Suchergebnisse

Die künstlerischen Arbeiten von Marta Minujín und Luis Felipe Noé nehmen eine zentrale Position in der argentinischen Kunst von den 1960er Jahren bis heute ein. Lena Geuer widmet sich mit der Frage nach der ¿Arte argentino? kritisch dem Verhältnis von Kunst und Nation und lotet aus einer postkolonialen und sinnlich-materiellen Perspektive das Spannungsfeld zwischen Ästhetik, Identität und Politik aus. Zugleich wird ¡Arte argentino! auch als Feststellung verhandelt, wodurch Genealogie und Kanon einer eurozentrischen Kunstgeschichtsschreibung ins Wanken und die bildende Kunst in Bewegung geraten.

Venezuela entwickelte sich von einer Peripherie innerhalb des spanischen Kolonialreichs zum unabhängigen "Wirtschaftswunderland" Lateinamerikas. Zugleich blieb die Geschichte des Landes von Widersprüchen geprägt, die die Grundlage für die heutige Situation bilden. (APuZ)

Introduction : Pour une histoire des socialismes en Afrique -- Françoise Blum, Héloïse Kiriakou, Martin Mourre, Maria-Benedita Basto, Pierre Guidi, Céline Pauthier, Ophélie Rillon, Alexis Roy, Elena Vezzadini. PREMIÈRE PARTIE : Doctrines et corpus. 1 -- À l'épreuve du pouvoir. Le Rwanda de Kayibanda : un avatar démocrate-chrétiendes socialismes africains -- Léon Saur ; Consciencisme et islam un essai de synthèse dans l'expérience socialiste ghanéenne -- Antoine de Boyer ; Angola : révolution marxiste sans marxistes ? Aux racines intellectuelles du « socialisme » angolais sous le parti-État MPLA, 1975-1991 -- Jean-Michel Mabeko-Tali ; Les mots du socialisme pour changer Madagascar : les impasses du ministre Resampa -- Françoise Raison-Jourde. 2 -- En marge du pouvoir : contestations. Socialism in Sawaba: The Journey of Doctrines and Ideas in a Social Movement in Niger -- KIaas van Walraven ; Le Social Democratic Front au Cameroun : entre socialisme d'opposition et socialisme démocratique -- Théophile Mirabeau Nchare Nom ; "Not Yet Revolution!": Socialism in Kenya from the 1960s to the 1990s -- Stefano Bellucci ; Marxism in Ethiopia: Initial Notes and Puzzles -- Samuel Andreas Admasie, Demessie Fantaye ; Sudan: No Working-Class Land -- Abdullahi A. lbrahim ; Struggling Against "The Exilic condition of the Postcolonial world": The Socialist League of Malawi -- Sebastian Pampuch ; Participer, fusionner, s'opposer ? Les communistes algériens et le socialisme d'État dans l'Algérie des années 1960 (1962-1971 -- Malika Rahal et Pierre-Jean Le Foll-Luciani. DEUXIÈME PARTIE : Socialismes en actes. 1 -- Socialismes des villes, socialismes des champs. Une paysannerie prédisposée au socialisme ? Le « socialisme des ancêtres » à l'épreuve de la politique agricole de Modibo Keïta au Mali -- Alexis Roy ; Développement socialiste et mise au travail rural : les politiques d'investissement humain dans le Sénégal de Senghor et Dia -- Romain Tiquet ; Re-education Camps and the Messianic Ethos of Mozambique's Socialism -- Benedito Machava ; Bacongo : une histoire du socialisme (1963-1968) | Héloïse Kiriakou 357 ; Sur les traces matérielles du socialisme en Tanzanie : vestiges et mémoires dans un ancien village Ujamaa -- Marie-Aude Fouéré ; Du 'shengo' au 'ferd shengo' : Mobilisation d'un petit tribunal du peuple et devenir du socialisme en Éthiopie -- Sabine Planel ; Capturing 'Poder Popular': Governance and Control in early Socialist Luanda, 1975-c.1979 -- Claudia Gastrow. 2- Pratiques esthétiques et propagande. Implanter le socialisme par le cinéma ? La diffusion des films soviétiques en Afrique au début des années 1960 -- Gabrielle Chomentowski ; « Vous n'avez jamais entendu parler d'internationalisme ? » Les amitiés socialistes du cinéma mozambicain -- Ros Gray ; The Bissau-Guinean Cinema: A Nation -- Catarina Laranjeiro ; Imposing Culture in Post-Liberation Mozambique -Arianna Huhn ; Un bréviaire du socialisme en chansons (Zimbabwe 1964-1979) -- Elara Bertho. TROISIÈME PARTIE : Socialismes transnationaux : coopération et circulation. "Moderates," "Radicals," and Foreclosing the Transnational Left in Tunisia, 1911-1925 -- Chris Rominger ; On SWAPO's Socialism: Socialist ldeology and Practice during the Namibian Struggle for Independence, 1960 to 1989 -- Jakob Zollmann ; Socialisms Between Cooperation and Competition: Ideology Aid and Cold War Politics in Tanzania's relations with East Germany -- Eric Burton ; The Limits of Solidarity: A History of Israeli Cooperative Assistance in Zambia -- Lynn Schler. Transnational Socialisms: Cooperation and Circulations-The Peace Corps and Anti-Imperialism in the Ethiopian Student Movement (1962-1969) -- Beatrice Tychsen Wayne. Conclusion -- Frederick Cooper.

