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After Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, the U.S. far right and supporters of Israel pointed to Iran as the main behind-the-scenes culprit, hoping that their message would spur a military attack on Iran. It is well known that the Islamic Republic has supported Hamas for decades, but Hamas is not a puppet of Iran. During the civil war in Syria, Hamas supported the armed opposition, angering both Iran's leadership and Syria's president, Bashar al-Assad. And in the current war, Hamas appears to be angry that Iran and its allies have not provided it with direct assistance or intervened on its behalf.Tehran's leadership, as well as that of the Lebanese Hezbollah, was as surprised as anyone when the attacks took place, with Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah's leader, asserting in a speech that his group was not given advance notice about Hamas' plans. So did Iran's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who flatly denied that Iran had participated in planning or executing the attacks, or had advance notice. U.S. and Israeli officials also stated that there is no evidence that Iran participated directly in planning the attacks.Khamenei has also stated that Iran will not enter the war on behalf of Hamas. In his recent meeting with Ismail Haniyeh, the chairman of Hamas' political bureau, Khamenei reportedly criticized Hamas for attacking Israel, calling it a strategic mistake that resulted in the redeployment of a large U.S. force to the Middle East and threw Washington's full support behind Israel.The Israel-Palestinian conflict began 30 years before the Islamic Revolution in Iran and will continue indefinitely even if the Islamic Republic disappears tomorrow, so long as Palestinians are denied their own independent state. At the same time, the fact is that Iran's internal political dynamics are complex, and various political factions are not unified about Iran's policy toward the Middle East, in general, and the Palestinians and Israel and the current war, in particular. There are deep fissures within Iran when it comes to debating foreign policy, particularly Middle East policy.To begin with, all Iranian political factions agree on, (1) forcing the U.S. military to leave the Middle East; (2) raising the costs of the "maximum pressure" policy that began with the Trump administration and continued under the Biden administration; (3) the importance of having a strong deterrent against possible military attacks by the U.S. and/or Israel, and (4) supporting the rights of the Palestinian people. But there is no agreement on how to put such policies into effect. The hardliners believe that to punish the U.S. for its "maximum pressure" policy and force its military to leave the Middle East, the best approach is to forge alliances with China, Russia and other nations that oppose the U.S. interventions around the world and to create problems for the U.S. in the region. Moderates and pragmatists, on the other hand, advocate close relations with Iran's neighbors and the Arab nations of the Persian Gulf, as well as with Europe, to reduce tensions. The hardliners believe that the most effective deterrent is arming the country and its proxies with advanced weapons, whereas moderates, while supporting arming the nation, also believe that regaining the confidence of the Iranian people by opening up political space, holding free elections, and taking deep and irreversible reforms would be the most effective deterrent. As former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif put it recently, "what has preserved Iran is not its weapons, but its people."While the hardliners equate supporting the Palestinian people with arming them, moderates and pragmatists believe that Iran should limit its assistance to diplomatic support and humanitarian aid. What these factions do not agree on are (1) a foreign policy based on ideology, which is supported by the hardliners, rather than one generally preferred by moderates, reformists, and pragmatic conservatives that gives highest priority to Iran's true national – rather than ideological -- interests; (2) rapprochement with the United States, which is rejected by the hardliners but supported by all other factions; and (3) how to punish Israel for its campaign of assassinations and sabotage in Iran and its support for Iran's small separatist groups. The hardliners view arming Iran's proxies as the "best" option because it forces Israel to spend its resources on its own borders, whereas all other factions believe that diplomacy is the best possible approach. In the current war between Hamas and Israel, all factions have condemned Israel's attacks on civilians in Gaza, with the moderates having also condemned the October 7 attacks on Israeli civilians. But the similarities end there.At the beginning of the war, some of the hardliners declared that Iran should join the fighting. But this was hollow posturing whose purpose was to outmaneuver competitors within their own faction. Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian, who has always been close to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, even warned that Iran's proxies have "their fingers on the trigger" and may enter the war. While there have indeed been skirmishes between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, they appear to be carefully calibrated, and viewed in Tehran as a way of lessening the pressure on Hamas, and not a prelude to a full-blown war, unless, of course, the carnage in Gaza escalates to much worse levels.Thus, Amir-Abdollahian's declaration should be viewed as his attempt to elevate himself within the hardline camp since he has been an utterly ineffective foreign minister who even Khamenei does not seem to trust completely. And while President Ebrahim Raisi has adopted a hard line regarding the war in Gaza, his stance should be best seen as an attempt to distract attention from his administration's failure to improve the economy and reduce inflation. Similarly, the IRGC's Quds Force commander, Brigadier General Esmail Qaani, declared, "We will do anything required in this historic battle." This, however, is only bluster, as Qaani is trying to use the war to elevate himself to the level of his predecessor, Major General Qasem Soleimani [promoted posthumously to lieutenant general], who played a key role in organizing Iran's proxies in the region and was assassinated by the United States in January 2020. As noted above, Khamenei, Qaani's boss, has already ruled out Iran entering the war.Qaani and the IRGC are simply trying to use the war to regain full control of Iran's Middle East policy and suppress voices of dissent protesting their hardline posturing. But, even within the IRGC, there are voices of reason that oppose Iran's entry into a a war with the U.S. and Israel. Brigadier General Amir Ali Hajizadeh, commander of IRGC's aerospace force, which oversees its missile program, recently said that after the Trump Administration assassinated General Soleimani, Iran did not attack all the U.S. military bases in the Middle East because "ten, fifteen thousand civilians would have been killed, and the country's development would have been set back by 20 years."At the same time, moderates and pragmatists have called for restraint, fearing a wider war in the Middle East that could engulf Iran. As Zarif put it a few days ago, "Supporting the Palestinian people does not imply that we should fight for them. The best defense of the Palestinian people is [creating the conditions] to prevent Israel from calling them [Iran's] proxy. The [Iranian] people are tired of paying the price [for arming the Palestinians]." Former President Mohammed Khatami has also spoken out in favor of restraint. "The era of occupying other people's lands has ended," he said recently, stressing that Tehran should rely more on diplomatic initiatives based on Iran's national interests and its leaders should avoid taking positions based on factional politics. It thus appears that the most important political factions in Iran reject war with the U.S. or Israel and favor a policy of restraint in the current war, however much this may disappoint Iran hawks in the United States. But so long as Palestinians are denied their aspirations for an independent state, Iran's hardliners and other non-state actors, including radical Islamists like Hamas, will seek to take political advantage of their plight. The most effective way to neutralize Iran's hawks — and thus reduce a chronic contributor to regional instability and tension — is for the U.S., the West, the Arab world and Israel itself to finally grasp the nettle and work seriously to help Palestinians realize their goal as expeditiously as possible.

In his recent address concerning the wars in Gaza and Ukraine and U.S. involvement in both, President Biden quoted the famous line by former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, that America is "the indispensable nation." This is indeed the belief by which the U.S. foreign and security establishment lives and works. As Biden's speech reflected, it is one way in which the establishment justifies to American citizens the sacrifices that they are called on to make for the sake of U.S. primacy. It is also how members of the Blob pardon themselves for participation in U.S. crimes and errors. For however ghastly their activities and mistakes may be, they can be excused if they take place as part of America's "indispensable" mission to lead the world towards "freedom" and "democracy."It is therefore necessary to ask: Indispensable for what? Empty claims about the "Rules-Based Order" cannot answer this question. In the Greater Middle East, the answer should be obvious. I suppose that a different hegemon might have made an even bigger mess of the region at even greater cost to itself than the United States has succeeded in doing over the past 30 years, but it would have had to put some really serious effort into the task. Nor is it clear that the absence of a superpower hegemon could have made things any worse.In this time, not one beneficial U.S. effort at peace in the region has succeeded; few were even seriously attempted. And more than this, the U.S. has not even fulfilled the core positive role of any hegemon, that of providing stability. Instead, it has all too often acted a force of disorder: by invading Iraq and thereby enabling an explosion of Sunni Islamist extremism that went on to play a dreadful role in Syria as well; by pursuing through 20 years a megalomaniac strategy of externally-driven state-building in Afghanistan, in defiance of every lesson of Afghan history; by destroying the Libyan state, and thereby plunging the country into unending civil war, destabilizing much of northern Africa, and enabling a flood of migrants to Europe; by repeatedly wrecking or abandoning possibilities of a reasonable deal with Iran; and most gravely of all, by refusing to take an even remotely equitable approach to the Israel-Palestine conflict, and failing through the greater part of the past thirty years to make any serious effort to promote a settlement.Over the past generation, successive U.S. administrations turned a blind eye, not merely while the Likud governments slowly killed the "two-state solution" and stoked Palestinian and Arab rage through its settlement policy, but while Prime Minister Netanyahu deliberately helped build up Hamas as a force against the Palestine Liberation Organization, so as not to have to negotiate seriously with the latter. This strategy has now proved catastrophic for Israel itself. It was also carried out with no regard whatsoever to the interests of the United States or its European allies in the face of Islamist terrorism.And what have the American people themselves gained from this? Nothing at all, is the answer; while the losses can be precisely calculated: More than 15,000 soldiers and contractors killed in Afghanistan and Iraq; more than 50,000 wounded, and often disabled for life; more than 30,000 veteran suicides; 2,996 civilian dead on 9/11, an attack claimed by al-Qaida as a reprisal for U.S. Middle East policy; some $8 trillion subsequently expended in the "Global War on Terror."Elsewhere in the world, the U.S. record has not been so disastrous, but nor has it remotely justified claims to the necessity of U.S. primacy. The only area where this has been broadly true is in Europe. In World War II and the Cold War, the United States liberated western Europe and defended democracy there; while in the rest of the world, all too often it stepped into the shoes of European colonialism. After the Cold War, populations in eastern Europe genuinely welcomed U.S. protection — though Biden's claim that if not stopped in Ukraine, Putin will invade Poland is baseless. Russia has neither the will nor the capacity to do so; and in any case, if NATO membership is not a sufficient deterrent, what was the point of offering NATO membership to Ukraine?Outside Europe, the only region where the United States can truly be said to have played a largely positive role to date is East Asia (the Vietnam War obviously excepted), and for the same reason: that Japan and South Korea welcome alliance with the United States. And while other states, like the Philippines, wish to balance between America and China, they do not wish America to leave. This role however requires U.S. presence, not U.S. primacy. Since China cannot invade Japan and South Korea — let alone Australia — the United States can perfectly well stand on the defensive behind its existing alliance systems, while sharing influence elsewhere with Beijing.As to Africa, countries there do not have conflicts with each other that America has to control or mediate. Africa's problems are internal, and the U.S. has done very little since 9/11 and the Global War on Terror to help. The recent increase of U.S. interest in Africa is mainly a reaction to Russia's and China's growing commercial stake there.Strangest and most striking of all is the U.S. role in its own backyard, in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean, whose problems really do affect the population of the United States. As in Africa, the United States does not need to suppress local conflicts between states, for these have long since ceased. Once again, the threats are internal, but are also driven to a very great extent by the demand for illegal drugs in the United States. One result of the internal decay of these countries is the huge flow of migrants to the United States, which is causing blowback and political discord in America itself.Faced with this threat, and concerned with the interests of U.S. citizens, it might be assumed that the regional hegemon would prioritize this region and devote serious resources to its development. This would also be in tune with the "foreign policy for the middle class" that Biden promised in his election campaign.In fact, the comparative figures for U.S. aid are positively grotesque. Total U.S. development aid to Mexico and all of Central America since 2001 comes to $12.21 billion. This compares to $64.8 billion to Israel and $32.8 billion to Egypt. Even Georgia has received almost twice as much aid as Mexico ($3.9 billion to $2.1 billion) — and Georgia is 6,000 miles from the shores of the United States with a population less than one thirtieth that of Mexico. Faced with problems from Mexico spilling over into the United States, some leading Republican politicians are now calling not for more assistance, but for the U.S. military to be deployed in Mexico to fight drug traffickers — an insane idea that reveals the moral and practical bankruptcy of U.S. primacy on its own continent.The neglect of America's neighbors to the south reveals something else about U.S. primacy: that whatever a region's problems, the U.S. only becomes engaged if it sees a real or alleged danger that a rival power is taking an interest. This could be called the approach of the dog in a manger elevated to a basic strategic principle. It is well summed up in an article by Suzanne Maloney of the Brookings Institution about the previous — and disastrous — attempt of the Biden administration partially to pull back from the Middle East without solving the basic problems there:"The White House devised a creative exit strategy, attempting to broker a new balance of power in the Middle East that would allow Washington to downsize its presence and attention while also ensuring that Beijing did not fill the void."If the U.S. really wants to pull back from the Middle East, it should welcome other states trying to play a positive role — as China has done by promoting détente between Iran and Saudi Arabia.The pursuit of global primacy is also intellectually and morally corrupting for Americans themselves. To justify its costs and sacrifices to ordinary Americans requires on the one hand vastly overblown claims to the promotion of democracy, on the other a colossal exaggeration of both the threat and the evil of other states. The result is a public discourse that all too often resembles baby food spiked with cyanide — the pap being the language of America spreading freedom, and the poison being that of mistrust for other countries and their peoples. Even if a successful — if not "indispensable" — U.S. global primacy were possible, it could not be based on a foundation as corruptive as this.

