --- 晉地整體進士表 ; Chapter 一(1) ´Ø --- 西京路進士與官學表 --- p.99 ; 西京路進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.113 ; Chapter 一(2)´Ø --- 河東北路進士與官學表 --- p.114 ; 河東北路進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.129 ; Chapter 一(3) ´Ø --- 河東南路進士與官學表 --- p.130 ; 河東南路進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.149 ; Chapter 附錄二´Ø --- 府州學與府州進士分佈表 --- p.151 ; 府州進士人數分佈歸納圖 --- p.153 ; Chapter 附錄三´Ø --- 應州、太原、澤州地方官學與進士分佈表 --- p.154 ; 應州、太原、澤州地方官學與進士分佈歸納圖 --- p.156 ; Chapter 附錄四´Ø --- 應州、太原府、澤州轄縣進士分佈及縣學表 --- p.157 ...

作為一種新型扶貧手段,小額信貸產業在過去三十年中於發展中國家迅速興起。從業者常常聲稱小額信貸機構能夠為貧窮農民提供金融機會,而這些弱勢群體過去往往被排除在傳統金融機構之外;與此同時,不同於以往的扶貧手段,小額信貸機構被認為能夠在財務上達到平衡乃至盈利。這種雙重目標的前景吸引了許多發展中國家的興趣,因此,小額信貸產業作為解決貧困問題的一種嘗試而在國際舞台上獲得了迅猛的發展。 ; 由於中國獨特的社會和政治環境,小額信貸機構的發展有其特殊的軌跡。本研究以深入訪談和參與式觀察為主要研究方法,通過為期三個月的田野調查,對中國西部與北部的兩個非政府小額信貸組織進行了深入考察。研究發現,小額信貸組織正面臨無法同時達成雙重目標的困境;基於觀察與資料分析,本文提出,中國農村社區信任結構的轉型是小額信貸組織面臨多重問題的主要原因。隨著市場經濟的發展與城市化的加速,在日漸瓦解的熟人社會中,小額信貸機構的社會目標被其財務目標所壓制,導致原有的扶貧、婦女賦權等目標難以達成,更形成了目標替代的組織現象。 ; 為深入探討小額信貸產業中目標替代的現象,本文從組織目標的合法性與可測量性兩個角度提出假設,指出當邊緣目標具有強烈的合法性和直觀的可測量性,便可能取代相對難以觀測的核心目標。最後,本文指出,為保證小額信貸組織不偏離原有的社會目標,需要設計一種新型的、獨立的測量工具,用以跟踪記錄小額信貸組織的社會影響,並將其作為判斷組織表現的核心因素。 ; Known as an innovative tool for poverty alleviation, microfinance has been widely spread in developing countries in the past few decades. It is commonly claimed that microfinance institutions (MFIs) can provide financial opportunities to those who are unable to obtain loans from the formal system, while at the same time maintain their institutional sustainability. This promise has attracted the interest of developing countries with large population in poverty, leading to a remarkable emergence of microfinance industry on the global stage. ; Because of the special social and political environment, the development of MFIs in China has its unique trajectory. Based on interviews and participant observation, this three-month research focuses on two non-governmental MFIs in Western China and Northern China, revealing a plight of infeasible dual objectives and proposing an explanation from the angle of transformed trust structure. In a collapsing acquaintance community, the social objectives are suppressed by the demands of self-sustainability, thus violating the original intention of poverty alleviation and women empowerment, and leading to a phenomenon of goal displacement. ; To further discuss the logic behind the goal displacement phenomenon in microfinance industry, two propositions are suggested from the angles of legitimacy and measurability of organizational goals. The findings indicate that to ensure the ...