Educational policies in the face of globalization : whither the nation-state? / Martin Carnoy -- World society and the globalization of educational policy / Francisco O. Ramirez, John W. Meyer, and Julia Lerch -- The global diffusion of education privatization : unpacking and theorizing policy adoption / Antoni Verger -- Economic growth in developing countries : the role of human capital / Eric Hanushek -- Education, poverty and the 'missing link' : the limits of human capital theory as a paradigm for poverty reduction / Xavier Bonal -- Gender and education in the global polity / Elaine Unterhalter -- The global educational reform movement and its impact on schooling / Pasi Sahlberg -- Global convergence or path dependency? : skill formation regimes in the globalized economy / Marius R. Busemeyer and Janis Vossiek -- Education and social cohesion : a panglossian global discourse / Andy Green and Jan Germen Janmaat -- Policies for education in conflict and post-conflict reconstruction / Sarah Dryden-Peterson -- Human rights and education policy in South Asia / Monisha Bajaj and Huma Kidwai -- Early childhood education and care in global discourses / Rianne Mahon -- Education for all 2000-2015 : the influence of global interventions and aid on EFA achievements / Aaron Benavot, Manos Antoninis, Nicole Bella, Marco Delprato, Joanna Harma, Catherine Jere, Priyadarshani Joshi, Nihan KoseleCi Blanchy, Helen Longlands, Alasdair McWilliam, David Post and Asma Zubairi -- The politics of language in education in a global polity / M. Obaidul Hamid -- The global governance of teachers' work / Susan L. Robertson -- The global construction of higher education reform / Simon Marginson -- The historical evolution and current challenges of the United Nations and global education policy-making / Francine Menashy and Caroline Manion -- The World Bank and the global governance of education in a changing world order / Karen Mundy and Antoni Verger -- The changing organizational and global significance of the OECD's education work / Bob Lingard and Sam Sellar -- The policies that shaped PISA, and the policies that PISA shaped / Andreas Schleicher and Pablo Zoido -- Dragon and the tiger cubs : China-ASEAN relations in higher education / Rui Yang and Jingyun Yao -- An analysis of power in transnational advocacy in education / Ian Macpherson -- The business case for transnational corporate participation, profits, and policy making in education / Zahra Bhanji -- New global philanthropy in education and philanthropic governance in education in a post-2015 world / Prachi Srivastava and Lianna Baur -- Rational intentions and unintended consequences : on the interplay between international and national actors in education policy / Timm Fulge, Tonia Bieber, and Kerstin Martens -- Policy and administration as culture : organizational sociology and global and cross-national educational trends / Patricia Bromley -- Ethnography and the localization of global education policy / Amy Stambach -- Global education policy and the postmodern challenge / Stephen Carney -- Policy reponses to the rise of Asian higher education : a postcolonial analysis / Fazal Rizvi -- Joined-up policy : network connectivity and global education governance / Carolina Junemann, Stephen J. Ball and Diego Santori -- A vertical case study of global policy-making : early grade literacy in Zambia / Lesley Bartlett and Frances Vavrus -- Global indicators and local problem recognition : an exploration into the statistical eradication of teacher shortage in the post-socialist region / Gita Steiner-Khamsi.