Hamas's horrific attacks last weekend and the subsequent Israeli bombings of Gaza have put the entire world on edge. Beyond concerns for the fate of the 2.2 million Palestinians trapped in Gaza with nowhere to flee, there is also a palpable fear that the conflict will escalate into a region-wide war. None of the main actors — with the possible exception of Hamas — want or benefit from such a war, yet all sides are acting in a manner that increases its risk by the day. There is little to suggest that Israel or Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu seek to widen the war. The chaos in Israel and his government's failure to not only prevent the attack but also manage its aftermath defies the idea that he was preparing or yearning for a larger war. Israel would indeed find itself in a precarious situation if it ends up in a two-front war with Hezbollah attacking Israel from the north.There is also nothing to suggest that Hezbollah desires a war with Israel either, despite the Wall Street Journal reporting that Hamas had coordinated the attack with Hezbollah and Iran. Hamas alone attacked Israel, and there was no simultaneous or subsequent large-scale attack from the north. Given Lebanon's dire economic situation — it is in its fourth year of a deep economic and political crisis, with inflation at 350% and 42% of the total population facing acute food insecurity — war with Israel would risk bringing the entire nation to a breaking point. Similarly, there is no evidence that Tehran would benefit from a larger war. As a European diplomat put it to me, "Iran prefers a low-intensity conflict with Israel, not open warfare." The regime in Tehran has just survived one of the greatest challenges to its rule and appears relieved that the anniversary of the killing of Mahsa Amini did not reignite these protests on a large scale. Its economy is also in dire straits, and its focus has mainly been on reaching a de-escalation understanding with Washington that would secure the release of Iranian funds and the softening of the enforcement of US sanctions on Iranian oil sales. Rather than coordinating the attack with Hamas, Tehran was taken by surprise, according to US intelligence. Tehran has also taken the unusual step of sending a message to Israel through the United Nations, stressing that it seeks to avoid further escalation. It has, however, warned that it will be compelled to intervene if Israel continues bombing Gaza.If there is any rationality in the Biden administration's Middle East policy, it too will oppose further escalation of the fighting. Between the war in Ukraine and a potential crisis with China over Taiwan, the Biden administration simply cannot afford a broader war in the region. The administration's focus — however misguided —has instead been on securing a normalization agreement between Israel and Saudi Arabia. The White House has been so obsessed with this idea that they have even begun considering offering the Saudi rulers a security pact as well as nuclear enrichment technology. War in the Middle East has not been on Biden's agenda. Finally, the Arab states in the region, from Egypt to Syria to Saudi Arabia, have nothing to gain and much to lose from a larger war. Egypt fears a massive influx of Gazans into the Sinai that, in the words of David Hearst, has the "potential to tip Egypt over the edge after a decade of economic decline." Syria's Bashar al-Assad has been focused on normalizing relations with Sunni Arab states and re-entering the Arab League — critical both for his political rehabilitation and Syria's economic rebuilding. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman — who was on the verge of normalizing relations with Israel and throwing the Palestinians under the bus — felt compelled to revive Saudi Arabia's traditionally pro-Palestinian profile given the wider Arab world's immense anger over Israel's bombing of Gaza. His call this week with Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi — the first time the two ever spoke — was at least partly motivated by a desire not to cede leadership on this issue to Tehran. Both a bloodbath in Gaza and a broader war will severely complicate his ambition to assert himself as the undisputed leader of the Arab world, given his neglect of and disdain for the Palestinians. Despite clear interests on almost all sides against a regional war, all sides are acting in a manner that makes such a war increasingly likely. If Israel's invasion of Gaza proves successful in terms of decimating Hamas, Hezbollah may feel compelled to intervene — not necessarily to save Hamas, but to save itself. A successful Israeli campaign against Hamas will tilt the balance in the region, with Israel having freer hands to go after Hezbollah. An attack from the north by Hezbollah may not save Hamas as much as it will make it too costly for the Netanyahu government to extend the war into Lebanon after Hamas has been defeated. Hezbollah may not be able to prevent an Israeli victory, but it will have a compelling interest to turn it pyrrhic. Hezbollah's involvement, in turn, will bring Iran much more directly into the conflict. While declaring its opposition to a wider war, Iran's Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian has warned that unless Israel stops its attacks, the war will be widened and that Israel will suffer "a huge earthquake." With Iran and Hezbollah drawn into the conflict, the Biden administration will be under tremendous pressure to intervene militarily despite clear U.S. interest in staying out. There is little in Biden's conduct thus far that suggests that, in this scenario, he will prioritize America's long-term strategic interest over what is politically expedient for him in the immediate term. Direct American military intervention in Gaza, or against Hezbollah and Iran, is all but certain to generate major attacks against U.S. troops and interests throughout the Middle East by armed groups supported by Tehran. Militias in Iraq and Yemen have already issued stern warnings of a multi-front response to any American intervention. The White House is well aware of these escalation risks. At a meeting earlier this year between two senior American officials and a high-level representative of the Iranian government, one of the Americans warned Tehran that if it enriched uranium to 90% purity, the U.S. would strike Iran militarily. Without skipping a beat, the Iranian official responded that Iran would respond immediately by destroying fourteen American bases in the region by raining thousands of rockets on them within 24 hours.It is in this context that the Biden administration's refusal to call for de-escalation and a ceasefire — or to practically pressure Israel to exercise its right to defend itself within the confines of international law — is so problematic. It is not just the moral bankruptcy of the Biden White House to stand in the way of efforts to end the crisis (shocking internal emails have revealed that State Department officials have been prohibited from using terms such as de-escalation, ceasefire, ending the bloodshed, and restoring calm). It is not the blatant disregard for human life shown by the White House when its spokesperson blasts Democratic lawmakers advocating for a ceasefire and calls them "repugnant."It is also the strategic malpractice of giving Israel a carte blanche to act as it wishes despite knowing and understanding the tremendous risk that Israel's unrestrained actions in Gaza can drag Washington into a wider regional war that neither serves the interest of the U.S. nor Israel. The combination of issuing warnings to Hezbollah and Iran to show restraint, while demanding no restraint from Israel, may be politically expedient for Biden, but it is likely to produce the very nightmare scenario Biden presumably seeks to avoid. As Ben Rhodes from the Obama White House put it in his podcast this past week, counseling restraint and calls "to follow the laws of war, are not to show a lack of regard for what Israel has gone through. On the contrary, it's kind of what I wish someone had done for the United States after 9/11."But Biden is not only giving Israel bad advice. He is giving Israel bad advice that risks getting thousands of Americans killed in yet another senseless and preventable war in the Middle East. If he lacks the humanity to call for a ceasefire to prevent the killing of thousands of Palestinians, he should at least not abdicate his responsibility as President of the United States to keep Americans out of the killing zone.

Republican presidential candidate Nikki Haley regaled a pro-Israel lobby group Wednesday with stories of Chinese mind-control attacks, among other foreign bugaboos. Addressing the group at a posh country club in Tenafly, New Jersey, the former South Carolina governor and UN ambassador delivered prospective donors a combination of big-tent domestic politics and a heavy dose of hawkish foreign policy, especially in the Middle East.Some of her talking points harkened back to Bush administration. Haley warned that "we can never be so arrogant to think that another 9/11 won't happen," and mocked UN inspectors' claims that they were able to investigate the Iranian nuclear program, just as the Bush administration had mocked UN inspectors' inability to find Iraqi weapons of mass destruction.In a modern twist on War on Terror fears, Haley frightened her audience with the claim that China was developing "neurostrike" weapons, possibly to use on Americans.The campaign remarks to the low-profile event hosted by the pro-Israel lobby group NORPAC, were clearly aimed at wooing potential donors more than making headlines. The event served as a window into the type of constituency Haley considers her core supporters — literal country-club Republicans with a hawkish foreign policy outlook and neoconservatives — and how she plans to appeal to them.Tenafly is a leafy, picturesque upper-middle-class suburb. Just outside New York City, the town boasts a median household income of $153,000 per year and an average home value around $1 million. Downtown Tenafly looks straight out of a Norman Rockwell painting, with a classic 1950s diner, a colonial-style church, a Lubavitcher synagogue, and an ornate brick train station that has been turned into a trendy cafe.Organizers chose a venue that was a little more exclusive: the Knickerbocker, one of Tenafly's two country clubs. The event was not advertised on Haley's campaign website or official social media, only through print ads in a few local newspapers and on the NORPAC blog.The Knickerbocker main hall, which had around 300 seats plus standing room, filled up before Haley arrived. A man wearing a yarmulke on his head and holding a red "Trump was right" trucker hat in his hand wandered the aisle, looking for open seats, while 80s rock music blared from the loudspeakers.

The Knickerbocker country club, Tenafly, NJ. Photo: Matthew PettiTickets to Haley's speech were free, but there had also been a VIP fundraising reception before the main event, hosted by Wall Street investment banker Bennett Schachter. NORPAC had advertised a Haley fundraising dinner open to donors who committed $6,600 or more, reports Al-Jazeera journalist Ali Harb.On stage, Schachter thanked "our friends" at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee for their "support behind the scenes" for the event."If the local people are getting behind Nikki and supporting her and there's this big swell of momentum, that sends a message to the broader Republican Party, which says this candidate actually is reaching people on the ground level, she's not aloof, she's not unattainable, she's not unrelatable," Schachter had explained on the radio show "JM in the AM" a few days before the event. "That sends a message to the larger funders, and when you get that kind of swell, that leads to lots of money."Haley experienced a boost in polls after the first Republican debate in August. And a recent CNN poll found that she was the Republican with the strongest lead over incumbent president Joe Biden in the general election.However, she still lags far behind her Republican rivals. Haley's FiveThirtyEight polling average is 6.3 percent in the primaries, fourth place among Republican candidates, after biotech financier Vivek Ramaswamy. Former president Donald Trump remains the frontrunner.During his radio interview, Schachter praised Haley for going "full throttle" in support of Israel at the Republican debate, when she bashed Ramaswamy's plan to wean Israel off of U.S. military aid. He predicted that Haley "will carry the Right politically, she will carry the Center politically, and she will carry a lot of the Left."Fellow event organizer Joey Folkman added that he knew Haley from the time his family owned a factory in South Carolina. He praised the former governor for being the first to remove the Confederate flag from the state capitol and the first to ban boycotts of Israel.Haley and the organizers pitched the same combination of moderate domestic politics and hawkish foreign policy on stage."We are dying to have a Republican in the White House, yet not enough are rallying around Ambassador Haley, who — unlike the current frontrunner [Trump] — has never lost an election, and has certainly never lost to Joe Biden," Folkman said in his introduction. "We are going to stop being enticed by campaigns that prey on divisiveness, anger, immaturity, conspiracy, and retribution."Haley herself said that, when she faced bullying in school, her mother told her that "it isn't your job to show them how you're different, it's to show you how you're similar."She cited that same childhood trauma as a reason for her pro-Israel stance. The Israeli ambassador to the United Nations was "humiliated" by the UN Security Council, said Haley, when the Obama administration refused to veto a Security Council resolution condemning Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories."The kid on the playground that got bullied got her back up," Haley said. "I never wanted anyone to feel like that."Haley complained that President Joe Biden only met Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu several months into Netanyahu's term, and only "on the sidelines of the United Nations, not at the White House." (The meeting took place the same day as the campaign event.) She said that Americans needed "moral clarity about who your friends are."Echoing one of her lines from the Republican debate, Haley declared that "Israel doesn't need America. America needs Israel." She argued that the same was true for the United Arab Emirates: "It was never that Israel needed them, they needed Israel."If Israel was the unsung hero of Haley's worldview, Iran was the villain. Haley made her usual points about the threat posed by Russia and China, and the need to support Ukraine and Taiwan, but reserved her most vehement, emotional condemnation for Iran.Iran had agreed last month to send home five Americans held in Iranian prisons, in exchange for five Iranians held in American prisons, as well as $6 billion in Iranian money frozen in a South Korean bank to be used only for humanitarian purposes. Biden administration officials greeted the American captives at the airport on Monday. Haley claimed that the prisoner exchange "put a bounty on every American's head." And she complained that Iranian president Ebraham Raisi, a "murderous thug," thanked America for the deal with an anti-American speech at the United Nations."You can't change a culture," Haley said, although she was careful to clarify that she meant the culture of "this regime, not the Iranian people."Haley added that any future deal with Iran "needs to include Israel and the Arab countries."She accused Biden of putting Saudi crown prince Mohammad bin Salman in a position that "would make [bin Salman] look weak" if Saudi Arabia accepted any U.S. proposal. Because of that, Haley argued, Saudi Arabia was now unwilling to sign the U.S.-Israeli-Saudi deal that Biden is pushing for.The focus on the Middle East didn't mean China was off the hook. Haley claimed that the Chinese government "has been preparing for war with us for years."To audible gasps from the audience, she called China the "lead developer of 'neurostrike' weapons, engineered to change the brain activity of military commanders or segments of the population." Haley had issued the same warning in a July interview with CNBC, and again at an August speech in Iowa.The term "neurostrike" was popularized by a thinly-evidenced July 2023 article, which speculated that China is developing strategies to "directly attack, or even control, mammalian brains." The researchers, calling themselves the CCP BioThreats Initiative, have previously made alarmist claims about Chinese virus research, nanotechnology, and electromagnetic pulse weapons. She also contended that China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea were spreading "disinformation" to turn Americans against each other. "The one thing that bothers me the most is the national self-loathing that's taken over our country," Haley said. "All of our enemies are circling us in a way that is really dangerous."

