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This article explores strategies to address food security and livelihood threats faced by poor families in the Afghan-Tajik border region of Central Asia. Costly barriers include not only isolation and inadequate infrastructure, but also corrupt security agents, drug-related conflicts and regional rivalry. Development actors working towards improved economic circulation in the region to reduce hunger vulnerability find that success depends as much on confronting local-level security and empowerment issues as building bridges and brokering bilateral agreements.

This article examines strategies to foster pluralism employed by a development non-governmental organisation (NGO) in the context of civil conflict. Through an examination of the development philosophy and Buddhist affiliation of Sarvodaya, a Sri Lankan NGO, it discusses both the accomplishments and limitations of the organisation's philosophy in terms of engaging Sri Lanka's multiple ethnic groups. The article distinguishes between inclusive and pluralistic approaches to development and peacebuilding, arguing that pluralism provides a better foundation from which to develop effective programmes in societies experiencing or transitioning from conflict. It highlights the internal and external challenges that Sarvodaya has faced in its efforts to develop true pluralism, and ofers recommendations for overcoming them.

AbstractThis article analyzes a set of negotiations within a coordination network. These negotiations surrounded the establishment and development of a coordination network of citizen peacebuilding initiatives focused on the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process. The authors reflect on six years of action research working with both local and international organizations and individuals working on citizen peacebuilding initiatives in the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process. Tracing the negotiations from 1999 through 2005, the article first highlights the context in which the coordination network developed to fill a need for joint strategizing amongst peacebuilders working in the region. In this context the locally recognized organic need for coordination drove the development of the network through an elicitive process. The analysis details early negotiations about establishment of the coordination network, which focused on building a culture of coordination by establishing norms of coordination. Subsequent negotiations within revised network structures, and outcomes of the coordination negotiations are then presented. Key factors that enhanced the coordination network are identified: inclusivity and transparency; in-person meetings; absence of a formal organizational structure; autonomy of each organization; focus on integrative agreements; and a culture of coordination. The case highlights the possibilities for long-term peacebuilding work based on relationships of trust and a culture of coordination.

This article analyzes a set of negotiations within a coordination network. These negotiations surrounded the establishment & development of a coordination network of citizen peacebuilding initiatives focused on the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process. The authors reflect on six years of action research working with both local & international organizations & individuals working on citizen peacebuilding initiatives in the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process. Tracing the negotiations from 1999 through 2005, the article first highlights the context in which the coordination network developed to fill a need for joint strategizing amongst peacebuilders working in the region. In this context the locally recognized organic need for coordination drove the development of the network through an elective process. The analysis details early negotiations about establishment of the coordination network, which focused on building a culture of coordination by establishing norms of coordination. Subsequent negotiations within revised network structures, & outcomes of the coordination negotiations are then presented. Key factors that enhanced the coordination network are identified: inclusivity & transparency; in-person meetings; absence of a formal organizational structure; autonomy of each organization; focus on integrative agreements; & a culture of coordination. The case highlights the possibilities for long-term peacebuilding work based on relationships of trust & a culture of coordination. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores strategies to address food security & livelihood threats faced by poor families in the Afghan- Tajik border region of Central Asia. Costly barriers include not only isolation & inadequate infrastructure, but also corrupt security agents, drug-related conflicts & regional rivalry. Development actors working towards improved economic circulation in the region to reduce hunger vulnerability find that success depends as much on confronting local-level security & empowerment issues as building bridges & brokering bilateral agreements. References. Adapted from the source document.

The sixtieth UN General Assembly opens on September 14, 2005, with a three-day summit of heads of state and government to conduct the five-year review of the Millennium Declaration of 2000. Institutional reform of the United Nations will also be on the top of the agenda. One substantial outcome is expected to be the establishment of a Peacebuilding Commission. This body will be particularly significant for Germany if it is decided not to expand the Security Council in the foreseeable future (SWP comments / SWP)

Increasing attention to post-conflict peacebuilding (PCPB) has led to the investment of millions of dollars into countries that are emerging from conflict. Despite the enthusiasm when fighting stops, post-conflict situations bear a risk of renewed conflict. This article focuses on the role of parallel economies in the recurrence of conflict and elaborates their implications for PCPB. In a post-conflict setting, parallel economies are a legacy of conflict economies and provide a space for illicit and illegal economic activities that are not captured by the state, thus complicating the creation of welfare entitlements that bind citizens to the state. It will be argued that parallel economies contribute to the undermining of PCPB by diverting resources away from reconstruction and state-building and by empowering actors with little interest in peace. Moreover, it will be argued that the profits from parallel economies tend to be higher than the funds available to donors for PCPB and reconstruction. This affects the power balance between profiteers and donors in a post-conflict setting. Concerning policy, the article explores engaging parallel economies from a sector-specific perspective and questions the usefulness of criminalizing the parallel economy.