Gegenstand dieser Dissertation ist die Geschichte der Kala-Azar, einer Parasitose, die heute zu den "vernachlässigten Tropenkrankheiten" gezählt wird, und der Antimonialien, einer Gruppe antimonhaltiger Arzneimittel zu deren Therapie. Der Untersuchungszeitraum erstreckt sich von den 1890er Jahren, als die Kala-Azar in Assam durch die britische Kolonialmedizin schulmedizinisch erfasst wurde, bis in die 1920er Jahre, wo mit den fünfwertigen Antimonialien – wichtige Vertreter waren Ureastibamin, Stibosan und Neostam – eine Arzneimittelgruppe Anwendung fand, die schon bald im Ruf stand, eine Letalität von 90 % in eine Heilungsrate von 90 % umgekehrt zu haben. Anknüpfend an den Maschinenbegriff der Philosophen Gilles Deleuze und Félix Guattari wird die Arzneimittelproduktion als maschinisches Gefüge gedacht, das, über den Rahmen des Technischen hinausgehend, Organisches und Anorganisches, "Natur" und "Kultur" umfasst. Mit einer kartographischen Methode, die auf (queer-)feministische und postkoloniale Theorie zurückgreift, wird der Versuch unternommen, die heterogenen Netze der Antimonialienproduktion samt der sie konstituierenden Machtbeziehungen zu erforschen. Die linear konstruierten Erfolgserzählungen der Tropenmedizin und der modernen Chemotherapie werden auf Bruchstellen, Ausgeschlossenes und horizontale Durchquerungen untersucht, um sie ins Mehrdimensionale zu erweitern, Geschichten zu vervielfältigen. Geprüft wird die These der maschinischen Produziertheit der Antimonialien und in den einzelnen Kapiteln wird das komplexe Machtgeflecht anhand diverser Gefüge, die mit, über und in der Arzneimittelproduktion wirkten, analysiert. Unter anderen sind dies die Krankheit Kala-Azar, die britische Kolonialmedizin, die Leishman-Donovan-Körper, die zur monokausalen Ursache der Kala-Azar wurden, die Teeplantagen Assams, die gesellschaftliche Maschine des Speziesismus, die pharmazeutische Industrie, die Versuchsanordnung der experimentellen Trypanosomose, kolonialstaatliche Forschungsinstitutionen, die indische Unabhängigkeitsbewegung sowie die Subjektivität von Wissenschaftlern als Gefüge in sich selbst. Es entsteht die Karte eines Gefüges, das, die Europäität der modernen Chemotherapie unterlaufend, zugleich in europäischen Laboren wie in kolonialen Räumen operierte und in seinem Funktionieren unweigerlich von modernen Ausbeutungsverhältnissen abhängig war. ; The objective of this study is to trace the history of the disease kala-azar, a parasitosis that is counted among the Neglected Tropical Diseases today, as well as the history of antimonials, a group of kala-azar therapeutics that contain the chemical element antimony. My period of interest ranges from the 1890s, when the disease kala-azar was explored and consolidated in the region of Assam in British India by the colonial government, to the 1920s, when, through the use of pentavalent antimonials (whose important representatives were ureastibamine, stibosan, and neostam), the mortality rate of 90% in untreated kala-azar patients was said to have been reversed and transformed into a healing rate of 90%. Drawing on the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, I understand drug production as a 'machinic assemblage' which, going beyond the frame of the technical, comprised the organic and the inorganic, 'nature' and 'culture'. As an adequate method for the analysis of drug production, this work develops a cartographic method that employs (queer-)feminist and postcolonial theory to explore heterogeneous networks in which bodies emerged inter-relationally. The linear success stories of tropical medicine and modern chemotherapy—the antimonials were a decisive moment in the myth of modern chemotherapy—are analysed for cracks, exclusions, and horizontal contaminations to extend them multi-dimensionally in order to proliferate histories. This dissertation examines the thesis of the machinic production of antimonials. In accordance with the cartographic method, the individual chapters treat diverse assemblages that operated within and beyond drug production. Among others, these include the disease kala-azar, British colonial medicine, the Leishman–Donovan bodies that became the single cause of kala-azar, Assamese tea estates, the social machine of speciesism, the pharmaceutical industry, the arrangement of experimental trypanosomiasis, colonial research institutions, the Indian independence movement, and the subjectivity of scientists as assemblages in themselves. The result of the analysis is a map of an assemblage, which, undermining the Europeanness of modern chemotherapy, simultaneously operated in European laboratories and colonial spaces and was inevitably dependent on the modern relations of exploitation in its functioning.