The main motivation that guides this article is the need to contribute to broadening and deepening the objects of study addressed by feminist perspectives in international relations. This is for two related reasons: firstly, to contribute to the process of ontological revisionism of the discipline that has been inaugurated by these kinds of approaches; and, secondly, to contribute to the visibility of international practices and dynamics that perpetuate logics of subordination and exclusion towards different corporeality based on the matrix of colonial, capitalist and patriarchal domination. This article departs from the premise that international cooperation is a complex and multidimensional object of study that has historically been approached by the liberal tradition of international relations (Pereyra Rodríguez, 2014). Gradually, different approaches to the discipline began to inquire about the motives, procedures and outcomes as a result of the growing importance that these interactions acquired as fundamental dynamics of international relations. In the framework of the academic literature on feminisms, international cooperation has received less attention with respect to another set of processes associated with development, conflicts, and peace and security. In this sense, the purpose of this article is to contribute to the problematization of international cooperation from feminist perspectives broadly, and from decolonial feminism in particular. This will be done in a systematic way based on the methodology of documentary review. It is important to state that in the field of international relations, feminist perspectives express a "set of ideas woven around the critique of patriarchal values and dynamics on which states and global societies were structured" (Villarroel Peña, 2007, p. 66). According to the author, the new approaches implied a series of disruptions in the ontological, epistemological and methodological dimensions that, consequently, motivated the formulation of new models of knowledge production. In such context of emergence, feminist perspectives were considered dissident proposals in relation to the traditional mainstream theoretical schools because they aimed to highlight the insufficiency of paradigmatic investigations of the discipline that had been based on a partial and not neutral approach of international dynamics and practices (Villarroel Peña, 2007; Salomón, 2002). In order to achieve the proposed aim, in the first section of this article, the general panorama in which gender studies in the Social Sciences was inserted shall be described. Likewise, the conditions of emergence and enunciation of feminisms in the discipline of international relations will be addressed, and their main ontological, epistemological and methodological contributions will be made explicit. In the second section, the specificity of the situated narrative of decolonial feminisms, understood as a disruption of the homogenizing and falsely universalistic postulates of hegemonic feminisms, will be analyzed. Based on the guidelines offered by the first two sections, the third section will inquire into the implications of international cooperation for feminisms in general, and decolonial feminisms in particular. The goal here is to elucidate to what extent a perpetuating mechanism of asymmetries is expressed, and how it is possible to overcome patriarchal logics from an emancipatory perspective. Finally, brief conclusions will be shared. In summary, some relevant conclusions have been found through the elaboration of the article. In the first place, it is important to note that, although international cooperation does not represent the object of study most in-depth analyzed by feminist perspectives in international relations, this focus is fundamental for the same two reasons that justify this article. That is, due to the need to contribute to the ontological revisionism of the discipline, and the need to make visible the ways in which international practices and dynamics perpetuate logics of subordination and exclusion towards different corporeality based on the matrix of colonial, capitalist and patriarchal domination. Secondly, the study of international cooperation from perspectives –like feminism- that seek to contribute to the transformation of unequal and hierarchical gender social relations is fundamental not only in academic terms, but also in a practical way. Indeed, the combination of research and political activism promulgated by feminisms should radiate in the elucidation of the practices and dynamics of international cooperation because it is precisely in this field that important opportunities can be detected to make visible and socialize conditions of existence, resistance and struggle shared between different social groups located in different places. In effect, research must be thought of as an inessential component of political practices inasmuch as it offers horizontal action guidelines, and as it contributes to identifying the perpetuation of mechanisms that reproduce asymmetric logics in an androcentric, cisgeneric and colonial way. Thirdly, intersectionality -such a significant category for feminist approaches- can become a central hermeneutical perspective to formulate instances of international cooperation that are devised in a respectful way with the particularities of local identities, interests and expectations. Likewise, it can be shown that it allows for the provision of pragmatic content to the decolonial strategy of building alliances between social groups to promote demands that were historically invisibilized. In short, it has been demonstrated that international cooperation itself does not represent a sign of progress, evolution or emancipation. On the contrary, we state that it is a mere interaction whose content and planning must be based on the capacity of agency of local actors, and whose development must be in accordance with the particularities expressed by each social group. In addition, feminist criticisms of the ways in which international cooperation was traditionally conducted should not be limited to advocating a greater incorporation of female officials as the ultimate goal of the demands. Indeed, recovering the criticism directed towards hegemonic feminism, particular attention should be paid to promoting pinkwashing initiatives that in no way contribute to dismantling the underlying problems that emerge from the matrix of colonial, capitalist and patriarchal domination. On the contrary, it is emphasized that international cooperation should only be a possibility in so far as it is structured on the basis of the demands of the groups involved. In this sense, initiatives must be bottom-up, and should be respectful of local identities and expectations. Lastly, we can conclude that as long as international cooperation initiatives are not structured in a situated and contextual way, it will be very unlikely that collective emancipation strategies can be articulated. Moreover, this will only contribute to reaffirming the reproductive mechanisms of gender asymmetries in the international system. Contributions from decolonial feminisms, therefore, are essential to generate limitations to the reproduction of unequal and hierarchical gender social relations both in the areas of international cooperation policy formulation, and that of theory formulation. ; La motivación principal que orienta el presente artículo está justificada por la necesidad de contribuir a ampliar y profundizar los objetos de estudio abordados por las perspectivas feministas en Relaciones Internacionales por dos motivos: en primer lugar, para coadyuvar al proceso de revisionismo ontológico de la disciplina inaugurado por esta clase de enfoques; y, en segundo lugar, para aportar a la visibilización pragmática de prácticas y dinámicas internacionales que perpetúan lógicas de subordinación y exclusión hacia distintas corporalidades en base a la matriz de dominación colonial, capitalista y patriarcal. Se parte de la premisa de que la cooperación internacional representa una interacción básica de las relaciones internacionales y que, en el marco de la literatura académica de los feminismos recibió menor atención con respecto a otro conjunto de procesos asociados con el desarrollo, los conflictos, la paz y la seguridad. En tal sentido, el propósito del presente artículo consiste en contribuir a la problematización de la cooperación internacional desde las perspectivas feministas de manera general y de los feminismos decoloniales de modo particular de forma sistematizada a partir de una metodología de revisión documental. Para poder dar cuenta de ello, en la primera sección se describirá el panorama general en el que se insertaron los estudios de género en las Ciencias Sociales. Asimismo, se abordarán las condiciones de emergencia y enunciación de los feminismos en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales y se explicitarán sus principales aportes ontológicos, epistemológicos y metodológicos. En la segunda sección, se analizará la especificidad de la narrativa situada de los feminismos decoloniales entendida como una ruptura hacia los postulados homogeneizantes y falsamente pretendidos universalistas de los feminismos hegemónicos. En base a los lineamientos ofrecidos por las dos primeras secciones, en la tercera sección se indagará acerca de las implicancias de la cooperación internacional para los feminismos de manera general y de los feminismos decoloniales de modo particular con el propósito de dilucidar en qué medida se expresa un mecanismo perpetuador de asimetrías y de qué forma es posible lograr una superación de las lógicas patriarcales en clave emancipatoria. Finalmente, se compartirán unas breves conclusiones.

Esta investigación estudia la adecuación y viabilidad de la aplicación de las técnicas de predicción y simulación en la apreciación del riesgo en prevención del blanqueo de capitales y financiación del terrorismo (PBC-FT) con objeto de: conocer la potencial mejora de los modelos actuales de análisis de riesgos en BC/FT previstos en el artículo 32 (RD 304/2014) basados en datos históricos; reforzar el aseguramiento del cumplimiento de la normativa vigente en España (Ley 10/2010, RD 304/2014, Recomendaciones del SEPBLAC, etc.); y dar soporte para la toma de decisiones de los sujetos obligados (entidades financieras y no financieras) y no sujetos obligados (responsabilidad penal de las personas jurídicas). La metodología parte de la observación participante del autor como experto en PBC-FT. Se ha estudiado el riesgo de BC/FT sintéticamente mediante la vertiente fenomenológica del BC/FT y del enfoque basado en el riesgo. Se ha incidido en los sistemas de PBC-FT como el resultado de una autorregulación regulada para los sujetos obligados que utilizarán tanto fuentes de hardlaw como de softlaw. Junto a la normativa vigente en análisis de riesgos se han destacado conceptos aportados por COSO en riesgos corporativos y las técnicas de apreciación de riesgo de la matriz consecuencia/probabilidad y simulación Monte Carlo incluidas en la UNE-EN 31010. Mediante el estudio de la metodología de la Evaluación Supranacional de Riesgos de Blanqueo de Capitales y Financiación del Terrorismo de la Unión Europea (SNRA 2017-2019) y del Análisis Nacional de Riesgos de Blanqueo de Capitales y Financiación del Terrorismo (ANR-2020) se ha constatado que la Unión Europea no valora la componente ¿consecuencia¿ de la matriz de riesgo residual al considerarla constante. La matriz de riesgo residual de BC/FT pasa a ser la combinación de amenazas y vulnerabilidades. Con estos antecedentes se han elaborado mapas de riesgo de los diferentes sectores, servicios o productos considerados en las SNRA y en el ANR. El análisis comparativo realizado ha sido de los datos ofrecidos por la SNRA-2019 y el ANR-2020. En este trabajo se presenta una propuesta de modelo o algoritmo básico para calcular el riesgo residual de un sujeto obligado basado en las metodologías de la SNRA-2017 y el ANR-2020. Con este modelo se complementa con valores razonables numéricos el análisis de riesgo previsto por el artículo 32 (RD 304/2014). Los datos históricos pueden ser analizados con herramientas como R-Commander (análisis multivariantes). Aplicando simulaciones por el método Monte Carlo (se ha utilizado la herramienta @RISK PALISADE licencia UOC) se pueden predecir la probabilidad del riesgo residual en un ejercicio futuro. En todo caso, se facilita información razonable para la toma de decisiones en los procesos de mejora continua de los sistemas de PBC-FT. ; This research studies the adequacy and feasibility of the application of prediction and simulation techniques in the assessment of risk in the anti-money laundering and counter terrorist financing (AML-CFT) in order to: know the potential improvement of the current models of risk analysis in ML/TF provided for in Article 32 (RD 304/2014) based on historical data; strengthen the assurance of compliance with the regulations in force in Spain (Act 10/2010, RD 304/2014, SEPBLAC Recommendations, etc.); and to support the decision-making of obliged entities (financial and non-financial entities) and non-obliged subjects (criminal liability of legal persons). The methodology is based on the author's participant observation as an expert in AML-CFT. The risk of ML/TF has been studied synthetically using the phenomenological aspect of ML/TF and the risk-based approach. The AML-CFT systems have been emphasized as the result of a regulated self-regulation for obliged subjects who will use both hardlaw and softlaw sources of information. Along with the current regulations on risk analysis, concepts provided by COSO in enterprises risks and the risk assessment techniques of the consequence/probability matrix and Monte Carlo simulation included in the UNE-EN 31010 have been highlighted. Through the study of the methodology of the Supranational risk assessment of the money laundering and terrorist financing risks affecting the Union (SNRA 2017-2019) and the National Analysis of Risks of Money Laundering and Terrorist Financing (ANR-2020) it has been found that the European Union does not assess the "consequence" component of the residual risk matrix, considering it constant. The ML/TF residual risk matrix becomes the combination of threats and vulnerabilities. Against this background, risk maps have been drawn up of the different sectors, services or products considered in the SNRA and the ANR. The comparative analysis carried out has been from the data offered by the SNRA-2019 and the ANR-2020. This paper presents a proposal for a basic model or algorithm to calculate the residual risk of an obligated subject based on the methodologies of the SNRA-2017 and the ANR-2020. This model complements the risk analysis provided for in Article 32 (RD 304/2014) with numerical fair values. Historical data can be analyzed with tools such as R-Commander (multivariate analysis). Applying simulations by the Monte Carlo method (the tool @RISK PALISADE UOC license has been used) the probability of residual risk in a future fiscal year can be predicted. In any case, reasonable information is provided for decision-making in the processes of continuous improvement of AML-CFT systems. ; Aquesta investigació estudia l'adequació i viabilitat de l'aplicació de tècniques de predicció i simulació en l'avaluació de riscos en la prevenció del blanqueig de capitals i el finançament del terrorisme (PBC-FT) amb la finalitat de: conèixer la millora potencial dels models actuals d'anàlisi de riscos en BC/FT previstos en l'article 32 (RD 304/2014) a partir de dades històriques; reforçar la garantia del compliment de la normativa vigent a Espanya (Llei 10/2010, RD 304/2014, Recomanacions del Sepblac, etc.); i donar suport a la presa de decisions de subjectes obligats (entitats financeres i no financeres) i subjectes no obligats (responsabilitat penal de persones jurídiques). La metodologia es basa en l'observació participant de l'autor com a expert en PBC-FT. El risc de BC/FT s'ha estudiat sintèticament utilitzant l'aspecte fenomenològic de BC/FT i l'enfocament basat en el risc. Els sistemes PBC-FT han estat influenciats com a resultat de l'autoregulació regulada per als subjectes obligats que utilitzaran tant fonts de hardlaw com de softlaw. Juntament amb la normativa vigent en anàlisi de riscos, s'han destacat conceptes aportats per COSO en riscos corporatius i les tècniques d'avaluació de riscos de la matriu de conseqüències/probabilitat i simulació de Montecarlo incloses en la UNE-EN 31010. A través de l'estudi de la metodologia de l'Avaluació Supranacional de Risc de Blanqueig de Capitals i Finançament del Terrorisme de la Unió Europea (SNRA 2017-2019) i de l'Anàlisi Nacional de Risc de Blanqueig de Capitals i Finançament del Terrorisme (ANR-2020) s'ha constatat que la Unió Europea no valora el component "conseqüència" de la matriu de risc residual a l'hora de considerar-la constant. La matriu de risc residual BC/FT es converteix en la combinació d'amenaces i vulnerabilitats. Amb aquest rerefons, s'han elaborat mapes de riscos per als diferents sectors, serveis o productes considerats en l'SNRA i la NRA. L'anàlisi comparativa realitzada va ser a partir de les dades ofertes per l'SNRA-2019 i l'ANR-2020. Aquest treball presenta una proposta de model o algoritme bàsic per calcular el risc residual d'una assignatura obligada a partir de les metodologies de la SNRA-2017 i l'ANR-2020. Aquest model complementa l'anàlisi de riscos prevista a l'article 32 (RD 304/2014) amb valors numèrics justos. Les dades històriques es poden analitzar amb eines com R-Commander (anàlisi multivariant). Mitjançant l'aplicació de simulacions pel mètode Montecarlo (s'ha utilitzat l'eina @RISK llicència PALISADE UOC) es pot predir la probabilitat de risc residual en un futur any. En qualsevol cas, es proporciona informació raonable per a la presa de decisions en els processos de millora contínua dels sistemes PBC-FT.