The emergence of "China Problem" and "Western Problem" accompanied by the global expansion of western capitalism, and the eastward expedition of Christianity, as well as the military aggression of western powers and the oriental movement of western culture. Before the 17th century, the manner of questioning among westerns is generally based on the standing of putting China in a high esteem. The tune of "Western-centric theory" started to burgeon. During the 19th and 20th century, the "questioning" basically followed by a condescending manner and the "Western-centric theory" was initially recognized. After the first and the second World War, the westerners' questioning partly turned to embody a stance of equal dialog. From the end of the 20th century and the early 21st century, the "Western Problem" and "Chinese Problem" started tp entangle with the "Global Problem". To trace the history, the conflict between western and Chinese cultures still exists. Yet the tendency of culture merger is irreversible. The purpose of the merger is to retrospect, criticize and intergrate our own culture and the foreign culture. Key Words: "China Problem", "Western Problem", "Global Problem", merger of culture Résumé L'apparition du ''problème de Chine'' et ''problème de l'Occident'' s'accompagne de l'expansion du capitalisme occidental dans le monde entier, le colonialisme, l'expédition à l'est du christianisme, l'envahissement militaire des puissances occidentales et le déplacement de la culture occidentale vers l'Orient. Avant le XVIIe siècle, les Occidentauxs ragardaient les choses avec l'admiration pour la Chine et le point de vue considérant l'Occident comme le centre du monde n'a pas encore formé ; au XVIIIe siècle, ils se rangeaient dans deux camps, le point de vue de l'Occident central commençait à surgir ; du XIXe au début du XXe siècle, la plupart d'entre eux suivaient un mode de pensée dominant, le mode cognitif regaredant l'Occident comme le centre a ainsi pris forme ; après la Première et la Seconde Guerre mondiale, ils se retournaient partiellement dans une position de dialogue sur un pied d'égalité. Depuis la fin du XIXe siècle et le début du XXe siècle, ''le problème de l'Occident'', ''le problème de Chine'' et ''le problème du monde'' commençaient à s'enchevêtrer. Passant en revue l'histoire, on constate que les conflits entre la civilisation occidentale et la civilisation chinoise existent toujours, mais leur intégrationt a déja devenu une tendance irrésistible. Ce qui compte, c'est de faire un examan rétrospectif et procéder à l'autocritique sur notre propre civillisation d'une part , et d'autre part apprendre à s'inspirer de la civilisation occidentale et l'intégrer dans la nôtre. Mots-clés: le problème de Chine, le problème de l'Occident, le problème du monde, l'intégration culturelle 摘 要 "中國問題"與"西方問題"的出現,是伴隨著西方資本主義的全球化擴張、殖民主義化、基督教的東征史以及西方列強的軍事入侵與西方文化東移後形成的。在 17世紀之前西方人的設問方式大致是站在仰視中國的立場上進行的,尚未形成"西方中心論"的格調; 18世紀的設問,逐漸形成了兩派相左的觀點,"西方中心論"開始出現苗頭; 19至 20世紀初則大多沿著居高臨下的思維模式,也即形成了"西方中心論"的認知模式;第一、第二次世界大戰以後,西方人的設問又轉而部分顯現出平等對話的立場。20世紀末 21世紀初以來,"西方問題"、"中國問題"開始與"全球問題"相互糾纏。縱觀歷史,西方與中國文明之間的衝突依然存在,但是文明之間的融合趨勢業已勢不可擋,其要旨在於對自身文明及其他文明的反思、檢討、借鑒與整合。關鍵詞:"中國問題";"西方問題";"全球問題";文化融合

本研究从超常规色彩强烈的重大灾害危机处置入手,分析当代中国动员体制在改革时代的变化特征,以此为切入点来考察动员这项"革命制度遗产对当代中国政治的影响。本研究以中国政府在地震领域的危机动员实践作为实证案例,从1949年以后的不同时期选取四场震例进行纵向比较,以此来把握中国政府在危机条件下启动的政治动员在不同的政治发展阶段会呈现出什么样的整体特点。中国在地震领域的危机动员实践能够证明,中国的政治动员体制比传统动员政治研究假定的要更具动态性。兴起于革命时代的政治动员在进入改革时代以后依然能够延续,并没有随着乌托邦意识形态、计划经济乃至全能主义体制的整体瓦解而走向直线衰落。至少作为中国政府独特的公共危机处置手段,政治动员在改革时代呈现出的变化轨迹是复杂的,成形于全能主义时期的动员政治元素在改革时代不仅没有直接衰败,在某些阶段还重新获得了发展动力,能够与改革时代出现和或者强化的动员模式并存。本研究通过观察中国政府跨越不同政治经济发展阶段的地震危机动员实践发现,中国政府涉灾财政能力和行政能力的发展均衡程度,以及中国政治精英对国家在灾害治理领域角色定位的认知变化,能够对中国政府的地震危机动员模式产生重要影响;既包括s新模式兴起和旧模式衰落,也包括新旧模式的共存。而且,尽管国家能力和国家意愿之间没有必然关联,可是一旦两个因素出现比较同步的增强,还能够为这种"革命制度遗产在改革提供新的制度化动力,促成动员模式更进一步的变化。本研究的结论是,只要作为关键动员主体的中共政权在规范和结构上保持相对稳定,政治动员仍将会是中国政府重要的危机管理工具。而且随着中国政府有更强的意愿和能力来承担公共服务供给职责,政治动员形式和内涵都会有所改变。曾经具有很强非正式和应急色彩的政治动员不仅会变得越来越常态化,而且还会成为正规、任务内容更加广泛的中国涉灾公共治理体系的重要组成部分。 ; This research investigates the dynamics and resilience of China's politlical moblization by making hsitrocial comparison of Chinese government's management of earthquake disasters across four decades. The author selects four major earthquake catastrophesTangshan, Lancang-Gengma, Lijiang, and Wenchuanfrom different historical periods to examine how Chinese government mobilized different types of subjects to contain and control crises under different political, social, and economic conditions. Based upon participatory and non-participatory observation, interviews, and extensive document analyses, this research reveals that China's political mobilization, at least in the issue area of catastrophe management, has demonstrated a more complicated trajectory of change than predicted by most mainstream politilcal theories, espeically in the post-revolutionary era featured by increasing socio-economic pluralization and political liberalization. Insitutional elements promoting mass particpation and self-sufficience thriving in the revolutionary stage not only continue to function in the reform era, but also coexist with newly emerged mobilizational elements featured by increased state dominance, formal legal procedures, and professional expertise. ...