Children constituted a key element of the Soviet empire-building project, reconfiguring childhoods and refashioning the colonial space itself. Children of different ethnicities across the territories of the Soviet republics were to be united by the Russian language and a sense of Soviet patriotism, manifest in such political slogans as "friendship of all people," "interethnic equalisation," and "internationalism." Education curriculum and activities were utilised to facilitate social and cultural "merging" of all ethnic groups on the basis of the Soviet Russian language and culture. At the same time, the Soviet empire advanced the idea of "unity in diversity," allowing national minorities the right to self-determination and some political autonomy within a socialist context. Drawing on post-colonial theory and critical geography studies, this article looks at how early literacy textbooks were used to shape Soviet childhood by regulating children's minds, bodies, habits, as well as "locating" them in the empire's space and time. The article provides a brief historical context of the Soviet empire-building project, followed by a cross-national analysis of early literacy textbooks published in Russia, Armenia, Latvia, and Ukraine. Our goal is to highlight the continuities, contradictions, and ruptures in the vision of the Soviet childhood - and the Soviet future more broadly - as it travelled from the Empire's centre (Moscow) to its geographically diverse peripheries (Armenia, Latvia, and Ukraine). ; Los niños constituyeron un elemento clave del proyecto de construcción del imperio soviético, la reconfiguración de la infancia y la remodelación del espacio colonial en sí. Los niños de diferentes etnias en los territorios de las repúblicas soviéticas debían estar unidos por el idioma ruso y por un sentimiento de patriotismo soviético, manifiesto en lemas políticos como la "amistad de todos", la "igualdad interétnica" y el "internacionalismo". El currículum educativo y las actividades se utilizaron para facilitar la "fusión" social y cultural de todos los grupos étnicos sobre la base del idioma y la cultura rusa soviética. Al mismo tiempo, el imperio soviético promulgó la idea de la "unidad en la diversidad", permitiendo a las minorías nacionales el derecho a la autodeterminación y cierta autonomía política dentro de un contexto socialista. Basándose en la teoría postcolonial y los estudios de geografía crítica, este artículo analiza cómo se usaron los libros de texto de alfabetización temprana para moldear la infancia soviética mediante la regularización de las mentes, los cuerpos y los hábitos de los niños, así como "ubicándolos" en el espacio y el tiempo del imperio. El artículo proporciona un breve contexto histórico del proyecto de construcción del imperio soviético, seguido de un análisis internacional de los libros de texto de alfabetización temprana publicados en Rusia, Armenia, Letonia y Ucrania. Nuestro objetivo es resaltar las continuidades, contradicciones y rupturas en la visión de la infancia soviética —y el futuro soviético de manera más amplia—, viajando desde el centro del Imperio (Moscú) a sus periferias geográficamente diversas (Armenia, Letonia y Ucrania).

Author's introductionMost research on race and ethnicity focuses on discrimination patterns against entire groups, such as African Americans, Latina/os, Asian Americans, or American Indians. The study of colorism is unique because it investigates intraracial hierarchies of skin color. Studies of colorism examine how the actual lightness or darkness of a person's skin tone affects his or her life opportunities such as education, income, and housing. This is a crucial line of inquiry because a significant amount of race/color discrimination lies hidden within communities of color. Investigating colorism also exposes centuries‐old colonial ideologies that valorize white culture and white beauty. Many recent studies of skin tone stratification focus on both the historical and contemporary factors that maintain a light‐skinned elite in communities of color. Ultimately, colorism research enables a deeper understanding of systemic racism around the world.Author recommendsRussell, Kathy, Midge Wilson, and Ronald Hall 1992. The Color Complex. New York, NY: Doubleday.This book was groundbreaking in that it was one of the first popular books on the topic of colorism. Focused primarily on African Americans, the authors provide a journalistic account of the manifestations of colorism and the sociological, historical, and psychological causes of it. This book is a great overview of colorism in the African American community.Rondilla, Joanne and Paul Spickard 2007. Is Lighter Better? Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Rondilla and Spickard have written the first book on colorism in the Asian American community. This book is broad and thorough covering topics such as color and identity, mother–daughter relationships and the color/beauty nexus, and the global sales of skin‐bleaching products. The book is empirical, historical, and theoretical.Hunter, Margaret 2005. Race, Gender, and the Politics of Skin Tone. New York, NY: Routledge.Hunter creates a persuasive argument that skin color discrimination is alive and well in the USA. She pays particular attention to the African American and Mexican American communities in her studies that cover income disparities, educational gaps, marriage market politics, and cosmetic surgery. The book uses both statistics and interviews with women of color as evidence for its claims.Herring, Cedric, Verna M. Keith, and Hayward Derrick Horton (Eds.) 2004. Skin/Deep: How Race and Complexion Matter in the 'Color‐Blind' Era. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.This edited volume covers a broad range of topics, including the biracial baby boom, the 'neo‐mulatto' elite, the Latin Americanization thesis of racial formation, and the persistent role of colorism in African American communities. The contributors are primarily sociologists arguing that the form of racism and racial discrimination is changing in the new post‐Civil Rights era.Allen, Walter, Edward Telles, and Margaret Hunter 2000. 