Lo scopo principale di questa ricerca è quello di inquadrare le possibili relazioni causali fra corruzione negli approvvigionamenti pubblici e performance delle amministrazioni locali. A tal fine, viene adottato un disegno di ricerca che integra dinamicamente metodi quantitativi e qualitativi in ogni fase del processo di studio. Gli approcci Dynamic Performance Management (DPM) e Governance (DPG), supportati da interviste approfondite non-strutturate, modellazioni formali e simulazioni quantitative, sono qui adottati per analizzare un caso di studio rappresentativo di un piccolo comune italiano in cui si sono verificati alcuni episodi di corruzione nelle attività di approvvigionamento nei primi anni 2000. In particolare, l'Ente locale in questione è stato sciolto due volte per infiltrazioni di stampo mafioso e, attualmente, versa in una situazione di dissesto finanziario. Il lavoro analizza i possibili esiti di tali fatti sulla performance organizzativa dell'Ente nel suo complesso sulla base di tre fonti: dati primari qualitativi generati da interviste frontali convergenti non-strutturate; dati secondari estrapolati da sentenze passate in giudicato e da archivi ad accesso aperto; ed un'ampia rassegna della letteratura. All'inizio, una panoramica della letteratura aiuta il lettore a comprendere i contenuti, le teorie ed i confini della corruzione. Successivamente, viene proposto un esame delle strategie di misurazione e delle misure più diffuse per prevenirla e contrastarla. Nel complesso, una particolare attenzione è riservata agli approvvigionamenti nei contesti pubblici locali. A seguito di una discussione sui possibili vantaggi e svantaggi, in termini di opportunità e deterrenze corruttive, derivanti dall'adozione dei paradigmi di governance nel settore pubblico più diffusi, gli approcci DPM e DPG vengono analizzati per comprendere il loro contributo teorico nel supportare i responsabili politici ed i manager ad arginare i fenomeni di corruzione. Successivamente, sulla base di alcune tecniche di codifica applicate alle interviste frontali non-strutturate svolte con alcuni Pubblici Ufficiali, un approccio esplorativo-descrittivo del caso-studio selezionato consente di comprendere la misura in cui gli eventi corruttivi investigati in questa sede abbiano inciso nel tempo sulla performance complessiva del Comune preso in esame. In seguito, viene adottata una prospettiva sistemica e dinamica di performance management per inquadrare le relazioni di causa-effetto emergenti dal caso di studio. L'assunzione di un approccio DPM consente ai politici ed ai dirigenti pubblici di progettare, implementare e valutare strategie anticorruzione fattibili, efficaci ed efficienti a livello di governo locale. Più precisamente, l'utilizzo, in un grafico DPM, di driver di performance adeguati al rischio di corruzione legato alle sue cause strutturali ed individualistiche può porre rimedio non soltanto alle riconosciute ambiguità e carenze derivanti dall'adozione di "bandiere rosse" nei processi di approvvigionamento pubblico, ma anche ai fallimenti dei controlli direzionali meccanicistici nel rilevare l'effettiva presenza di corruzione, fornendo ai decisori tempestivi segnali derivanti dagli effetti deleteri prodotti da siffatte pratiche clandestine. Inoltre, enfatizzare il ruolo della moralità civica comunitaria a livello di sistema può supportare la comprensione di alcuni risultati controintuitivi della passata ricerca sulla corruzione negli approvvigionamenti pubblici e dedurre in che modo gli investimenti nelle tecnologie dell'informazione e della comunicazione (TIC) e la formazione del personale possano migliorare responsabilità e competenza dei governi locali. Per quanto riguarda la professionalità dei dirigenti e dello staff quale causa individualistica di corruzione, il patronage politico derivante da opportunità legali risulta, per il caso di studio, significativo nello spiegare il cattivo andamento degli approvvigionamenti pubblici nel tempo. All'interno di questo quadro, la visualizzazione DPM consente altresì di distinguere più dettagliatamente la corruzione dallo spreco di risorse dovuto ad azioni non corruttive. In sintesi, un approccio DPM può consentire ai manager pubblici di mantenere i loro "radar cognitivi" costantemente (re)attivi, in modo da: identificare e sopprimere pratiche illecite negli approvvigionamenti pubblici; rilevare illeciti emergenti che potrebbero essere trascurati dai tradizionali approcci diagnostici e interattivi del controllo direzionale; favorire l'apprendimento etico e migliorare il valore pubblico generato. Infine, la prospettiva DPG può essere efficace nel supportare la formulazione e la messa a punto di strategie anticorruzione basate sulla collaborazione multistakeholder, nonché nel sondarne la fattibilità e gli impatti nel tempo all'interno di aree locali caratterizzate da strutture di governance carenti. Pertanto, sulla base di precedenti progetti di successo realizzati da governi locali di diverse parti del mondo, nell'ultima parte di questa tesi di ricerca viene utilizzato un approccio DPG per delineare e valutare una strategia anticorruzione per il caso in esame secondo un'impostazione di collaborative governance, così da inquadrare possibili sinergie ed interdipendenze tra i soggetti rilevanti, quali leve critiche per contrastare il rischio sistemico di corruzione a livello locale. ; The main purpose of this research is to frame the possible causal relationships between corruption in public procurement and performance of local governments. With this aim, a fully-integrated research design is adopted to dynamically mix quantitative and qualitative methods at every phase of the research process. The Dynamic Performance Management (DPM) and Governance (DPG) approaches, supported by in-depth interviews, formal modelling and simulations, are here adopted to analyse a representative case-study of an Italian small Municipality, where some corruption episodes in procurement activities occurred in the early 2000s. In particular, the local Authority in question was disbanded twice for mafia-like infiltrations and is currently facing a financial instability. In the light of that, the overall work studies the possible outcomes of those facts on the organisational performance as a whole, based on three sources: qualitative primary data generated by face-to-face convergent interviews; secondary data retrieved from both documents describing legal cases and open-access repositories; an extensive literature review. At the beginning, a broad and composite literature overview helps the reader become aware about the contents, theories and boundaries of corruption. Thereafter, an examination of the most widespread measurement strategies and measures to either prevent or repress it is proposed. Overall, a special focus is set on procurement in local public contexts. Following a discussion on the possible advantages and disadvantages of the most common public sector paradigms in terms of opportunities and constraints for corruption, the DPM and DPG views are explored to understand their theoretical contribution in supporting policy- and decision-makers to curb corruption phenomena in heterogeneous governance contexts. Afterwards, based on coding techniques, an exploratory-descriptive approach of the selected case-study allows for a better understanding of the extent to which the investigated corruption events impacted on the overall performance of the Municipality under scrutiny over time, by means of non-structured face-to-face interviews held with some Public Officials in 2019. Therefore, a system perspective in performance management is adopted to frame the emerging cause-and-effect relationships of the case-study. Assuming a DPM approach allows politicians and public managers to design, implement and assess feasible, effective and efficient anti-corruption strategies at local government level. More precisely, the use in a DPM chart of performance drivers adjusted for the risk of corruption linked to its structural and individualistic causes may not only put right to ambiguities and flaws deriving from the adoption of 'red-flags' in public procurement, but also to failures of mechanistical controls in detecting the actual presence of corruption, thus providing decision-makers with prompt signals arising from the emergent effects of clandestine practices. In addition, emphasising the role of community civic morality at system level may back up the understanding of some counterintuitive results in the past research on corruption in public procurement and deduce to what extent investments in Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) and personnel training may enhance local government accountability and expertise. With regard to managers' and staff's professionalism, as individualistic cause of corruption, political patronage stemming from legal opportunities results significant in explaining poor performance in public procurement over time. Within this framework, the DPM view also allows for better singling corruption out from resource waste due to non-corrupt actions. In summary, a DPM approach may lead public managers to constantly maintain their 'cognitive radar' reactive, so as to identify and suppress unlawful practices in procurement, detect emerging malfeasances that could be otherwise overlooked by traditional static diagnostical and interactive approaches, foster ethical learning and enhance community outcomes. Finally, the DPG perspective may be effective in supporting formulation and fine-tuning of collaboration-based anti-corruption strategies and probing their feasibility and impacts over time within local areas characterised by poor governance structures. Hence, on the basis of previous successful projects throughout the world, in the last part of this research thesis a DPG approach is used to outline and evaluate an anti-corruption strategy for the case under scrutiny according to collaboration settings, in a way to frame possible synergies and interdependencies among relevant participants as critical levers to hinder systemic risk of corruption at local level.