有關臺灣邊地的拓墾研究,往往傾向研究土地拓墾的過程與組織。其基本論述架構是漢墾戶向官方申請墾照後,官府將界外未墾的荒埔提供給漢人開墾,漢人如何自力或與官方合作經營的結果。這類的研究論述忽略了原來早已存在的非法拓墾行動一直沒有消失。拓墾的申請與其說是新的程序,不如說是一種合法化的過程。也正是這樣一種認知脈絡下,內山設隘開墾的組織就不是表面上所認識的是一批為官方守邊,或是因生番擾害而防番的一支武力組織。十九世紀初隘的設防已逐漸成為一種界外開墾的管道,清代官方檔案也提醒我們注意這些界外開墾的墾戶不僅沒有防番,可能還一直與生番有貿易來往關係。換言之,這些以防番為名的墾戶其實是假借防番為名,掩護越界開墾之實,其向官府強調「生番擾害」的原因只是為自己取得更大界外土地開墾的正當性。 ; 道光年間以前這類非法開墾早已經存在,官方也早已發現界外越墾的問題,因此如何控制界外開墾乃成為官方邊地控制的一大課題。為了處理這些問題,官府不斷調整其政策與設定邊界,從乾隆到道光年以後,這些邊界的浮動,與其說是官方主動規畫計議的結果,不如說是漢人與熟番通過各種途徑越界開墾,建構地權主張、操弄挪移既有的邊界後,官府最終追認的結果。臺灣邊界的變動以及隘墾區的拓墾顯示清代官方政策的實踐是不斷在向地方社會的現實妥協中逐漸調整的,而地方社會也在官方政策的模糊空間中,藉由官方的名義與權威,尋求自己利益的伸張與庇護。這便是臺灣邊地所顯現的一幅國家與地方互動的景象。臺灣作為清王朝帝國的邊疆,其邊地社會的建構,除了幫助我們把握臺灣整體歷史進程的理解外,也提供我們從一側面掌握清帝國擴張的內在軌跡與多元族群統治下的彈性策略。 ; Existing studies on land cultivation in Taiwan's frontier have the focus on its process and organizations. The most popular narrative is that the Han Chinese cultivators were granted the right to the waste land from the government. What is missed out in the narrative is the fact that illegal cultivation that had lasted for so long had never disappeared; therefore the application for license was little more than a move of self-legitimating. In light of this, the organizations which set up forts and managed land cultivation should not be taken on surface value that their purpose was to safeguard the border for the government or defend against the harassment of the aborigines. The forts became a system of land cultivation beyond the border, and the official documents evidenced the fact that cultivators did not defend against the aborigines, rather, they kept doing businesses with them. In other words, the cultivators in the name of self-defending were actually to cover their illegal activities and to grabbing more land, and for that purpose they emphasized the "harassment of the raw aborigines". ; Illegal activities had already existed before mid-Qing. The government was aware of this border control issues and had adjusted its cultivation and border policies. The line was not planned by the government; it was just government ...