'Skin Color, Income, and Education: A Comparison of African Americans and Mexican Americans.'National Journal of Sociology 12: 129–80.The authors present a thorough analysis of the structural and social–psychological factors that affect colorism in the African American and Mexican American communities. Using two national survey data sets, Allen, Telles, and Hunter suggest that colorism is an ongoing phenomenon in both groups providing the light skinned with significant advantages in income and educational attainment.Brunsma, David L. and Kerry A. Rockquemore 2001. 'The New Color Complex: Appearances and Biracial Identity.' Identity 1: 225–46.This article takes up the important issue of biracial identity and its relationship to physical appearance. Moving away from a more traditional stratification model, the authors ask what it means to be darker or lighter as a mixed‐race person, and how one's physical appearance affects his or her racial self‐identification.Mire, Amina 2001. 'Skin‐Bleaching: Poison, Beauty, Power, and the Politics of the Colour Line.'Resources for Feminist Research 28 (3–4): 13–38.In this lengthy and rigorous article, Mire suggests that the postcolonial, global phenomenon of skin‐bleaching has strong and deep roots in the European colonial experience. She uses a feminist lens to understand why women's bodies are often the site of poisonous skin‐bleaching creams and how the interlocking systems of racism and patriarchy work together to oppress women in postcolonial nations around the world.Online materials'Color Coding and Bias in Hollywood'This video excerpt features Henry Louis Gates informally interviewing a group of African American women actors. They discuss the color line and skin tone in the entertainment industry. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UeGsIuBxDFk 'Black Students Still Favor Lighter Skin, Study Finds'This research report describes two recent surveys of college students and their attitudes toward skin color in dating and friendship. http://www.blackcollegewire.org/studentlife/070611_colorism/ 'A Girl Like Me'This short video features interviews with African American girls and women reflecting on the meaning of skin color in their own lives. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=17fEy0q6yqc 'Club Slammed Over 'Light‐Skinned' Promotion'This news article describes the controversy surrounding the owner of a Detroit area nightclub who promoted the club by offering light‐skinned black women free admission. http://www.cnn.com/2007/LIVING/wayoflife/10/18/skintone.club.ap/index.html?iref=newssearch 'Indian Men Go Tall, Fair, and Handsome'This article describes the new skin‐bleaching product, Fair and Handsome, marketed to men in India. Skin‐bleaching, once a primarily female activity, has crossed the gender line. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4396122.stm Sample syllabusRacial and Ethnic Relations (excerpt of syllabus).Course descriptionThis course is designed to introduce students to the exciting and influential field of racial and ethnic studies. With racial inequality as an enduring part of the American landscape, it is important that we all learn as much as we can about racial and ethnic issues. In this course, we will learn about many different aspects of racial and ethnic studies, including segregation, separatism, assimilation, immigration, and multiracial identity. We will discuss many different racial and ethnic groups in this course and we will focus on Latinos, Asian Americans, whites, African Americans, and American Indians.Week 1: Definitions of raceF. James Davis, Who Is Black? One Nation's DefinitionGeorge Martinez, 'Mexican Americans and Whiteness'Hector Tobar, 'A Battle Over Who Is Indian'Video: 'Race: The Power of An Illusion, Part I'Week 2: Interracial marriage and biracial identityMaria P. P. Root. 'Five Mixed‐Race Identities'Mary Texeira. 'The New Multiracialism'Video: 'Just Black'Week 3: Skin tone, inequality, and internalized racismMaxine Leeds Craig, Ain't I a Beauty Queen? Black Women, Beauty, and the Politics of Race Margaret Hunter, 'The Persistent Problem of Colorism: Skin Tone, Status, and Inequality' Video: 'A Question of Color'Week 4: The paradox of AmericanizationNazli Kibria, 'Becoming Asian American'Renato Rosaldo, 'Cultural Citizenship, Inequality, and Multiculturalism'Video: 'Fear and Learning at Hoover Elementary'Focus questions

Eduardo Bonilla‐Silva suggests that the racial hierarchy in the USA is increasingly resembling that of Latin America, with whites at the top, light‐skinned and mixed‐race people in the middle, and darker‐skinned people of color at the bottom. What evidence is there for and against this position?
What are the challenges for scholars who are researching 'across the color line' or researching 'across the skin tone line?'
Describe some aspects of US culture that perpetuate the valorization of whiteness? Are there any trends or movements that resist definitions of white beauty?
Eight‐five percent of cosmetic surgery in the USA is done on women's bodies. What does this tell us about how US culture views women's bodies?
Describe three strategies for combating colorism within communities of color and in the larger US context. What kind of attitudinal and structural changes must take place for significant changes to occur?

Project ideaConduct your own content analysis. Choose 10 magazines geared toward African Americans (or another community of color). Analyze the advertisements in each magazine by counting the number of images of light‐, medium‐, and dark‐skinned people featured in the advertisements. Also pay attention to the types of advertisements that people of different skin tones appear in (for example, beauty advertisements, travel advertisements, or advertisements for household products). By counting and categorizing in this way, you should find some interesting patterns that reveal deeper ideological meanings about skin tone and status in our society.