El corto segundo periodo republicano de la historia de España (14.04.1931, proclamación de la República, a 01.04.1939, parte de Franco dando por terminada la guerra: 7 a., 11 m., 17 d.) está lleno de reseñables y significativos hechos para la sociedad española respecto del pasado del que venía –algunos no querían salir de él– y el futuro distinto –que algunos querían como posible–. Los meses de enero a septiembre de 1936 son el cénit de los deseos republicanos e inicio del ocaso de aquellos sueños. El fracaso de los gobiernos de centro-derecha (1934-35) obliga a la convocatoria de elecciones generales a Cortes (enero). El triunfo electoral de los partidos políticos del Frente Popular trae consigo un gobierno provisional (febrero). Su consolidación y los enfrentamientos entre derechistas y frentepopulistas en las calles (marzo). La destitución del Presidente de la República y elección de uno nuevo (abril-mayo). Se aceleran los preparativos del golpe militar por una parte del ejército (mayo). Actuaciones sociales y económicas frentepopulistas: reforma agraria; huelgas y lock-outs en ciudades por aplicación de medidas laborales (mayo-junio). Golpe militar (julio); éxito parcial del golpismo (julio-agosto); resistencia republicana (julio-septiembre). Coexistencia de 2 poderes: golpista y republicano (septiembre.). Este abanico de acontecimientos es la materia de investigación de la Tesis en el marco concreto de Andalucía, con específicas referencias al espacio nacional y, en algún caso, también internacional, dado que la región no era una isla a la que no llegue y afecte lo que pase fuera de ella. La Tesis se estructura en 3 Partes y un Epílogo. Primera parte: Febrero 1936. Las terceras, y últimas, elecciones a Cortes de la Segunda República Española. 4 capítulos. Segunda parte: Cinco meses de Frente Popular. 4 capítulos. Tercera parte: Andalucía en tiempo de Frente Popular. 4 capítulos. Epílogo: Del golpe militar y la represión. Las fuentes de investigación utilizadas son: • la doctrina historiográfica en sus 2 vertientes: anti y pro republicana. • Archivos. Andalucía: locales, provinciales y General, públicos y privados. Nacionales: públicos y privados, civiles y militares. • Prensa: periódicos y revistas de 1936 y fechas anteriores y posteriores. • Entrevistas personales con especialistas de los temas objeto del estudio: profesores, historiadores, periodistas, miembros de distintas confesiones religiosas. A lo largo de las páginas se desgranan los acontecimientos investigados y las consecuencias sociales, políticas y económicas para la región: El triunfo del Frente Popular en febrero; la crisis granadina por la anulación de las actas electorales. La posición de los poderes económicos y sociales –terratenientes, grandes empresarios, capitalistas, iglesia católica– en las explosiones de crisis y violencia que se dieron en la región. El enfrentamiento de los propietarios a los expedientes de expropiaciones de fincas. La activa presencia de CGT y UGT. La dubitativa actuación, con excepciones, de la Guardia civil en el control del incumplimiento de las órdenes de reparto de jornaleros en el campo, reclamaciones por invasiones de tierras, manifestaciones sociales (ejemplo: los incidentes del carnaval de Pechina y la ocupación de fincas en Lebrija). La escasa presencia de una fuerza de seguridad republicana en la región. Los documentos oficiales conservados, aun recogiendo situaciones de violencia importante, contradicen el "caos" y "estado de pre revolución socialcomunista" voceado por las fuerzas conservadoras. El enfrentamiento más duro del periodo se da en Málaga entre los sindicatos de UGT y CNT. En estos meses sí se quemaron iglesias y otros edificios religiosos, sin ninguna víctima entre los religiosos católicos, terratenientes, grandes empresarios, capitalistas. Y sí un total de 28 víctimas mortales de civiles. Encontramos una sociedad viva, con graves problemas económicos, de paro y sociales; falta de colegios públicos, de vivienda para las clases populares. La catastrófica riada de febrero-abril. Deseosa de días de paz y regocijo en sus fiestas: Carnaval chirigotero gaditano; Semana Santa sevillana; Corpus laico y popular granadino. Sus festejos populares, cines, partidos de fútbol, corridas de toros, bailes, verbenas, misses. Era aquella una sociedad que buscaba una vida mejor en el marco de una República imperfecta, arrasada por una dictadura cruel y perfecta. ; he Spanish Second Republic encompassed only almost 8 years that started with its proclamation on April 14th 1931 and finished when Franco announced the end of the war on April 1st 1939. This period included remarkable facts for the Spanish society linked, on one hand, to past times, in which some people wished to remain, and, on the other hand, to a different future which others envisioned as a feasible one. The months from January to September 1936 were the zenith of republican desires and the beginning of the decline of those dreams. The failure of the center-right governments (1934-35) lead to the general elections in January 1936 followed by a provisional government in February upon the electoral triumph of the Popular Front political parties. Soon, in March, the government consolidation evolved in parallel to confrontations between rightists and front-popularists in the streets and, just a couple of months later, the President of the Republic dismissed and a new one was elected. Between May and June, social and economic front-popular actions, such as the agrarian reform, took place accompanied by strikes and lock-outs while the army accelerated the preparations for the military coup that finally bursted in July. The coup partially succeded until August and encountered the Republican resistence from September on when the two powers, coup and republican, co-existed. The research of these events in the specific framework of Andalusia is the main focus of this thesis. It includes specific references to the national and, in some cases, to the international context. The thesis contains three parts and an epilogue. First part. February 1936: The third, and last, elections to Courts of the Second Spanish Republic. 4 chapters. Second part: Five months of Popular Front. 4 chapters. Third part: Andalusia in the times of the Popular Front. 4 chapters. Epilogue: The military coup and the repression. The research sources used have been: (1) The historiographical doctrine in its two aspects: anti- and pro-republican. (2) Andalusian and national files: Local, provincial, general, public and private files in Andalusia and public, private, civil and military at the national level. (3) Press: newspapers and magazines from 1936 and earlier and later dates. (4) Personal interviews with specialists of the subjects under study: professors, historians, journalists, members of different religions. The thesis analyzes the social, political and economic consequences in Andalusia of the following events: The triumph of the Popular Front in February. The Granada crisis over the annulment of the electoral records. The position of the economic and social powers such as landowners, big businessmen, capitalists and the catholic church in the explosions of crisis and violence. The confrontation of the owners to farm nationalization. The active presence of CGT and UGT. The actions of the "Guardia Civil" to control the breach of the orders of distribution of workers in the farmfields, claims for invasions of lands, social demonstrations (such as the incidents of the carnival of Pechina and the occupation of farms in Lebrija). The poor presence of a republican security force in the region. Other remarkable issues analyzed in the thesis include: (1) Although the available official documents reflect events of significant violence they, however, contradict the "chaos" and "state of pre-communist social revolution" claimed to exist by the conservative forces. (2) The toughest confrontation of the period that occured in Malaga between the UGT and CNT unions. (3) The fact that churches and other religious buildings were burned with a total of 28 civilian fatalities that did not include religious catholic , landowners, big businessmen or capitalists. In general the events described in this thesis occur within a society that was alive, but suffering from unemployment and serious economic and social problems such as the lack of public schools and housing for the popular classes. Special attention is paid to the impact of the catastrophic flood from February to April. This society was certainly eager for peace and joy as reflected by their popular festivities: The Carnaval in Cadiz, the Holy Week in Seville, the laic Corpus in Granada and other popular activities including movies, football matches, bullfights, dances and beauty contests. In summary, it was a society yearning for a better life in the framework of an imperfect Republic, devastated by a cruel and perfect dictatorship.

The 2008 financial crisis opened the doors of green capitalism as a financially sound approach to saving the planet from the worst effects of the climate emergency. The emphasis on the role of finance in promoting "green growth" has permeated mainstream political, academic and business approaches to climate change adaptation and mitigation, assuming multiple forms - from the carbon markets of the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement, to the Environmental, Social and Governance taxonomy for "green" investments, to the proliferation of sustainable labels in several economic sectors. The present article offers a critical appraisal of one of the most prominent arguments that upholds the idea that it is possible and desirable to achieve sustainability and economic growth through finance: green bonds. Green bonds are debt instruments whose proceeds are earmarked to fund projects with supposedly environmental benefits. After some years in the background, they now occupy a central position in the green recovery narrative and political framework all over the world. Most of the academic literature tends to naturalize green bonds as an eminently technical solution to reconcile economic growth and environmental sustainability. Filling an epistemological gap, the present article leverages a world-ecology approach to embed the financial phenomenon of green bonds within the broader picture of the capitalist political economy and the expansion of its ecological frontier. In light of the ongoing experiences that the authors have been following in the Brazilian legal, financial and political context, the article unpacks and makes sense of green bonds as a tool in the hands of climate finance that reproduces global patterns of North-South uneven development and the shifting of ecological costs. To test the potential of the "interpretative framework" offered by a world-ecology approach, we mobilize it in the concrete case of green bonds issuances directed to fund the forestry sector in Brazil. Aware that the current phenomenon only represents a blip in comparison to the largeer temporal (the longue dureé) and spatial (the world system) scales usually deployed by world-ecology, we nonetheless discuss how the ideological, technical and power dynamics behind the issuance of green bonds unleash capital accumulation, produce a financialized and subordinated construction of nature, and entail an institutional arrangement. The article is organized around 3 main sections. After the introduction, section 1 describes green bonds as one of the most fashionable financial topics of the moment, and one that promotes a shift in discourses towards the need of actively building a "green economy". Although from a legal standpoint green bonds embody no significant difference from regular bonds, our focus is to describe the promises around them, the current (private) governance structure, and the trends in the issuance of these debt instruments both in the Global North and South, with a specific focus on the case of Brazil. In section 2, we look at the operations of green bonds emissions on the ground, i.e. taking as an example the context of green debt underpinning the Brazilian forestry sector. The analysis reveals how the emissions, made predominantly by large multinational companies actively present on the global market, feed off great efforts deployed by both the public and the private sector in constructing an image of the sector as a key player in the emergent "bioeconomy" and in the strengthening of Brazil's goals in the Paris Agreement. However, we describe how green bond revenues that are officially committed to the implementation of "sustainable management of forests" are associated with the expansion of the ecological frontier in the Brazilian territory, stretching the boundaries of the area dedicated to tree plantations and amplifying social and environmental tensions. The backstage of the emissions shows how capital accumulation through green bonds is associated with the co-production of nature for the purpose of accumulation, generating concerns that are often diluted or transformed into procedural requirements. Debt generated by the subscription of green bonds, we argue, is not only financial, but also social and ecological. In section 3, we put forward that for private accumulation to be successful, green bonds in the forestry sector demand an institutional arrangement that combines state support and private governance of debt in its financial, social and ecological dimensions. Rather than being the result of an idealized and spontaneous market, a set of institutional transformations have to be considered in order to comprehend the feasibility of green bonds in the Brazilian forestry sector. We thus describe the historic connection between forestry and the state, the endless public incentives to put nature to work, the functional adaptations of the Brazilian environmental legislation and the regulation concerning the demarcation, access and use of land. In this context, we argue that green bonds add yet a new institutional layer to the process of creating and validating specific forms of nature, through a governance structure that dilutes the tensions between the promise of environmental benefits and its concrete negative social and environmental impacts. We conclude the article by reassembling these findings as part of the capitalist world ecology "dialectical unity" of capital accumulation, co-production of nature and power. We suggest that the world-ecology approach allows us to grasp green bonds as a complex form that has so far been ignored in the relevant literature. As any other phenomenon of financialization, a green bond should not be understood in isolation from its material basis, since it is from that basis – and its social and environmental conditions and contradictions – that it appropriates value. As the example of the Brazilian forestry sector illuminates, the "greenness" of the financial debt inscribed in green bonds may come into existence at the expense of the social and environmental debt that underlie the forestry sector productive model. Hence, although the explicit inclusion of "environmental concerns" into financial considerations and project implementation has been praised as a step towards the recognition that finance has a material impact on the planet and that these externalities shall be accounted for, the article warns of the typical green arithmetic move put forward by green bonds. Green bonds inevitably co-produce nature and social relations, but in a very unequal way that emphasizes capital accumulation and that does not necessarily protect the environment (even when standards are introduced). Much to the contrary, green bonds may come into being at the expense of other ways of living ecologically, and by restoring injustices of the past and creating a regenerative future - in other words, by creating debt. ; El presente artículo parte de un enfoque de ecología-mundo para develar y dar sentido a los bonos verdes como una herramienta en manos de las finanzas climáticas, que reproduce los patrones globales de desarrollo desigual y acumulación capitalista. A través del estudio de las emisiones de bonos verdes dirigidas a financiar el sector forestal en Brasil, se revisa cómo la dinámica ideológica, técnica y de poder detrás de dichas emisiones desencadena la acumulación de capital, y produce una construcción de la naturaleza financiarizada y subordinada. Actualmente, los bonos verdes son una de las formas más destacadas de la economía verde para intentar conciliar la "sostenibilidad ambiental" con el crecimiento dentro de los parámetros de las finanzas. Como instrumentos de deuda cuyos ingresos van destinados a financiar proyectos con supuestos beneficios ambientales, los bonos verdes ocupan ya una posición central en la narrativa y el marco político de la economía verde. El artículo reseña los bonos verdes, como uno de los temas financieros relevantes del momento, y describe las promesas y tendencias de emisiones de estos bonos, tanto en los países del Norte y del Sur, y específicamente en Brasil. Al observar las emisiones concretas en el sector forestal brasileño, el artículo muestra cómo la acumulación de capital a través de bonos verdes se asocia a coproducir la naturaleza en formas problemáticas, tanto social como ambientalmente, generando deuda no solo financiera, sino esencialmente social y ecológica. Con una combinación de enfoques micro y macro del tema, el artículo explica cómo los bonos verdes en el sector forestal exigen un arreglo institucional que combine el apoyo estatal y la gobernanza privada de la deuda en sus ámbitos financiero, social y ecológico, para que la acumulación se produzca en tales términos. Se sugiere, sin pretensión de universalidad, que el caso de los bonos verdes en el sector forestal en Brasil es un fenómeno financiero y ecológico novedoso, e ilumina el rompecabezas del capitalismo en la trama de la vida y el análisis de las nuevas fronteras de la miseria planificada.

