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Although multiculturalism is a fact of modern societies, political representation and fundamental rights must be adequate in order to make it operational. This paper will review the proposals which have been put forward in the field of political philosophy. For this purpose, the case-law of two international courts (The Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights) will be contrasted.The main thesis of this paper is that political representation and fundamental rights, which are operational in multicultural environments, should be especially considered when interpreting and weighting these rights, in order to facilitate dialogue and cultural acknowledgement. ; Desde el presupuesto del multiculturalismo como un hecho de las sociedades actuales, este trabajo revisa las propuestas que se han formulado desde la filosofía política para adecuar la representación política y por ende los derechos fundamentales que la hacen operativa y las contrasta con la jurisprudencia de dos tribunales internacionales: La Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos y el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos. La tesis central del presente trabajo es que la representación política y los derechos fundamentales que la hacen operativa en contextos multiculturales, deben ser especialmente considerados al momento de realizar la interpretación y ponderación de los derechos, con el objeto de posibilitar un diálogo y reconocimiento cultural. ; Sur le principe du multiculturalisme comme un fait acquis des sociétés modernes, ce document examine les propositions qui ont été faites à partir de la philosophie politique pour aboutir à adapter la représentation politique et les droits fondamentaux et leur contraste avec la jurisprudence de deux tribunaux internationaux: la Cour interaméricaine des droits de l'homme et la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme.La thèse centrale de cet article est que la représentation politique et les droits fondamentaux dans des contextes multiculturels, doivent être considérés dans ...

This article examines the regulation of nonsteroidal anti-inflammatory drugs (NSAIDs), with particular focus on products approved for marketing in the United Kingdom, while denied marketing approval in the United States on safety grounds, and then subsequently withdrawn from the UK market on those grounds. Using international comparison of regulatory data never before accessed outside government and companies, together with interviews with relevant industry scientists and regulators, the article demonstrates the importance of regulatory expectations, deficits and paradigms. It is argued both that these sociological concepts can be enriched by their application to detailed comparative case study of regulatory science, and that they provide an important policy-relevant framework with which to understand discrepant drug regulatory processes in a sociohistorical context. It is found that regulatory expectations and paradigms may be regarded as mediating factors between political culture and structural interests, on the one hand, and the outcomes of regulatory science (including deficits), on the other.

Abstract
This article engages in a comparative study of political ideas to understand the influence of different race ideas in political thought and institutions. In the early 20th century, two Brazilian social scientists dealt with this problem in their interpretations of Brazilian socio-political reality. The jurist and sociologist Oliveira Vianna, equipped with the positive science of his time, analyzed Brazilian racial heterogeneity through the lenses of biology and social psychology and proposed an authoritarian technocracy to solve Brazil's political problems. Contrary to this interpretation, the sociologist and anthropologist Gilberto Freyre proposed a cognitive revolution by discrediting racist theories and forging a new self-representation of Brazilian society as an "ethnic democracy." This comparison shows how Freyre's ideas are relevant in overcoming racial prejudice and understanding the formation of Brazilian democracy and collective identity.

This article considers whether political science should abandon the subfields of American politics, comparative politics, and international relations (IR), for new subfields of conflict, political economy, institutions, and behavior. The focus here is whether the field should abandon IR. The article lays out the arguments in favor of abandoning IR, describing scholarly trends that cross conventional subfield lines and are pushing to dissolve IR. Next, it argues that the costs of abandoning IR exceed the benefits, as new subfield divisions would remove some artificial walls but create new ones. Abandoning IR might undermine objective theory testing, would disadvantage the study of international system and structure, and would undermine the ability of political science to inform foreign policy debates. The article concludes by recommending that the field keep IR and its current subfield boundaries but that the walls between subfields should be kept low and porous.

THERE IS NO SINGLE PREVALENT 'MODERN SCHOOL OF POLITICS' in Germany. Territorial fragmentation in the federal system and pillarization of the political subcultures and intellectual camps has had its impact on the organization of political science in Germany after the Second World War.The new discipline had some roots in German intellectual history, though even the Deutsche Hochschule fur Politik (German Academy for Politics) out of which emerged the largest political science department in Germany, the Otto Suhr-Institute in Berlin, was no equivalent to the Ecole des sciences politiques in Paris or the London School of Economics and Political Science. Nevertheless the older German Staatswissenschaften had some impact on the founding fathers of American political science (Francis Lieber, J. W. Burgess, A. F. Bentley, and Charles Merriam).