Heritage-making, also known as heritagization, is the process by which various actors assign different values to cultural identity based on specific interests. As a product of day-to-day living, heritage is created and recreated through perceptions and practices motivated by various reasons, which could be social, economic, or political. In Kenya, like in most African countries, heritagization of culture has historically been used by ethnic and other sub-national groups in the creation and maintenance of ethno-political, local, and regional identities. Heritagization has also been used by the state in the perpetual creation of Kenyan national identity and nation-statehood. Historically, the centrifugal forces that create ethno-political and local identities have been seen to pull against the centripetal force geared towards the creation of Kenyan national identity and nation-statehood. Almost sixty years after independence, realization of a unitary Kenyan identity and nationhood has been hindered by perpetual ethnic politicization and state centralization instituted partly through identity instrumentalization and heritagization. While the origins of objectification, institutionalization and politicization of ethnicity, and centralisation of the state have been attributed to the colonial period, perpetual political heritagization of ethnic identity and state ethnicization by the political elite in the post-colonial period led to ethnic animosity which culminated with the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (PEV). The desire and determination by Kenyans to imagine and 'create' a new Kenyan nation with equal opportunities for all led to the promulgation of a new constitution on August 27th, 2010. The constitution, which was premised on devolution of power to the people was heralded as the concretization of a unitary Kenyan nationhood. By recognizing "culture as the foundation of the nation and as the cumulative civilisation of the Kenyan people and nation (Art. 11), "the constitution promotes the concept of 'Unity in diversity', while safeguarding cultural or ethnic identities." In the ten years that Kenyan devolution has been in place, the application of the "Unity in diversity" concept has proved to be paradoxical. On one hand the national government has variously attempted to use heritage for supposed creation of Kenyan nationhood and national identity. On the other hand, county governments and sub-national groups (ethnic, political religious) have continued to use cultural heritage for the creation of subnational (ethnic, religious, local and regional) identities. This study analyses how different actors have continued to use cultural heritage to create and mobilise diverse ethno-political and regional identities against Kenya's national identity and nationhood, whose creation has been an ongoing project of the state. The study also explores the possibility of having a balance and harmonious coexistence between the diverse ethno-regional identities and the Kenyan national identity in the context of devolution. In conclusion, the study emphasises the need for sound policies which would enable the achievement of such a balance for the common good of all Kenyans. ; La fabrique du patrimoine qui repose sur une, des patrimonialisations est le processus dans lequel divers acteurs attribuent des valeurs différentes à l'identité culturelle fondée sur des intérêts spécifiques. En tant que produit de la vie quotidienne, le patrimoine est créé et recréé aux travers des perceptions et des pratiques motivées par diverses raisons sociales, économiques ou politiques…. Au Kenya, comme dans la plupart des pays africains, la patrimonialisation de la culture a toujours été utilisée par les groupes ethniques et autres composantes sous-nationales dans la création et le maintien d'identités ethno-politiques, locales et régionales. D'autre part, il a été utilisé par l'État dans la création perpétuelle de l'identité nationale kenyane et de l'État-Nation. Historiquement, les forces centrifuges qui créent des identités ethno-politiques et locales ont été vues pour s'opposer à la force centripète orientée vers la création de l'identité nationale kenyane et l'État-Nation. Près de 60 ans après l'indépendance, la réalisation d'une identité et d'une nation kényane unitaires a été entravée par la politisation ethnique perpétuelle et la centralisation de l'État instituée en partie par l'instrumentalisation et la patrimonialisation identitaire. Si les origines de l'objectivation, de l'institutionnalisation et de la politisation de l'ethnicité et de la centralisation de l'État ont été attribuées à la période coloniale, la patrimonialisation politique perpétuelle de l'identité ethnique et de l'ethnicisation de l'État par l'élite politique dans la période postcoloniale a conduit à une animosité ethnique qui a culminé avec les violences post-électorales de 2007-2008. Le désir et la détermination des Kenyans d'imaginer et de « créer » une nouvelle nation kenyane avec des chances égales pour tous ont conduit à la promulgation d'une nouvelle constitution le 4 août 2010. La constitution, qui repose sur la dévolution du pouvoir au peuple, a été annoncée comme la concrétisation d'une nation kenyane unitaire. En reconnaissant « la culture comme le fondement de la nation et comme la civilisation cumulative du peuple et de la nation kenyanes (Art. 11), la Constitution promeut le concept d'« unité dans la diversité », tout en préservant les identités culturelles ou ethniques. Au cours des dix années où la dévolution kenyane a été en place, l'application du concept « Unité dans la diversité » s'est avérée paradoxale. D'une part, le gouvernement national a diversement tenté d'utiliser le patrimoine pour la création supposée de la nation kenyane et de l'identité nationale. D'autre part, les gouvernements des Comtés et les groupes infranationaux (ethniques, religieux politiques) ont continué d'utiliser le patrimoine culturel pour la création d'identités infranationales (ethniques, religieuses, locales et régionales). Au travers de l'étude de cas, cette étude analyse comment différents acteurs ont continué d'utiliser le patrimoine culturel pour créer et mobiliser diverses identités ethno-politiques et régionales contre l'identité nationale et la nation kenyane dont la création reste un projet en cours de l'État. L'étude explore également la possibilité d'avoir un équilibre et une coexistence harmonieuse entre les identités ethno-régionales et l'identité nationale du Kenya dans le contexte de la dévolution. En conclusion, l'étude souligne la nécessité de politiques saines qui permettraient la réalisation d'un tel équilibre pour le bien commun de tous les Kenyans.