ABSTRACTThe indexes of crimes against the good functioning of the public administration in Ecuador are alarming. Although every year, there is an increase in efforts to fight corruption, concussion and acts that threaten sovereignty and democracy. These efforts have not provided significant changes despite living a state of emergency worldwide due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which threatens people's health with a high mortality rate, since there are people who only aim at personal enrichment, leaving aside the general interest. These illegal acts generate transaction costs from anti-democratic actions and actions that go against the Ecuadorian positive law since they limit the investment of these resources in the growth of relevant sectors for the evolutionary development of the country, such as the area of health, education, the incentive to sport, the emergence of new technologies. Besides, it is essential to consider the investment to eliminate the crimes that attempt against protected legal assets so that these would be reduced every year, that cost would be destined to the positive evolution of the country. Therefore, this article aims to analyze the importance of eliminating crimes against the proper functioning of public administration to eliminate the State transaction costs generated and thus strengthen democracy and legal security in the country. KEYWORDS: illegal cooperations, transaction costs, democracy, crimes, undemocratic acts, legal certainty. RESUMENLos índices de delitos contra la buena marcha de la administración pública en el Ecuador son alarmantes. Si bien cada año aumentan los esfuerzos por la lucha contra la corrupción, la concusión y actos que atentan contra la soberanía y democracia de un país, pero no han proporcionado grandes cambios a pesar de vivir un estado de emergencia a nivel mundial debido a la pandemia por COVID-19, que atenta contra la salud de las personas con un alto índice de mortalidad, ya que existen personas que solo tienen como objetivo el enriquecimiento personal, dejando de lado el interés general. Estos actos ilícitos generan costos de transacción a partir de las acciones antidemocráticas y acciones que van contra el derecho positivo ecuatoriano, puesto que limitan la inversión de esos recursos en el crecimiento de sectores relevantes para el desarrollo evolutivo del país como: el área de salud, la educación, el incentivo al deporte, el surgimiento de nuevas tecnologías; además, es importante considerar la inversión para eliminar los delitos que atentan contra bienes jurídicos protegidos, con el fin de que estos se redujeran cada año, ese costo sería destinado a la evolución positiva del país. Por lo cual, el objetivo del presente artículo es analizar la importancia de la eliminación de los delitos contra la correcta marcha de la administración pública, para eliminar los costos de transacción estatales que se generan, y así fortalecer la democracia y la seguridad jurídica del país. CÓDIGO JEL: K, K10, K42 ; ABSTRACTThe indexes of crimes against the good functioning of the public administration in Ecuador are alarming. Although every year, there is an increase in efforts to fight corruption, concussion and acts that threaten sovereignty and democracy. These efforts have not provided significant changes despite living a state of emergency worldwide due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which threatens people's health with a high mortality rate, since there are people who only aim at personal enrichment, leaving aside the general interest. These illegal acts generate transaction costs from anti-democratic actions and actions that go against the Ecuadorian positive law since they limit the investment of these resources in the growth of relevant sectors for the evolutionary development of the country, such as the area of health, education, the incentive to sport, the emergence of new technologies. Besides, it is essential to consider the investment to eliminate the crimes that attempt against protected legal assets so that these would be reduced every year, that cost would be destined to the positive evolution of the country. Therefore, this article aims to analyze the importance of eliminating crimes against the proper functioning of public administration to eliminate the State transaction costs generated and thus strengthen democracy and legal security in the country. KEYWORDS: illegal cooperations, transaction costs, democracy, crimes, undemocratic acts, legal certainty. JEL CODE: K, K10, K42 ; Les indices de délits contre le bon fonctionnement de l'administration publique en Equateur sont alarmants. Bien que chaque année, il y ait une augmentation des efforts pour lutter contre la corruption, les commotions cérébrales et les actes qui menacent la souveraineté et la démocratie. Ces efforts n'ont pas apporté de changements significatifs malgré le fait de vivre un état d'urgence dans le monde entier en raison de la pandémie de COVID-19, qui menace la santé des personnes avec un taux de mortalité élevé, car il y a des personnes qui ne visent que l'enrichissement personnel, laissant de côté l'intérêt général. Ces actes illégaux génèrent des coûts de transaction à partir d'actions antidémocratiques et d'actions qui vont à l'encontre du droit positif équatorien car ils limitent l'investissement de ces ressources dans la croissance de secteurs pertinents pour le développement évolutif du pays, tels que le domaine de la santé, l'éducation , l'incitation au sport, l'émergence de nouvelles technologies. En outre, il est essentiel de considérer l'investissement pour éliminer les délits qui portent atteinte aux biens juridiques protégés afin que ceux-ci soient réduits chaque année, ce coût serait destiné à l'évolution positive du pays. Par conséquent, cet article vise à analyser l'importance d'éliminer les infractions contre le bon fonctionnement de l'administration publique pour éliminer les coûts de transaction de l'État générés et ainsi renforcer la démocratie et la sécurité juridique dans le pays. MOTS-CLÉS: coopérations illégales, coûts de transaction, démocratie, délits, actes antidémocratiques, sécurité juridique. CODE JEL: K, K10, K42 ; Gli indici dei reati contro il buon funzionamento della pubblica amministrazione in Ecuador sono allarmanti. Sebbene ogni anno aumentino gli sforzi per combattere la corruzione, le commozioni cerebrali e gli atti che minacciano la sovranità e la democrazia. Questi sforzi non hanno prodotto cambiamenti significativi nonostante si viva uno stato di emergenza mondiale a causa della pandemia di COVID-19, che minaccia la salute delle persone con un alto tasso di mortalità, poiché ci sono persone che mirano solo all'arricchimento personale, tralasciando l'interesse generale. Questi atti illegali generano costi di transazione da azioni antidemocratiche e azioni che vanno contro la legge positiva ecuadoriana poiché limitano l'investimento di queste risorse nella crescita di settori rilevanti per lo sviluppo evolutivo del paese, come l'area della salute, dell'istruzione , l'incentivo allo sport, l'emergere di nuove tecnologie. Inoltre, è essenziale considerare l'investimento per eliminare i reati che attentano ai beni legali protetti in modo che questi si riducano ogni anno, quel costo sarebbe destinato all'evoluzione positiva del Paese. Pertanto, questo articolo si propone di analizzare l'importanza di eliminare i reati contro il corretto funzionamento della pubblica amministrazione per eliminare i costi di transazione dello Stato generati e rafforzare così la democrazia e la sicurezza giuridica nel Paese. PAROLE CHIAVE: collaborazioni illegali, costi di transazione, democrazia, crimini, atti antidemocratici, certezza del diritto. CODICE GEL: K, K10, K42 ; Os índices de crimes contra o bom funcionamento da administração pública no Equador são alarmantes. Embora a cada ano, aumentem os esforços de combate à corrupção, concussão e atos que ameaçam a soberania e a democracia. Esses esforços não proporcionaram mudanças significativas, apesar de vivermos um estado de emergência mundial devido à pandemia COVID-19, que ameaça a saúde das pessoas com uma elevada taxa de mortalidade, visto que há pessoas que visam apenas o enriquecimento pessoal, deixando de lado o interesse geral. Esses atos ilegais geram custos de transação a partir de ações antidemocráticas e contrárias ao direito positivo equatoriano, pois limitam o investimento desses recursos no crescimento de setores relevantes para o desenvolvimento evolutivo do país, como a área da saúde, educação. , o incentivo ao esporte, o surgimento de novas tecnologias. Além disso, é imprescindível considerar o investimento para eliminar os crimes que atentam contra o patrimônio legal protegido para que estes sejam reduzidos a cada ano, esse custo seja destinado à evolução positiva do país. Portanto, este artigo tem como objetivo analisar a importância da eliminação dos crimes contra o bom funcionamento da administração pública para eliminar os custos de transação gerados pelo Estado e, assim, fortalecer a democracia e a segurança jurídica no país. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: cooperações ilegais, custos de transação, democracia, crimes, atos não democráticos, segurança jurídica. CÓDIGO JEL: K, K10, K42

La grande rivelazione: esperienze di un musicoterapista registrato australianocon disabilità, un progetto di ricerca basato sull'arte La disabilità è un fenomeno umano vissuto non da una piccola minoranza, ma da una grande percentuale della nostra popolazione globale. La disabilità viene incontrata da persone di tutte le etnie, religioni, generi (e non conformi), sessualità, background socio-economici ed età. La recente letteratura musicoterapica ha richiesto una forza lavoro diversificata, e altre descrivono il valore dei musicoterapisti di adottare una lente intersezionale che consideri l'interconnessione fra identità sociali e politiche. Tuttavia, vi è un dialogo limitato di esperienze vissute da musicoterapisti di identità sottorappresentate, come la disabilità. Questa ricerca ha cercato di sondare le esperienze dei musicoterapisti registrati australiani che si identificano come disabili, e di esplorare come la loro disabilità possa avere un impatto o informare la loro pratica. È stato intervistato un musicoterapista registrato australiano (RMT) identificato come disabile. Lo studente-ricercatore si è impegnato nella ricerca artistica attraverso la composizione musicale, al fine di consentire un'analisi incorporata e presentare i risultati in un formato accessibile. Diversi sono i temi rivelati, tra cui: disabilità nascosta, divulgazione di disabilità, alleanza, transfert positivo, visibilità e identità. Questi risultati dimostrano l'importanza delle esperienze vissute nella comunità musicoterapica, nonché i richiami per amplificare le diverse voci di persone sia con disabilità che con altre identità intersecanti all'interno della nostra professione. Riconoscere il lavoro dei musicoterapisti disabili può ulteriormente sfidare gli atteggiamenti degli esperti nella nostra società, e fornire opzioni ai partecipanti che potrebbero preferire il lavoro con terapisti che hanno un'esperienza di vita rilevante. Traduzione di Claudio Comimardi ; La grande révélation: Les Expériences d'une Musicothérapeute Handicapé Enregistrée en Australie, Une projet de Recherche Basée sur les Arts Le handicap est un phénomène humain vécu non pas par une petite minorité mais par une grande pourcentage de notre population mondiale. Le handicap est rencontré par des personnes de toutes ethnies, religions, genres (et non-conformes), sexualités, milieux socio-économiques, et les âges. La littérature récente sur la musicothérapie a plaidé pour une main-d'œuvre diversifiée et d'autres décrivent la valeur pour les musicothérapeutes d'adopter une lentille intersectionnelle, qui considère l'interdépendance des identités sociales et politiques. cependant, il y a un dialogue limité sur les expériences vécues des musicothérapeutes de sous-représentés identités, telles que le handicap. Cette recherche a cherché à sonder les experiences des musicothérapeutes enregistrés en Australie qui s'identifient comme ayant un handicap et d'explorer comment leur handicap peut avoir un impact ou informer leur pratique. Un musicothérapeute australien enregistrée (RMT) identifié comme handicapé a été interviewé. L'étudiant-chercheur engagé dans la recherche artistique à travers la composition musicale pour permettre une analyse incarnée et présenter les résultats dans un format accessible. Plusieurs thèmes ont été révélés, notamment; handicap caché, divulgation du handicap, alliance, transfert positif, visibilité et identité. Ces résultats démontrent la importance des expériences vécues dans la communauté de la musicothérapie et appelle à amplifier diverses voix des personnes handicapées et d'autres identités qui se croisent au sein de notre profession. Reconnaître le travail des musicothérapeutes handicapés peut constituer un défi supplémentaire contre les attitudes capacitistes dans notre société et offrir des options aux participants qui pourraient préfèrent travailler avec des thérapeutes qui ont une expérience vécue pertinente. Mots-clés: handicap, identité handicapée, expérience vécue, divulgation, musicothérapie, recherche basée sur les arts Traduit par Danielle Jakubiak ; Disability is a human phenomenon experienced not by a small minority but a large percentage of our global population. Disability is encountered by people of all ethnicities, religions, genders (and non-conforming), sexualities, socio-economic