"The Japanese political system is a parliamentary democracy and was the first western style government in Asia when the parliamentary system was adopted in the 1880s. It has a multiparty system, free elections, and a parliament that functions much the same way that any other democratic parliament functions, however for much of its existence the Japanese party system has been dominated by one party. This fact is crucial to understanding contemporary politics in Japan, especially since the long term ruling party, the Liberal Democratic Party, is once again back in power. This book presents an up-to-date analysis of the political parties that make up the Japanese party system and their impact on Japanese politics and government. Given that the executive branch is selected as a result of the pattern of party numbers in the parliament, to understand Japanese politics and policy, one must first know the nature of the ruling and opposition parties and their leaders. Indeed, in the past decade the quality of Japan's government has been closely associated with the strengths and weaknesses of Japan's prime ministers and the dominant party in the system. This book focuses on a central question: why Japanese politics and government has been so dysfunctional in the past two decades? With this question in mind, the chapters provide key background information on Japanese politics and political parties; discuss each of the major political parties that have governed Japan since 1955; and finally, examine the December 2012 House of Representatives elections that returned the LDP to power, and the differences between the First (1955-1993) and the Second Post War Party Systems (1993- )"--

This symposium is the culmination of work that began in October 2007, when fourteen scholars from Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States convened at Case Western Reserve University to participate in the research conference Toward a Comparative Politics of Gender: Advancing the Discipline along Interdisciplinary Boundaries. The conference was funded by a Presidential Initiative Grant from the University and further supported by an ACES grant. Dr. Gregory Eastwood made available the Library of the Inamori Center for Ethnics and Excellence for our conference meetings. Many thanks to Linda Gilmore, Tonae Bolton-Dove, Gail Papay, Shelley White, and Sharon Skowronski for their expert administrative support. Professors Dorothy Miller (Women's Studies), Rosalind Simson (Philosophy, Law and Women's Studies), and Kelly McMann (Political Science and International Studies) served as discussants of the conference papers. To Theda Skocpol, who presented remarks at the opening dinner of the conference, and to the scholars who participated in the CPG conference and whose contributions are included in this symposium, I offer my deepest appreciation and gratitude.What do we mean by a comparative politics of gender? How would a comparative politics of gender advance our understanding of politics generally? What would it take to develop a gendered comparative political analysis? In the essays that follow, Teri Caraway, Louise Chappell, Leslie Schwindt-Bayer, and Aili Mari Tripp elaborate their understandings of a comparative politics of gender. Five additional essays focus specifically on issues of democratization (Lisa Baldez, Georgina Waylen), political institutions and representation (Mili Caul Kittilson, Mona Lena Krook), and comparative sex equality policies (Mala Htun and Laurel Weldon). In this introductory essay, I discuss what I mean by "gender" in the context of comparative politics. Briefly enumerating the advantages of comparative politics as a subfield for a gendered analysis of political phenomena, I discuss how a comparative politics of gender can serve to advance our understanding of politics generally, and I provide an example of subfield research—the study of political violence—where gender as a metaconcept may be particularly useful. I conclude by considering what it would mean to our study of gender and of comparative politics to place gender as a central concept in comparative political research and to move to a comparative politics of gender.

In der ersten umfassenden Untersuchung zum Bücherverleih und zu den Bibliotheken in Schweizer Gefängnissen und Justizvollzugseinrichtungen zeigt Thomas Sutter auf, wie Organisation, Strukturen und personelle Faktoren die Gefängnisbibliotheksarbeit beeinflussen und welche Lektüremodalitäten in Gefangenschaft an Bedeutung gewinnen. Zusätzlich geht der Autor in einer komparativen Analyse von fünf ausgewählten Gefängnisromanen der literarischen Darstellung des Bücherlesens, der Bibliotheken und der Leserfiguren nach. In einem übergreifenden Fazit werden schließlich die Bedeutung des Lesens im Gefängnis(roman) diskutiert und Handlungsempfehlungen für die Gefängnisbibliotheksarbeit formuliert. Der Inhalt Lesen im Gefängnis Bücher im Gefängnis Einflussfaktoren auf die Gefängnisbibliotheksarbeit Bücher, Bibliotheken und Leserfiguren im Gefängnisroman Gefängnisliteratur Die Zielgruppen Dozierende und Studierende der Fachbereichen Medien-, Kommunikations- und Literaturwissenschaften mit den Schwerpunkten Bibliothekswesen und Buch- und Lese(r)forschung, Mitarbeitende von Organisationen, Institutionen und Bibliotheken des Justizvollzugs Der Autor Thomas Sutter promovierte am Institut für Publizistikwissenschaft und Medienforschung der Universität Zürich und arbeitet als Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter im Amt für Justizvollzug des Kantons Zürich