拜登政府(Biden Administration)上台後,強調重回區域經濟整合發展的軌道,加強地緣經濟合作的方式,來與中國經濟進行區域競爭,以及降低地緣政治的不確定,緩解緊繃的美中關係。對於拜登政府發展策略採取重回多邊主義機制的區域經濟合作,勢必會影響到印太戰略和東亞區域經濟的發展。對此,台灣對於拜登政府上台後,如何面對產業斷鏈問題,以及降低對大陸生產基地與出口市場的依賴外,宜積極和主動地啟動新南向2.0計畫,並以台商企業為厚實後盾,善用台灣高科技產業人才、技術與資源優勢,讓台灣成為「印太戰略」可靠與重要的夥伴,實乃為重要的因應策略。面對新南向2.0版和區域經濟整合的發展下,本文提出台灣一些重要的具體作法和策略建議:一、台灣應該先從產業對接角度思考,配合各國關鍵性產業發展。二、政府應該將海外投資視為國力的延伸介入輔導。三、產業以區域化、全球化的角度來檢視供應鏈。四、透過「台美基礎建設融資及市場建立合作架構」平台建構印太戰略安全與經濟合作一環。五、利用美國、印度對中國的經貿對抗敵意情況下,積極成為可信賴的夥伴。六、台灣政府扮演企業的後盾,和企業一起組成更高效率的生產團隊。七、與國外分享抗疫經驗。八、固守全球科技供應鏈的地位。九、台灣利用一帶一路倡議與印太戰略在區域經濟上的競爭,提供更多新南向政策的投資與援助資源,將東南亞和南亞整合成「世界工廠」基地。 ; The Biden administration's priority is to return to the development path of regional economic integration so as to strengthen geo-economic cooperation and regional competition with the Chinese economy. Doing in this way, the Biden administration on the one hand will reduce geopolitical uncertainty and ease the strained US-China trade relations. On the other hand, reverting to multilateral mechanisms of regional economic cooperation will affect directly on the Indo-Pacific strategy and the development of the Asian regional economy. In this regard, it is necessary for Taiwan to assess and prepare for the new situation on dealing with the problem of manufacturing supply disconnection and the reduction of trade reliance on the Mainland China, under actively and proactively initiating the New Southbound Policy 2.0. It is based on the support of Taiwan's businesses, the high-tech talents as well as high-level productive technology capacity under the New Southward Policy 2.0 that is compatible with the development of Indo-Pacific strategy alliance. As discussed and proposed, some available opportunities and strategy advices for Taiwan's regional development can be raised as following: (1) Taiwan should first think of industrial linkages to complement the development of key industries in various countries. (2) The government should regard overseas investment as an extension of national power and provide guidance and financial support. (3) The industry development should be examined the supply chain from the perspective of regionalization and globalization. (4) Thru "Taiwan-US Infrastructure Finance and Market Building Cooperation Framework" would help construct an India-Pacific strategic security and economic cooperation for Taiwan. (5) To take advantage of the economic and trade confrontation between the US and India with China, Taiwan would become a reliable partner for Indo-Pacific strategy alliance. (6) The Taiwan's government will act as a back-up role to enterprises and work with them to form more efficient production teams. (7) Sharing experience with foreign countries would contribute methods to control the epidemic expansion. (8) Taiwan should maintain her superior position and status in the global technology and supply chain. (9) Taiwan should make use of competition between the Belt-and-Road Initiative and the Indo-Pacific Strategy in the regional economy that will be conducive to the implementation of New Southward Policy 2.0 on providing more resources for investment and assistance. It will be good for the New Southbound Policy 2.0 to integrate Southeast Asia and South Asia into a base for "world factory."

2017年11月3日至11月14日,美國總統川普(Donald J. Trump)展開為期12天的首次亞洲訪問行程,除依序訪問日本、韓國、中國大陸、越南與菲律賓五國,與各國領袖進行會談外,同時也出席在越南峴港(Da Nang)舉行的2017年亞太經濟合作(Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, APEC)經濟領袖會議、APEC企業領袖高峰會(APEC CEO Summit)以及在菲律賓舉行的東協高峰會(ASEAN Summit)與東亞峰會(East Asia Summit, EAS)等相關會議。鑒於川普總統該次出訪係其上任後首次針對亞洲的訪問,且在APEC 經濟領袖會議與東協高峰會期間亦與各國領袖政要就各項安全與經貿議題進行討論及互動,其會談議題與後續發展不僅受到亞洲國家的重視,更係國際間關注的焦點。本文在歸納研析美國川普總統「亞洲行」前之亞太情勢;美國川普總統與日、韓、中、越、菲各國領袖會談重點與後續各國雙邊關係發展及其意涵等議題後,主要發現有三:在第一、強調「美國優先」與以自利為主軸的政策係美國川普政府對外政策的主要特徵之一;惟為反制中國大陸近期的戰略擴張,川普政府已拋出「推動自由印太區域」的倡議加以因應;第二、美國川普政府在經貿上主要強調縮減對外貿易逆差、推動「公帄貿易」與重新修訂對外雙邊及區域貿易協定,使其朝「公平」、「互惠」的方向發展與;第三、「加強國際解決北韓去核化」、「推動自由印太區域」與「提升美國繁榮」係美國川普總統「亞洲行」強調的三大主軸議題,其未來發展影響亞太區域安全與經貿甚深,後續進展值得持續加以關注。 ; US President Donald J. Trump launched his first 12-day trip to Asia from November 3^(rd) to November 14^(th) in 2017. In addition to visit and hold bilateral meetings with leaders in Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam and the Philippines, President Trump also attended the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Economic Leaders Summit, APEC CEO Summit, the ASEAN Summit, the East Asia Summit (EAS) and related meetings in the Philippines during his Asia's trip in 2017. President Trump's trip to Asia in 2017 was his first visit to Asia since he took office, and he also discussed and interacted with leaders from Asia-Pacific countries on various security and economic issues. Those issues which were discussed during his trip to Asia and their follow-up development not only attracted close attention from Asian countries, but also became the international focus of discussion. This article summarizes and analyzes the political and economic situation in the Asia-Pacific before President Trump's trip to Asia, the key points of bilateral meetings between President Trump and leaders of Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam and the Philippines, the development of follow-up bilateral relations and their implication, there are three main findings as follows: Firstly, "America First" and self-interest oriented policy are two main features of the Trump Administration's foreign policy. Nevertheless, Trump Administration still launched the "free and open Indo-Pacific initiative" for countering the recent strategic expansion of China; secondly, on the trade issues, the Trump Administration mainly emphasizes to reduce US foreign trade deficit, amend bilateral and regional trade agreements which US signed with major trading partners and made US foreign trade with trading partners to the direction of being "fair" and "reciprocal"; thirdly, "to strengthen international resolve in order to address the issues of the North Korea's denuclearization," "to promote a free and open Indo-Pacific region" and "to advance American's Prosperity" are three major issues highlighted by President Trump during his trip to Asia in 2017. The development of these three major issues will affect the regional security and trade deeply in the Asia-Pacific region in the future. Hence, their follow-up progress will be worthy of our further and constant observations.

中國作為國際證監會組織的成員國,有責任落實國際証監會組織發佈的《金融市場基礎設施原則》。儘管國際貨幣基金組織發表的評分報告肯定中國落實了國際証監會組織提倡的金融規管原則,但事實上該等原則於納入法規後未獲執行。以上的分歧現象引起了對「中國金融規管制度會趨向國際原則」說法的質疑。 ; 本研究的討論重點在於中國金融法規會否跟國際原則趨向相同。本研究以系統化綜述分析國際貨幣基金組織對各國落實《金融市場基礎設施原則》情況的評分報告,並以內容分析法分析傳媒在中國二零一五年「股災」發生前後發表關於金融市場的報導。目的在於顯示中國政府以及金融監管機構在「股災」發生前後,在監管事宜上取態有明顯分別。 ; 本研究根據目的決定論提出中國金融監管趨向於與國際原則分歧。目的決定論、趨同理論以及有限度趨同理論的分別含意及對分歧現象的解釋在本研究中獲審視。根據目的決定論,由於中國金融市場有獨特社會目標,加上中國金融市場需要兼顧中國獨特社會背景,因此中國金融監管制度應該趨向獨特。換而言之,中國金融監管制度不應引入國際原則。目的決定論的論據在於中國政府領導層與金融業監管員在共產黨內有從屬關係。該從屬關係導致監管機構的監管行為被政府俘虜。 ; 根據規制俘虜理論,金融監管機構本來的職能被政府的提出議程取締。根據經濟目標合法性,中國政府的合法性源於其維持經濟發展的能力。因此,中國政府在金融市場的利益在於鞏固其執政合法性,而中國政府要達到以上目的,則需要令金融監管機構配合其經濟政策,修改監管方法及監管重點。最終,監管機構成為推動救市,並且宣揚政府權威形象的主力。 ; 綜觀以上提到中國的獨特金融監管制度,本研究旨在指出制度安排如何影響監管機構對金融業的監管。該等影響關連到中國金融監管制度是否趨向與國際間通用的監管原則同化。 ; Evaluations by International Monetary Fund (IMF) have shown increased implementation of International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO) regulatory principles in China. However, findings show that international regulatory principles have not been practiced in China. Enforcement efforts of the principles remained low in China, and this casts doubts on the claim that Chinese financial regulation would develop towards the convergence of international regulatory principles due to the globalization of regulations. ; This research discusses on whether Chinese financial regulation has adopted international regulatory practices. Systematic review of IMF reports on implementation of IOSCO principles in different countries and content analysis of media reports issued around the happening of the 2015 stock market selloff crisis in China are employed to discover and examine findings. The selloff crisis is selected as a case for studying Chinese financial regulation because government interference in financial market made China's development away from international regulatory principles apparent, and arguments of this research are built on changes in financial regulatory patterns in China. ; This research supports the view of teleological determinism applied by Wilbert ...