Evo Morales and the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) took office in Bolivia in 2006, riding on the wave of fierce popular protests against previous, neoliberal regimes. Morales was depicted as the country's first indigenous president. His government promised a radical transformation of national politics and rebranded Bolivia as a "plurinational state". Under MAS, indigenous subjectivity has moved from a marginalized position to center stage, and become a key condition for political legitimacy. This development is reflected in environmental politics. In international forums, the Bolivian government has claimed to represent a green indigenous alternative, a "culture of life", as opposed to a Western, capitalist "culture of death". However, on home ground, critics have accused MAS of coopting aspects of indigenous identity for its own interests and not applying its green agenda within the national borders. The national economy is dependent on intense extraction and export of natural resources, a trend which has not diminished under Morales. Thus, the first Bolivian government to frame itself as indigenous now stands behind initiatives for resource extraction and infrastructural expansion. This raises questions about whose rights are privileged when different actors express conflicting claims based on indigeneity. In this thesis, two salient themes are explored: MAS' positioning in international climate change negotiations, and the conflict around the plans to construct a highway across the TIPNIS national park and indigenous territory. Drawing on poststructural and postcolonial feminist theory, I analyze intersecting processes of power in Bolivian environmental struggles by unwrapping two figurations: the endangered glacier and the ecological indigenous. These have become emblematic, and are mobilized by various actors for different purposes. Situating these figurations in national and international discourses, I show how they may shift in meaning and both reinforce and challenge relations of power. The research material was generated through ethnographic fieldwork and collection of written texts. Through this study of contemporary Bolivia, I shed light on how power dynamics play out in the framing of environmental problems and their solutions; questions which should be central to research on environmental issues in all contexts. ; Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) bildade regering i Bolivia 2006 med Evo Morales på presidentposten, framburna av folkliga protester mot tidigare, nyliberala regimer. Morales beskrivs ofta som landets första president med bakgrund i ursprungsbefolkningen. Hans regering utlovade en radikal omställning av den nationella politiken och tillkännagav att Bolivia nu är en "plurinationell stat". Under MAS har ursprungsfolkstillhörighet rört sig från en marginaliserad ställning till en central position i nationell politik, och blivit en viktig förutsättning för politisk legitimitet. Denna utveckling återspeglas i miljöpolitiken. I internationella sammanhang har den bolivianska regeringen intagit en radikal ståndpunkt och presenterat en alternativ modell för hållbarhet grundat i andinsk ursprungsfolkstradition, en " livets kultur" som ställs i motsats till en västerländsk, kapitalistisk "dödens kultur". Dock har kritiska röster i Bolivia anklagat MAS för att använda sig av aspekter av ursprungsfolkskultur som en strategi för att rättfärdiga sina egna politiska intressen, utan att tillämpa sina gröna ideal på nationell nivå. Bolivias ekonomi är beroende av utvinning och export av naturresurser, en trend som inte har minskat under Morales tid vid makten. Samtidigt som hans regering framhåller ursprungsfolks traditioner och rättigheter, står den bakom initiativ till ökad naturresursutvinning och storskaliga infrastrukturprojekt. Detta väcker frågor om vilka anspråk som är mest legitima och vilkas rättigheter som bör beaktas när olika aktörer uttrycker motstridiga krav i ursprungsbefolkningars namn. I denna avhandling utforskas två teman som dominerat miljöpolitiken i Bolivia på senare år: MAS ' positionering i internationella klimatförhandlingar, och konflikten kring planerna på att bygga en motorväg tvärs igenom TIPNIS, en nationalpark som styrs av tre ursprungsbefolkningsgrupper. Med utgångspunkt i poststrukturalistisk och postkolonial feministisk teori analyserar jag intersektionella maktrelationer i boliviansk miljöpolitik, genom att undersöka två figurationer: den utrotningshotade glaciären, och det ekologiska ursprungsfolkssubjektet. Dessa har blivit symboliskt viktiga, och har mobiliserats av en mängd olika aktörer för vitt skilda syften. Genom att situera dessa figurationer i nationella och internationella diskurser visar jag hur de skiftar i betydelse och hur de kan både förstärka och utmana rådande maktrelationer. Forskningsmaterialet baseras på etnografiskt fältarbete och insamling av skrivna texter. Genom denna studie av Bolivia under Morales, visar jag hur makt tar sig uttryck i formuleringen av miljöproblem och tänkta lösningar; frågor som har relevans för forskning om miljöfrågor även i andra sammanhang.

