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"The gender gap in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) varies greatly from country to country, and the number of Japanese women in these fields remains relatively few. This prompts us to ask why the proportion of female scientists in Japan is still remarkably low and what measures the government, universities and research institutes are taking to address this issue. This book sheds light on historical developments and the current gender equality situation in Japan, through the lens of women in STEM. It shows how a policy of gender equality in science and engineering has been introduced through the coordinated efforts of academia, scientific societies and the government, and how this has led to a slow but steady increase in female representation. The book draws on extensive interviews with government officials, scientists and educators in Japan to provide a revealing case study on how the underrepresentation of women in the fields of science, technology and engineering has been approached and dealt with by a national government. It heralds a new era for female scientists, by showcasing several programmes undertaken by government, universities and national research institutions to support multiple career paths for and the progression of female scientists in Japan. Tracing the historical development of Japan's policies towards women in science and education, this book will be welcomed by students and scholars interested in Japanese studies, comparative social policy, gender studies, employment and the history of science and technology"--

Using Przeworski et al.'s paradigmatic work on democracy and development as a touchstone, this review examines East Asia's lessons for comparative politics. It focuses particularly on the challenges that China and South-East Asia present for modernization theory, a foundation stone of political science. In most of the rich world, including north-east Asian cases of modernization such as Korea and Taiwan, economic development and democratization have tended to go hand in hand. In South-East Asia, by contrast, almost none of the expected relationships between democracy and development seems to work. The most striking anomaly of all today is China, which appears to be moving ever further away from democratic reform as it grows richer. This disjuncture between theory and practice is explored, along with other, more positive, East Asian contributions to scholarship on democracy and development.

As social practices now frequently extend beyond national boundaries, experiences and expectations about fair and legitimate politics have become increasingly fragmented. Our ability to understand and interpret others and to tolerate difference, rather than overcome diversity, is therefore at risk. This book focuses on the contested meanings of norms in a world of increasing international encounters. The author argues that cultural practices are less visible than organisational practices, but are constitutive for politics and need to be understood and empirically 'accounted' for. Comparing four elite groups in Europe, Antje Wiener shows how this invisible constitution of politics matters. By comparing individual interpretations of norms such as democracy and human rights, she shows how they can mean different things, even to frequently travelling elite groups

The notion of a technology gap between Europe & the US or Japan is seen by some as a result of political disunity, a problem that could be addressed by the policies of the European Economic Community (EEC). Recent analyses of the gap focus on nontechnological differences, such as European political & economic rigidities that hinder innovations. Aspects of organizational environments that facilitate innovations are considered. Technology policy must be considered in relation to education & science policy, & in the context of the myriad decisions made by private actors. The record of cooperative efforts among EEC countries is patchy & seems to have been driven by negative considerations, such as projects being too risky for one government or private enterprise to undertake alone. Europe has not adopted the symbolic value of science & technology as indexes of civilization alongside art & philosophy as readily as have the Americans & Japanese. A. Waters

The distribution of attention across issues is of fundamental importance to the political agenda and outputs of government. This article presents an issue-based theory of the diversity of governing agendas where the core functions of government-defense, international affairs, the economy, government operations, and the rule of law-are prioritized ahead of all other issues. It undertakes comparative analysis of issue diversity of the executive agenda of several European countries and the United States over the postwar period. The results offer strong evidence of the limiting effect of core issues-the economy, government operations, defense, and international affairs-on agenda diversity. This suggests not only that some issues receive more attention than others but also that some issues are attended to only at times when the agenda is more diverse. When core functions of government are high on the agenda, executives pursue a less diverse agenda-focusing the majority of their attention on fewer issues. Some issues are more equal than others in executive agenda setting. © The Author(s) 2011.