全球新冠肺炎疫情(下文稱Covid-19)自2020年初爆發以來,染疫及死亡人數快速增加,亞洲、歐洲、美洲、非洲國家無一能倖免,疫情已嚴重衝擊全球安全、經濟及社會的穩定,世界衛生組織宣Covid-19告為全球公衛緊急危機。諸國因應疫情不及,國內醫療資源窘迫、經濟受創嚴重,迄2021年月1月中,全球確診人數已近900萬,死亡人數近200萬。受疫情波及高達223國家及地區,各國急增染疫人數,第一波疫情未歇,第二波、第三波疫情已至,全球每日新增染疫總數持續破新高,讓疫情國家疲於因應,美國、日本、英國等醫療先進國家宣告醫療體系危急。反觀醫療長期匱乏的脆弱國家(fragile states),不僅檢疫、醫護照護資源不足,因長年貧窮、動亂、衝突不斷的國內情勢,用水、環境衛生惡劣,而境內外大規模流動的難民及武裝份子,將成為疫病傳播的溫床。中長期而言,脆弱國家將是此次疫情最終的受害者。脆弱國家特徵為政府職能的弱化或崩解,其中呈現於醫療公衛體系匱乏或崩壞,平日已無法提供基本醫療照護,遑論疫情防治。高傳染率及致死率預警脆弱國家的危急情勢,將對全球衝突及安全治理造成沉重負擔。脆弱國家人數總計佔全球人口約17%,即6人之中就有一人身處惡劣生存環境,同時亦受疫病的危害,成為全球防治疾病的漏洞。本文首將深入探討「脆弱國家」及「脆弱性」的定義及形成脈絡,及如何用於分析疫情對脆弱國家形成的多重安全危機,及對國際安全的衝擊面向。 ; Since the novel coronavirus (Covid-19) first emerged in Wuhan, China, late in 2019, its multiplier of high transmissibility and fatality has brought the world to an overall standstill. As such a global pandemic is threatening to escalate into another wave of transmission, no country has been spared the impact of Covid-19. The pandemic has caused a huge shock to most affected countries in health, economy, politics, and social life, and indicated a slow recovery. However, the worse scenario may take place in fragile states for lack of good governance, public health policy and resources and national security and stability all of which have not come into existence for years. Covid-19 is not the new cause of fragile states' sufferings, just aggravating it. Before the new virus, some typical fragile states, such as Yemen, Sudan, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Myanmar, Afghanistan, other struggling countries were already beset by poverty, conflict, corruption, and poor governance. Now, these factors leave them especially ill-equipped to deal with the Covid-19 crisis. The damage to fragile states is likely to be even deeper, longer lasting, exacerbating political instability or increasing the likelihood of violence. What is clear is that the potential for the virus to wreak havoc in fragile and conflict-affected states is extremely high. It is not only a communicable disease agenda, bust also a national and global security crisis. To address the impact of Covid-19 on fragile states from a holistic and predictive perspective, an in-depth insight into the concept of "fragility" will be productive in exploring fragile states' weakness and failure in coping with the pandemic and offers an indicative framework for the analysis of the cause and consequence of state's failure or collapse due to health insecurity through the matrix of fragility of governance, security and development. This exploration will highlight the escalating crisis facing fragile states as the pandemic is eroding their shattering survival and stability, and the potential of risk and damage to international security.

Focusing on imaginaries of the ideal city is an important method to illustrate the power of ideas, imagination, representations and even visions, and how these dimensions influence the way in which cities are organized and lived. In this article, we argue that one current and important city imaginary in a Swedish context is the gender-equal city. In this imaginary, the gender-equal city becomes a symbol for the open, tolerant, bustling, safe city, a city aiming to attract the middle and creative classes. However, at the same time, the imaginary of the ideal, gender-equal city is highly ambiguous. This ambiguity will be discussed throughout the article. Based on present planning projects in the city of Umeå in Sweden, we will discuss how the imaginary of the gender-equal city is