Contemporary comparative political science has regarded Malaysia as the most developed politically of the new of Asia and Africa. A good measure of Malaysia's imputed political development derived from its 'competitive' electoral process which had several parties vying freely and actively for political representation and, ultimately, power. Impressive as political performances as they have been, elections are really relatively new to Malaysia, the first having been held at the municipal level as late as 1952. General Elections were first held only in 1955, and then for a small majority of the Colonial Legislative Council. Since then General Elections have taken place for a fully-elected Federal Dewan Ra'ayat (House of Representatives) every five years, in 1959, 1964 and again in May 1969. Although one party, the Alliance, consistently won overwhelming Parliamentary majorities and formed the Government, Malaysian General Elections continue to exhibit a high degree of political vitality. At every election a number of more-or-less well organized political parties and independents competed vigorously for electoral support from the plural political community that is Malaysia.

The Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident that followed the March 11, 2011 Tohoku earthquake and tsunami off the coast of Japan has had far-reaching consequences. In order to properly assess and predict the impact of this event on industry, political opinion, and government policy, it is important to examine the political aftermath of the Three Mile Island and Chernobyl accidents of March 28, 1979 and April 26, 1986 respectively. By considering these three incidents with regard to actions taken in response by the United States, Germany, and Japan, this paper grounds a dynamic issue in both temporal and geographical comparative perspective. It concludes with a closer look at the economic benefits and costs of nuclear power, and an evaluation of a few of the tenets of contemporary environmental policy as they relate to nuclear power. ; Irving K. Barber School of Arts and Sciences (Okanagan) ; Unreviewed ; Undergraduate

Although political asylum has been at the forefront of contemporaryGerman politics for over two decades, it has not been much discussedin political science. Studying asylum is important, however,because it challenges assertions in both comparative politics andinternational relations that national interest drives decision-making.Political parties use national interest arguments to justify claims thatonly their agenda is best for the country, and governments arguesimilarly when questions about corporatist bargaining practices arise.More theoretically, realists in international relations have positedthat because some values "are preferable to others … it is possible todiscover, cumulate, and objectify a single national interest." Whileinitially associated with Hans Morgenthau's equating of nationalinterest to power, particularly in foreign policy, this position hassince been extended to argue that states can be seen as unitary rationalactors who carefully calculate the costs of alternative courses ofaction in their efforts to maximize expected utility.

Research on the presidency in Latin America offers one of the most promising sources of contributions to be made to the study of comparative government. With the exception of a few articles in journals, and chapters on the presidency in political science texts and readers, no general work on the Latin American chief executive is to be found in English. Also lacking are general works on the presidency in individual countries. With more than 700 Latin American presidents in office since the twenty republics were formed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, investigation seems not only possible but desirable in building modest or middle-range theories of development and modernization in the behavior of Latin American chiefs of state. Given the fact of presidential domination of the political process throughout much, if not most, of the republican period in Latin America, the presidency is an obvious and important focus of study.

This article examines the determinants of the annual overall spending levels of political parties from a comparative perspective. On the basis of a dataset with 1,317 observations from 99 parties in nine European parliamentary democracies, we illustrate that the spending levels of parties – calculated on the basis of Nassmacher's index of political spending – have not systematically increased over the past decade. A multilevel analysis shows that, at the country level, spending levels are higher in countries with a longer tradition of public funding, a higher effective number of parties and a shorter democratic tradition. They are also higher in election years, but this effect is moderated when campaign spending limits apply. At the party level, spending levels increase with party strength and party age. Party ideology and government participation, on the other hand, do not have an effect.