backgrounds, and ages. Recent music therapy literature has advocated for a diverse workforce and others describe the value in music therapists adopting an intersectional lens, which considers the interconnectedness of social and political identities. However, there is limited dialogue featuring lived experiences of music therapists of underrepresented identities, such as disability. This research sought to canvass the experiences of Australian Registered Music Therapists who identify as having a disability and to explore how their disability may impact or inform their practice. One Australian Registered Music Therapist (RMT) who identified as disabled was interviewed. The student-researcher engaged with arts-based research through music composition to allow an embodied analysis and to present results in an accessible format. Several themes were revealed, including; hidden disability, disclosure of disability, alliance, positive transference, visibility, and identity. These findings demonstrate the importance of lived experiences in the music therapy community and calls to amplify diverse voices of those with disabilities and other intersecting identities within our profession. Acknowledging the work of disabled music therapists may further challenge ableist attitudes in our society and provide options to participants who might prefer to work with therapists who have relevant lived experience. ; Die große Offenbarung: Die Erfahrungen einer in Australien registrierten Musiktherapeutin mit Behinderung, ein künstlerisches Forschungsprojekt ZusammenfassungBehinderungen sind ein menschliches Phänomen, das nicht nur eine kleine Minderheit, sondern ein großer Prozentsatz unserer Weltbevölkerung erlebt. Menschen aller Ethnien, Religionen, Geschlechter (und geschlechts-nonkonformistische), sexueller Orientierung, sozioökonomischen Hintergründe und Altersgruppen sind mit Behinderungen konfrontiert. In der neueren musiktherapeutischen Literatur wird für eine vielfältige Zusammensetzung der Mitarbeiterschaft plädiert, und andere beschreiben den Wert einer intersektionalen Perspektive, die die Verflechtung sozialer und politischer Identitäten berücksichtigt. Es gibt jedoch nur einen begrenzten Dialog über gelebte Erfahrungen von MusiktherapeutInnen mit unterrepräsentierten Identitäten, wie z.B. Behinderungen. Mit dieser Forschung wurde versucht, die Erfahrungen von in Australien registrierten MusiktherapeutInnen, die eine Behinderung haben, zu erfassen und zu untersuchen, wie ihre Behinderung ihre Praxis beeinflussen oder beeinflussen kann. Es wurde ein australischer registrierter Musiktherapeut (RMT) befragt, der sich als behindert identifizierte. Die studentische Forscherin beschäftigte sich mit künstlerischer Forschung durch Komposition, um eine fundierte Analyse zu ermöglichen und die Ergebnisse in einem zugänglichen Format zu präsentieren. Es wurden mehrere Themen aufgedeckt, darunter versteckte Behinderung, Offenlegung von Behinderung, Zusammenschluss, positive Übertragung, Sichtbarkeit und Identität. Diese Ergebnisse zeigen die Bedeutung gelebter Erfahrungen in der Musiktherapiewelt und rufen dazu auf, die unterschiedlichen Stimmen von Menschen mit Behinderungen und anderen sich überschneidenden Identitäten in unserem Beruf zu stärken. Die Wertschätzung der Arbeit behinderter MusiktherapeutInnen kann die ablehnende Haltung der Gesellschaft weiter herausfordern und bietet den TeilnehmerInnen Optionen, die es vorziehen, mit TherapeutInnen zu arbeiten, die über relevante gelebte Erfahrungen verfügen. Schlüsselbegriffe: Behinderung, Identität, gelebte Erfahrung, Musiktherapie, künstlerische Forschung Übersetzung: Josephine Geipel ; 重大启示:澳大利亚残疾人音乐治疗师的经验,一项基于艺术的研究项目 摘要 残疾是一种人类现象,并非少数人经历,而是占全球人口的很大比例。残疾的发生不分种族、宗教、性别(不符合规定)、性特性、社会经济背景和年龄。最近的音乐治疗文献提倡多样化的劳动力,另一些则描述了利用交叉视角的音乐治疗师的价值。这种交叉视角包括社会和政治身份的相互联系。但是,对话的特点是音乐治疗师在未被充分代表的群体中,有着很局限的经历,例如残疾。这项研究旨在探寻澳大利亚有残疾的注册音乐治疗师的经验,并探讨他们的残疾可能影响或促进他们的工作实践。本文采访了一位自我身份认知为残疾人的澳大利亚注册音乐治疗师(RMT)。学生研究者通过音乐创作进行基于艺术的研究,以进行具体的分析并以可参与的形式呈现结果。结果揭示了几个主题,包括:隐藏的残障,残障的自我透露,同盟,积极的移情,可见性和身份。这些发现证明了在音乐治疗界中生命经验的重要性,并呼吁在我们的职业中扩大残疾人和交叉身份的人的声音。承认残疾人音乐治疗师的工作可能会进一步挑战我们社会中的健全主义者(ableist)态度,并为可能愿意找到具有相关生命经验的治疗师的来访者提供选择。 关键字:残疾,残疾身份,生命经历,透露,音乐治疗,基于艺术的研究 翻译:张婧雯

For whom do we transform our built environment? The answer may seem obvious, since architecture, in theory, is conceived for humans and for the emancipation of communities. However, it is clear that architecture has moved away in many ways from this initial purpose. Making our cities increasingly attractive through ambitious urban renovation campaigns, with renewed public spaces and neighbourhoods, has led to issues that are the consequences of an urbanism of exclusion. These include gentrification, social tensions and mass tourism. Recently, this situation has caused some to consider architecture and urbanism in a more inclusive way, from the perspective of neighbourhood communities and for the common good. Inherited from the twentieth century, participation processes, which are related directly with reclaiming the city, are now re-emerging in urban and architectural processes in democratic administrations. Sustainable, resilient, inclusive urban regeneration means working with inhabitants when cities are transformed, giving them the opportunity to collaborate in the city's creation. Today, these processes are evolving. New creative artistic tools are emerging that are changing the modus operandi. However, there are many gaps, with so-called participatory processes that do not guarantee the real participation of local communities. It seems that there are still many doubts and misunderstandings about how to define participatory architecture and its processes, and there is a real need for a paradigm shift. The aim of this research is to provide an updated definition and interpretation of participation in architecture in urban spaces. The thesis is organised into three parts: (1) Retrospective, (2) Tools and (3) Co-creation Experiments. The first part (1) consists of an organised retrospective of participation in history, to clarify the concept and understand all its facets. The second part (2) examines the creation of methodology for participatory action with new and traditional tools (information and communication technology, mapping, big data cartographies, artistic and creative tools such as urban sketching, tactical planning, opinion polls and collaborative websites, among others). This is achieved by classifying the tools into a taxonomy, generated through an analysis of several past and recent case studies in which the real stakeholders in urban planning – its users – co-designed the project. By combining the tools, we should be able to build a methodology or a guide for co-creation workshops. Finally, the last part (3) describes experiments in which our students collaborated with the local community, hopefully to encourage a change in habits and mindset. In fact, we show how the momentum should start from universities and education, relying on artistic co-creation as a participatory and project medium. In other words, the idea is to work creatively together for the common good. ; ¿Para quién hacemos arquitectura y ciudad? la respuesta puede parecer obvia, ya que la arquitectura, en teoría, se dedica a construir para la humanidad y la emancipación de sus comunidades. Sin embargo, está claro que también se ha alejado en muchos aspectos de este primer objetivo. Hacer que nuestras ciudades sean cada vez más atractivas a través de ambiciosas campañas de renovación urbana, con espacios públicos y vecindarios renovados, también ha llevado a problemas emergentes, consecuencias de un urbanismo de exclusión. Este último se expresa a través de la gentrificación, tensiones sociales, y turismo de masas. Afortunadamente, esto ha llevado recientemente pensar de una manera más inclusiva desde las comunidades locales. Heredados del siglo XX, los procesos de participación, que están directamente relacionados con la recuperación de la ciudad, ahora están resurgiendo en procesos urbanos y arquitectónicos en administraciones democratizadoras. La regeneración urbana sostenible, resiliente e inclusiva significa trabajar con los habitantes cuando las ciudades se transforman, dándoles la oportunidad de colaborar en la creación de la ciudad. Hoy en día, estos procesos evolucionan: emergen nuevas herramientas artísticas creativas que cambian el modus operandi. Sin embargo, hay muchas brechas actuales, con los llamados procesos participativos que no garantizan la participación real de las comunidades locales. Parece que todavía hay malentendidos sobre lo que es la arquitectura participativa, así como sus procesos, mientras que existe una necesidad real de cambio paradigmático. Esta investigación propone dar una respuesta y una interpretación renovada de la participación en la arquitectura, y más exactamente en los espacios urbanos, organizadas en tres partes: (1) retrospectiva, (2) herramientas y (3) experimentos de co-creación. La primera parte (1) consiste en una retrospectiva organizada de participación en la historia para aclarar su concepto y comprender su diversidad de facetas. La segunda parte (2) revela la creación de una metodología para la acción participativa con herramientas nuevas y tradicionales (tecnología de la información y las comunicaciones, mapeo, cartografías de big data, herramientas artísticas y creativas como bosquejos urbanos, planificación táctica, encuestas de opinión y sitios web colaborativos, entre otros), a través de su clasificación en una taxonomía. La taxonomía se ha generado a través de un análisis de varios estudios de casos históricos y recientes en los que sus usuarias y sus usuarios, co-diseñaron el proyecto. Al combinar las herramientas, deberíamos ser capaces de construir una metodología o una guía para talleres de co-creación. Finalmente, la última parte (3) involucra experimentos en los cuales nuestras y nuestros estudiantes colaboran con la comunidad local, con la esperanza de alentar un cambio en los hábitos y la sensibilidad. De hecho, mostraremos cómo debe comenzar el impulso desde las universidades y la educación, confiando en la co-creación artística como medio participativo y proyectual. En otras palabras, trabajar creativamente juntos por el bien común. ; Pour qui transformons-nous notre environnement bâti? La réponse peut sembler évidente puisque l'architecture, en théorie, conçoit pour l'être humain et pour l'émancipation de ses communautés. Néanmoins, il est clair qu'elle s'est également éloignée à bien des égards de ce premier objectif : la transformation de nos villes afin de les rendre plus attractives, à travers d'ambitieuses campagnes de rénovation urbaine, avec des espaces publics et des quartiers renouvelés, a également conduit à des enjeux émergents, qui sont les conséquences d'un urbanisme de l'exclusion. Ce dernier s'exprime à travers la gentrification (ou embourgeoisement), l'augmentation des tensions sociales ou encore l'abandon à un scénario de tourisme de masse. Ces conséquences ont récemment amené à penser l'urbanisme d'une manière plus inclusive en travaillant avec et depuis les communautés d'un lieu donné. Hérité du XXème siècle, les processus de participation, directement liés à la récupération de la ville, apparaissent désormais dans les outils d'urbanisme reconnus par les administrations démocratiques. Une régénération urbaine durable et flexible, exige de travailler avec les habitants, en leur donnant la possibilité de collaborer directement à la création de la ville. Aujourd'hui, ces processus évoluent : de nouveaux outils artistiques et technologiques créatifs émergent, ce qui change le modus operandi. Cependant, il existe actuellement de nombreuses lacunes, avec des processus soi-disant participatifs qui ne garantissent pas une participation réelle des communautés locales. Il semble qu'il existe encore de nombreux doutes et malentendus sur ce qu'est l'architecture participative ainsi que sur ses processus, alors qu'il y a un réel besoin de changement paradigmatique. Cette recherche a pour objectif d'apporter une réponse et une interprétation renouvelée de la participation appliquée à l'architecture et aux espaces urbains. Cette thèse est organisée en trois parties : (1) Rétrospective, (2) Outils et (3) Expériences de cocréation. La première partie (1) consiste en une rétrospective organisée de la participation qui permet de clarifier son concept et de comprendre la diversité de ses facettes. La deuxième partie (2) met en évidence la création d'une méthodologie d'action participative avec des outils nouveaux et traditionnels (technologies de l'information et de la communication, cartographie, big data, outils artistiques et créatifs tels que l'esquisse urbaine, la planification tactique, les sondages d'opinion et les sites collaboratifs, entre autres). Ces instruments ont été classés dans une taxonomie générée par l'analyse de nombreux cas d'études dans lesquelles les véritables acteurs de l'urbanisme -ses utilisateurs et ses utilisatrices- ont conçu ensemble le projet. En combinant les outils, nous devrions pouvoir construire une méthodologie à l'image d'un guide pour les ateliers de cocréation. Enfin, la dernière partie (3) implique des expériences dans lesquelles nos étudiantes et nos étudiants collaborent avec la communauté locale, dans l'espoir d'encourager un changement d'habitudes et de sensibilité. De fait, nous montrerons comment cet élan devrait commencer depuis l'éducation et le monde universitaire, en s'appuyant sur la cocréation artistique comme médium participatif. En d'autres termes, travailler ensemble, de manière créative et positive, pour le bien commun. ; Postprint (published version)