presented, filled with meaning and used in place marketing, with the overall ambition of discussing the possibilities and pitfalls of what we call the gender-equality planning strategy. The aim of the article is to study how the city of Umeå is acting to create a gender-equal city and what kind of imaginaries these practices build on. The material consists primarily of a case study focusing on projects that aim to create an equal city, and also includes analyses of policy documents and media reports. This study illustrates how imaginaries are produced through local projects and different imaginaries provide different spaces for politicizing gendered power relations. ; Imaginar la ciudad ideal, planear la ciudad géneroigualitaria en Umeå, Suecia RESUMEN Centrarse en los imaginarios de una ciudad ideal es un método importante para ilustrar el poder de las ideas, la imaginación, las representaciones e incluso las visiones, y cómo estas dimensiones influyen sobre la forma en que están organizadas y son vividas las ciudades. En este artículo, sostenemos que un imaginario actual e importante de la ciudad en un contexto sueco es la ciudad género-igualitaria. En este imaginario, la ciudad género-igualitaria se vuelve un símbolo para la ciudad abierta, tolerante, bulliciosa y segura, una ciudad que apunta a atraer a las clases medias y creativas. Sin embargo, al mismo tiempo, el imaginario de la ciudad ideal y género-igualitaria es altamente ambiguo. Esta ambigüedad será discutida a lo largo del artículo. Basado en los proyectos actuales de planificación en la ciudad de Umeå en Suecia, analizaremos cómo se presenta el imaginario de la ciudad géneroigualitaria, cómo se llena de significado y es utilizado para el márketing dellugar, con el propósito general de discutir las posibilidades y dificultades de lo que llamamos la estrategia de planificación de la igualdad de género. El objetivo del artículo es estudiar cómo la ciudad de Umeå analiza crear una ciudad género-igualitaria y sobre qué tipos de imaginarios se construyen estas prácticas. El material consiste principalmente de un estudio de caso centrado en proyectos que apuntan a crear una ciudad igualitaria, y también incluye un análisis de documentos públicos e informes de medios. Este estudio ilustra cómo los imaginarios son producidos a través de proyectos locales y diferentes imaginarios proveen distintos imaginarios para politizar las relaciones de poder generizadas. ; 在瑞典于默奥想像一座理想的城市,规划性别平等的城市 摘要 聚焦理想城市的想像,是描绘概念、想像、再现甚至是愿景的力量,以 及这些面向如何影响城市组织和生活的方式之重要方法。我们于本文中 主张,在瑞典的脉络中,当前一种重要的城市想像便是性别平等的城 市。在此般想像中,性别平等的城市成为开放、容忍、熙攘、安全城市 的象徵——一个旨在吸引中产与创意阶级的城市。但于此同时,理想且 性别平等的城市之想像是高度模稜两可的。此般模稜两可之处将于本文 通篇进行讨论。我们将根据瑞典于默奥城市当前的规划方案,探讨性别 平等城市的想像如何呈现、注入意义并应用于地方行销,并以探讨我们 所谓的性别平等规划策略的可能性与陷阱做为总体目标。本文的目标在 于研究于默尔城市如何行动,以创造性别平等的城市,以及这些实践是 建构在什麽样的想像之上。研究材料主要包含一个聚焦旨在创造平等城 市的计画之案例研究,并同时包含对于政策档案及媒体报导的分析。本 研究描绘想像如何透过地方计画进行生产,以及不同的想像如何提供不 同的空间,对性别化的权力关係进行政治化。 ; Rädsla och trygghet i ord och handling

本論文的撰寫基於一個前設:緯書之出現,本非為釋經而生;並以此為基礎,析論經、緯關係,及其衍生之政治相關議題。傳統見解中,認為緯書的出現乃經學之附生產品,緯書的內容,係為釋經、而附以其政治任務而生。本文並無意挑戰緯書乃政治鬥爭產物之觀點,只是要說緯書乃因釋經而生,則不符西漢的儒學發展演變。 ; 儒學世界中,真正為經學附庸者,乃章句而非緯學。任何事物的出現,必然有其偶然與必然性,撇除難以探討的偶然性問題,若說緯學乃出自釋經所需,則其將缺乏形成的必然性;因為自宣帝、元帝間始,儒學各經派對自身經書的章句之學已進入高速發展期,以萬字釋一言乃師法之內的家常之事,緯學若然是釋經之作,則其出現實屬多餘。 ; 本文認為,緯學係作為博士經學、古學以外出現的第三道政治學術主流。經學上的博士經學體系,雖然系出董仲舒,難免沾染災異之說,但五經之中,除了後成的《禮記》,大體上仍然保持其「純潔」,緯學的出現,乃為對政治混局預占之所需,配合董氏以來齊學的災異傳統而發展起來的獨立學派,此即張禹口中的「新學」。必須重新評估新學的獨立性,方能掌握白虎觀後,緯學、博士經學、古學三川並流的學術「定局」。 ; 所以,本文將主要分為兩大部分,第一部分包含第一及第二章,主要探討形成博士經學體系、古學體系與緯學體系的學術歷史環境;因為經學史的演進部分,研究已汗牛充棟,本文集中討論的是形成這個政治學術環境的背境因素。 ; 第二部分包含第三及第四章,主要探討緯學在兩漢之際的儒學體系中的角色。東漢中前期形成三學並立的局面,源起成帝對新學的提拔,此新學本文稱為成哀新學,其除對齊學傳統的災異之說有所繼承外,更係對西漢一代可資運用的「一切資源」加以包納,形成一個「百科全書」式的學派綱目。基於王莽與劉秀對新學的「神化」,令其成為「儒教」在兩漢之際實踐神道設教的核心,地位更凌駕於博士經系之上。本部分即對此現象之形成加以綜述。 ; 簡單而言,本文將視「博士經學」「古學經學」「緯學」為漢代儒學中的三個重要組成部分,而儒學思想,則作為三者溝通、乃至相互影響的橋樑;不過,此橋樑本身,亦係三者之體系形成過程中,方始形成的觀念;換言之,本文旨在透過理解此體系之形成,以釐清漢代儒學發展中的部分關鍵。 ; To exmaine the development of Ru learning in early Han Dynasty through the study of its formation process has so far received relatively less attention, as scholars mostly took it for granted that Ru classics were mostly formed during the Warring States. However, the Ru classics as we know today had simply not yet been compiled in early Han, but fragmented pieces of allegedly writings of ancient authors, with ample rooms for further and necessary intreptation. In other words, without the deconstruction, and reconstruction, of the Han Confucians, the concept of Classics (jing) would only remain empty. This thesis, thus, would focus on how and why Ru classics were constructed. ; The first chapter provides a brief history on the formation and changes of the Five Classics, together with an introduction of the background of the Han intellectual world at its very beginning; as well as an analysis of the ways that the Central government and different localities interacted in order to facilitate the initial stage of Han Ru development. ; The second chapter will study the formative years of Ru participation in ...

兒童貧窮問題引起香港社會及政策制定者的深切關注。香港特區政府及各非政府組織推出了不同的策略、計劃及方案以舒緩兒童貧窮問題。可是,大部份針對小學生的現行計劃及方案普遍著重提升兒童的學術成果多於其全面發展。本研究旨在探討由企業發起及持續舉辦的校本計劃及社區為本計劃在幫助香港貧窮兒童脫貧及全面發展的成效。 ; 本研究採用多重個案研究法,對兩個與企業合作推行持續性兒童扶貧計劃的個案,包括學校一(School-1)及非政府組織一(NGO-1)作深入了解。多種質性數據從這兩個個案的三項計劃中搜集,包括十二節參與式觀察及四十五個半結構性訪談(負責職員、組織者、主持人、義工、兒童參與者及他們的父母)。 ; 本研究有四項主要研發現: ; 一,連結社會資本及橋樑社會資本是兒童參與者在建立人力資本過程中的催化劑。二,在兒童參與者及義工建立信任關係的過程中連結社會資本及橋樑社會資本是互相依賴而成。三,兒童參與者能夠成為主動的行動者。他們除了能夠在影響他們生命的決定上作出選擇;並藉著把握學習及社交機會,抗拒因生活於不利環境中所產生的負面影響,更能夠改變環境,把希望灌注入父母的生命。四,三項計劃均提供為期九至十個月的服務,讓介入工作在這段較長時間中引發兒童參與者的改變,並把希望灌注入他們的生命。此外,也讓他們的父母、計劃組織者及負責職員觀察兒童參與者的成長及改變。 ; 綜合這些研究發現,人力資本的建立、建立連結社會資本及橋樑社會資本所帶來的支援關係、兒童的聲音能否獲得聆聽及作出決定時兒童的意見能否受到尊重,均對計劃能否有正面效果有直接關係。基於這些研究發現,建議扶貧計劃需在貧窮兒童的較早期的生命歷程中推行,並且介入的時期較長,讓兒童參與者的成長及改變能被引發並被觀察出來,把希望灌注入兒童及父母的生命,讓他們能發現彼此的優點、對生命存有盼望、為美好的將來釐訂實際計劃及具信心與社會人士保持接觸。這些均是他們在打破貧窮困局及戰勝社會排斥的過程中不可或缺的原素。 ; Children poverty problem has become a main concern of Hong Kong society and the policy makers. Different strategies, programmes and projects have been implemented by the HKSAR government and different NGOs to alleviate the child poverty problem. However, most existing programmes and projects for primary school children emphasize on educational outcomes rather than the holistic child development. ; This study aims to understand whether and how the enterprise-initiated and ongoing school-based and community-based programmes may help the poor children in Hong Kong in poverty alleviation and holistic development. ; One school (School-1) and one NGO (NGO-1), which implemented ongoing poverty alleviation programmes with enterprises, were selected for this multiple-case study. Based on the analysis of the multiple sources of data collected from the three main programmes, including 12 sessions of participant observation and 45 semi-structured interviews (with responsible staff, organizers, host, volunteers, participating children and their parents), four key findings were obtained to answer the research question. ; First, bonding and bridging social capital acted as a catalyst in the process of developing ...