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Transnational law : theories and applications / Peer Zumbansen -- Normative and legal pluralism : a global perspective / William Twining --Transnational law and economic sociology / Sabine Frerichs -- Out of sight : transnational legal cultures / Helge Dedek -- The postmodern normative anxiety of transnational legal studies / Giulia Leonelli -- Transnational constitutional law / Chris Thornhill -- Global administrative law : a transnational perspective / Karl-Heinz Ladeur --Transnational criminal law : a field in the making / Prabha Kotiswaran and Nicola Palmer -- Transnational legal orders and global health / Aziza Ahmed -- Transnational refugee law / Satvinder S. Juss -- Transnational climate law / Natasha Affolder -- Transnational food law / Matthew Canfield -- International investment law as transnational law / Nicolás M. Perrone -- Transnational antitrust law / Hannah L. Buxbaum -- Transnational mining law / Sara L. Seck -- The standardization of oil and gas law : transnational layers governance / Djakhongir Saidov -- Law and development / Amanda Perry-Kessaris -- Transnational space law / Kevin J. Madders -- Transnational Internet law / Christopher Marsden -- Transnational commercial law-developments and controversies / Shahla Ali -- Transnational arbitration law / Florian Grisel -- Transnational law and conflict of laws : a Japanese perspective / Dai Yokomizo -- Transnational sports law : the living Lex Sportiva / Antoine Duval -- Transnational contract law / Klaas Hendrik Eller -- Transnational property law / Priya S. Gupta -- Transnational tort law / Cees van Dam -- Transnational family law / Claire Fenton-Glynn -- Architects, landscapers, and gardeners in the transnational futures of international labor law / Adelle Blackett -- Transnational corporate governance : the state of the art and twenty-first-century challenges / Dionysia Katelouzou and Peer Zumbansen -- Transnational Art Law : maps and itineraries / Vik Kanwar and Jaya Neupaney -- Transnational migration law : authority, contestation, decolonization / Sara Dehm -- Contextualization as a (feminist) method for transnational legal practice / Farnush Ghadery -- Queering the transnational : perspective of law and sexuality / Dipika Jain -- The social question in a transnational context / Alexander Somek --The problem of the enterprise and the enterprise of law : multinational enterprises as polycentric transnational regulatory space / Larry Catá Backer -- Reclaiming sovereignty : resistance to transnational authority and the investor-state regime / A. Claire Cutler -- Transnational sustainability governance and the law / Phillip Paiement --Terrorism and transnational law : rules of law under conditions of globalization / Cian C. Murphy -- Democracy and human rights adjudication in the inter-American legal space / Rene Urueña -- The global governance implications of private international law / Horatia Muir Watt -- Stakes of the right to food in the politics of transnational law / Naoyuki Okano -- Climate change governance, international relations, and politics : a transnational law perspective / Stephen Minas -- Global social indicators and their legitimacy in transnational law / Mathias Siems and David Nelken -- Transnational law and legal positivism / Michael Giudice and Eric Scarffe -- With, within, and beyond the state : the promise and limits of transnational legal ordering / Gregory Shaffer and Terence Halliday -- Transnational law and feminist legal theory / Ratna Kapur -- Transnational law and the ethnography of corporate social responsibility / Laura Dominique Knöpfel -- Transnational law and literature : a postcolonial perspective / Amanda Lagji -- Representing transnational law : drone warfare and transnational legal text / Jothie Rajah -- Beyond borders and across legal traditions : the transnationalization of Latin American lawyers / Manuel A. Gómez -- "Africa needs many lawyers trained for the need of their peoples" : struggles over legal education in Kwame Nkrumah's Ghana / John Harrington and Ambreena Manji -- Transnational legal education in China / Stephen Minas -- Transnational legal education / Eve Darian-Smith.