El general Guillermo Rodríguez Lara interrumpió, el 15 de febrero de 1972, la dictadura civil de José María Velasco Ibarra. Su intervención política, en nombre de las Fuerzas Armadas, marcó el fin de un período caótico de gobiernos civiles que habían subestimado la realidad social del pueblo ecuatoriano. Este golpe, que se denominó institucional, y con altas expectativas por los ingresos petroleros, inició el gobierno revolucionario nacionalista que adoptaría el sendero del desarrollismo. Ello implicó fortalecer la intervención del Estado sobre la economía, misma que creció un 10 % anual, además se incrementaron las exportaciones agrícolas, la construcción de un complejo hidroeléctrico, la pavimentación de miles de kilómetros de carreteras, la construcción de viviendas populares, avances considerables en la educación y otros servicios básicos. Las instituciones no se pueden escindir de los individuos, por ello se revisa el punto en que Rodríguez Lara asume el poder por su posición, pero ejerce un liderazgo que se construye desde allí y desde sus capacidades personales. Este artículo constituye una evaluación inicial sobre las líneas de trayectoria para la institucionalidad nacional, cuyo estudio posterior y más detenido permitirá entender la configuración de varios debates contemporáneos en el país. ; General Guillermo Rodríguez Lara's coup in 15 february, 1972, interrumped the civil dictatorship by José María Velasco Ibarra. This political intervention, made on behalf of Ecuador's Armed Forces, signaled an end to the country's turmoil originated on civil governments that underestimated the people's social realities. This institutional coup began with high expectations because of high international oil prices, which provided the context for the revolutionary – nationalistic government that would adopt a developmentalist path. This meant the State's intervention on the economy was the strengthened which meant a 10% growth, as well as an increase on agricultural exports, thousands of kilometers of roads, building popular housing projects, relevant improvements on education and other basic services. Given that institutions cannot be separated from an individual's life, the moment Rodriguez Lara's accedes to power due to his position in the institution, but his leadership is built because of his role as well as because of his personal capabilities. This article provides a preliminary evaluation on trajectory guidelines for national institutions, and further analysis is needed for it will allow an understanding of several contemporary debates in the country.

Introduction.--Washington in domestic life.--Washington, LaFayette, and Mr. Bradford.--Character of Mr. Calhoun.--Letter referring to the question of African slavery, and the compromise act of 1850.--Speech at the meeting of the friends of the Constitution and union, held in Philadelphia, November, 1850.--Letter to Mr. Trescot of South Carolina upon public and domestic subjects.--Second letter to Mr. Trescot.--Character of Mr. Canning.--Letter from Paris to Benjamin F. Hallett.--Essays.--Letters to Mrs. Rush, from London.--Correspondence with the secretary of state, Mr. Marcy.--A glance at the court and government of Louis Philippe in 1847-48, and the French revolution of l848. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Throughout the world, liberal-democracies are grappling with increasing claims made in the name of minority national, socio-cultural and ethno-cultural identities that seek greater recognition in the institutions of the nation-state. This work inserts itself into debates centred on diversity through a normative and empirical analytical assessment of the political sociology of multinational democracies. The main thread of the arguments put forward is that federalism, in both its institutional manifestations and its sociological properties, constitutes a promising avenue for the management of.

In this paper we present a structural approach to the study of government formation in multi-party parliamentary democracies. The approach is based on the estimation of a stochastic bargaining model which we use to investigate the effects of specific institutional features of parliamentary democracy on the formation and stability of coalition governments. We then apply our methodology to estimate the effects of governmental bicameralism. Our main findings are that eliminating bicameralism does not affect government durability, but does have a significant effect on the composition of governments leading to smaller coalitions. These results are due to an equilibrium replacement effect: removing bicameralism affects the relative durability of coalitions of different sizes which in turn induces changes in the coalitions that are chosen in equilibrium.

This volume explores the churches of Ukraine and their involvement in the recent movement for social justice and dignity within the country. In November of 2013, citizens of Ukraine gathered on Kyiv's central square (Maidan) to protest against a government that had reneged on its promise to sign a trade agreement with Europe. The Euromaidan protest included members of various Christian churches in Ukraine, who stood together and demanded government accountability and closer ties with Europe. In response, state forces massacred over one hundred unarmed civilians. The atrocity precipitated a rapid sequence of events: the president fled the country, a provisional government was put in place, and Russia annexed Crimea and intervened militarily in eastern Ukraine. An examination of Ukrainian churches involvement in this protest and the fall-out that it inspired opens up other questions and discussions about the churches identity and role in the country s culture and its social and political history. Volume contributors examine Ukrainian churches historical development and singularity; their quest for autonomy; their active involvement in identity formation; their interpretations of the war and its causes; and the paths they have charted toward peace and unity."