RESUMEN: El calabacín (Cucurbita pepo L.) es una de las hortalizas más importantes a nivel mundial. Esta especie es, en general, poco susceptible a enfermedades causadas por hongos de suelo con síntomas en las raíces y base del tallo, sin embargo, en la primavera 2007 se detectó por primera vez en la provincia de Almería una enfermedad telúrica que causaba marchitez, clorosis, necrosis en la base del tallo, y finalmente la muerte de las plantas. El agente causal fue identificado como Fusarium solani (Mart.) Sacc. f. sp. cucurbitae (Snyder y Hans). Este hongo ascomiceto tiene una especificad parasitaria sobre las cucurbitáceas, y es capaz de infectar en condiciones de campo a melón, sandía, pepino y calabaza. Puede transmitirse a través de las semillas y producir clamidosporas para conservarse en el suelo. La presente tesis doctoral se centra en el estudio de esta forma especializada de Fusarium solani, así como de diversos métodos para su control. De esta forma, en el Capítulo II se comienza con la realización de una prospección fitopatológica en invernaderos de la provincia de Almería, principalmente dedicados al cultivo de calabacín, aunque también se visitaron invernaderos donde se cultivaban pepino, melón o sandía. Una vez confirmada la extensión de la enfermedad a lo largo de la provincia de Almería, se obtuvo una colección de aislados, y se realizó un estudio detallado de una selección de éstos. Para ello en primer lugar se estudió el poder patógeno sobre plantas y frutos de calabacín. Todos los aislados de F. solani estudiados, excepto uno, fueron altamente patógenos causando enfermedad en todas las plantas inoculadas, y una elevada tasa de mortandad. Además, todos los aislados fueron capaces de producir podredumbre en los frutos. A partir de estos resultados se seleccionó un aislado moderadamente agresivo y un aislado muy agresivo, y se estudió su patogenicidad sobre varias especies de cucurbitáceas, así como varias especies pertenecientes a otras familias botánicas ampliamente cultivadas en la provincia de Almería. Los resultados confirmaron la especificidad parasitaria de esta forma especializada sobre las cucurbitáceas, que resultaron todas susceptibles frente a la enfermedad, mientras que el resto de las especies ensayadas no resultaron ser hospedadoras. Se observaron diferencias entre las distintas especies, resultando elpepino significativamente menos susceptible que el resto de cucurbitáceas. Posteriormente, se describieron las principales características morfológicas de F. solani f. sp. cucurbitae, entre las que destacan la producción de fiálidas largas y verticiladas, la formación de macroconidias relativamente largas y finas, así como la producción de largas cadenas de clamidosporas. Por último, a partir de las secuencias del factor de elongación traslación 1-α (EF 1-α) y de la segunda mayor subunidad de la RNA polimerasa II (RPB2) se realizó un estudio filogénico y se confirmó el encuadre de estos aislados dentro del complejo de especies de Fusarium solani (FSSC), mostrando que los aislados forman un grupo monofilético situado en el clado 3 del FSSC. En el Capítulo III se describe la primera detección de la podredumbre de la base del tallo del melón en España; y en el Capítulo IV se describe la primera detección de Phytophthora capsici causando podredumbre de la base del tallo del calabacín en España, una enfermedad de síntomas similares a los causados por F. solani f. sp. cucurbitae. Por último, en el Capítulo V se estudian diversos métodos para el control de la podredumbre de la base del tallo del calabacín. En primer lugar, se investigó la conservación del hongo durante 18 meses en sacos de perlita infestados con el patógeno. Una vez se verificó la capacidad del mismo para sobrevivir en los sacos, se evaluaron varios métodos para el control de la enfermedad. En primer lugar se estudió el control genético mediante la caracterización de la susceptibilidad de una serie de cultivares comerciales de calabacín frente a le enfermedad, quedando patente que todos ellos fueron altamente susceptibles. Se ensayaron diversos productos químicos y formulados microbiológicos, entre los que se detectaron tres sustancias, procloraz, metil-tiofanato y carbendazima como altamente eficaces para su control, aunque su uso no está actualmente autorizado en calabacín en la Unión Europea. Por último, se probó la solarización y biosolarización de invernaderos con sistema de enarenado para la eliminación del inóculo del suelo durante periodos de seis semanas, demostrándose que ambos métodos son eficaces para la eliminación del inóculo del suelo y por tanto son adecuados para prevenir la enfermedad en posteriores cultivos. ABSTRACT: Zucchini (Cucurbita pepo L.) is one of the most important crops produced worldwide. This species is generally not very susceptible to fungal soilborne diseases, however, in the spring of 2007, a telluric disease causing wilt, chlorosis, crown necrosis, and finally the death of the plants was detected for the first time in the province of Almería. The causal agent was identified as Fusarium solani (Mart.) Sacc. f. sp. cucurbitae (Snyder and Hans). This ascomycete fungus has host specificity on cucurbits, being able to infect melons, watermelons, cucumbers and squashes in field conditions. The pathogen may be seed-transmitted and it produces chlamydospores which can survive in the soil after the incidence of the disease. This doctoral thesis has focused on the study of this forma specialis of F. solani, as well as in the assessment of several methods for disease control. Chapter II starts conducting a disease survey in greenhouses within the province of Almería, most of them dedicated to the cultivation of zucchini, although we also visited greenhouses dedicated to the cultivation of cucumber, melon and watermelon. Once the spread of the disease throughout the province of Almería was confirmed, a collection of isolates was obtained, and a detailed study of a selection of them was carried out. For this purpose, their pathogenicity on plants and fruits of zucchini was first studied. All isolates of F. solani studied except one were highly pathogenic to zucchini plants, causing disease in all inoculated plants, and a high mortality rate. In addition, all the isolates were able to produce fruit rot. From these results, a moderately aggressive isolate and a very aggressive one were selected, and their pathogenicity was studied on the main species belonging to the cucurbit family, as well as several species belonging to other botanical families that are widely cultivated in the province of Almeria. The results confirmed the host specificity of this special form on cucurbits, which were all susceptible to the disease, while the rest of the species tested were not hosts of the disease. Differences in susceptibility among the different cucurbits were observed, being cucumber significantly less susceptible to the disease. In addition, the main morphological characters of F. solani f. sp. cucurbitae were described, among which the production of long and verticillate phialides, the formation of relatively long and slender macroconidia, as well as the production of long chlamydospore chains were the most remarkable characters. Finally, from the sequences of the translation elongation factor 1-α (EF 1-α) and the second largest subunit of RNA polymerase II (RPB2), a phylogenetic study was conducted which confirmed the classification of these isolates within the Fusarium solani species complex (FSSC), showing that the isolates form a monophyletic group within clade 3 of the FSSC. Chapter III describes the first detection of the Fusarium crown and foot rot of meloncaused by F. solani f. sp. cucurbitae in Spain; and Chapter IV describes the first detection of Phytophthora capsici causing Crown and root rot in zucchini in Spain, a disease with similar symptoms to those caused by F. solani f. sp. cucurbitae. Finally, Chapter V discusses various methods for controlling the Fusarium crown and foot rot of zucchini. First, the survival of the fungus in infested bags of perlite was assessed for 18 months. Once its ability to survive in the bags was verified, several methods for disease control were studied. First, genetic control was investigated by characterizing the susceptibility of several commercial zucchini cultivars to the disease, confirming that all of them were highly susceptible. Also, various chemical products and microbiological formulations were tested, among which three substances, prochloraz, thiophanate- methyl and carbendazim were highly effective in the control of the disease, although its use is not currently authorized in zucchini in the European Union. Finally, six-week periods of solarization and biosolarization of greenhouses with the so-called enarenado system for elimination of the inoculum in the soil were tested, and their efficacy for reducing the inoculum from the soil was demonstrated, and therefore they can be considered effective tools for preventing a disease outbreak in subsequent crops

L'automazione procedimentale non è certo una materia di indagine nuova per gli studiosi di diritto amministrativo: è affrontata in dottrina – e praticata dalle amministrazioni – a partire dagli anni '80. Ciò che rende però questa ricerca attuale è il fatto che l'evoluzione delle tecnologie che consentono l'automazione (con l'avvento dell'Intelligenza Artificiale e di tecnologie di Machine Learning) hanno stravolto e esponenzialmente ampliato i settori dove questa può essere messa in pratica. Se fino a dieci o quindici anni fa il tipo di attività amministrativa in cui il funzionario poteva essere sostituito da un software era ridotta e routinaria (nonché necessariamente vincolata, dato il fatto che venivano utilizzati solo algoritmi di tipo deterministico), l'ingente numero di dati in possesso delle amministrazioni, il modo in cui possono essere conservati e soprattutto analizzati ha comportato il moltiplicarsi delle attività in cui vi si può far ricorso e i vantaggi che ne possono conseguire. Nel corso di questo lavoro si è cercato quindi di identificare la giusta collocazione sistematica delle decisioni amministrative automatizzate (e di tutti gli elementi che le costituiscono), i problemi che in generale il ricorso a esse può comportare, trattandole unitariamente, indipendentemente quindi dal livello di complessità della tecnologia utilizzata. La prima parte è dedicata alla concettualizzazione e all'inquadramento normativo e sistematico della materia. È necessario, in primo luogo, identificare e definire i tratti essenziali della digitalizzazione della Pubblica Amministrazione. In un secondo momento ci si concentra invece sulla digitalizzazione del procedimento amministrativo, luogo di indagine privilegiato perché prodromico all'adozione della decisione. Si analizza quindi dove essa possa intervenire nel corso del procedimento, per arrivare poi al cuore del lavoro, ossia l'automazione decisionale. devono non solo essere individuate le fonti normative che consentono (e in alcuni casi limitano) il ricorso alle decisioni automatizzate da parte dell'amministrazione, ma si deve anche condurre una ulteriore indagine sulla natura giuridica dei strumenti che consentono l'automazione, perché ne derivano importanti conseguenze sul piano della legittimità degli atti e della responsabilità dei funzionari. La seconda parte, invece, si concentra sui principali problemi giuridici posti dall'introduzione di decisioni amministrative pubbliche automatizzate. Una prima ipotesi è che l'automazione non sia compatibile con i principi e le norme europee in materia di amministrazione pubblica, nonché con le fonti nazionali sul procedimento: secondo questa ricostruzione – poi esclusa – l'automazione decisionale non sarebbe ammissibile. Esclusa questa prima ipotesi, ci si concentra su come conciliare principi e istituti procedimentali tradizionali (l'obbligo di motivazione, la partecipazione) con l'automazione decisionale. La parte finale del lavoro indaga il complesso rapporto fra trasparenza dell'attività amministrativa e intellegibilità della decisione automatizzata, analizzando istituti classici come il diritto d'accesso – e il modo in cui vengono interpretati nei casi di specie dalla giurisprudenza – e nuovi strumenti di tutela previsti ad hoc dal Legislatore. La ricerca è stata condotta portando avanti una comparazione fra il sistema italiano e quello francese. Questo per due ordini di ragioni: il primo luogo perché l'ambito di indagine, vale a dire le decisioni amministrative automatizzate e il loro regime giuridico, è un piuttosto inesplorato; l'intervento del Legislatore e le pronunce della giurisprudenza in materia hanno appena cominciato ad addentrarvisi. Per questo limitarsi all'esperienza italiana sarebbe parso probabilmente non sufficiente per una completa ricognizione. In più, come si vedrà nel corso del lavoro, l'intervento dell'Unione Europea in materia di digitalizzazione della Pubblica Amministrazione e di decisioni algoritmiche è piuttosto esteso: in quest'ottica il confronto sulle conseguenze che le politiche europee hanno avuto in due diversi Stati Membri appare piuttosto significativo. La scelta della Francia non è però casuale: in primo luogo il Legislatore francese si è mostrato molto recettivo a fronte delle necessità di intervento richiesto dai nuovi strumenti informatici – e lo studio della normativa di riferimento si è rivelato di conseguenza molto importante – ma inoltre le molteplici affinità fra i due sistemi giuridici hanno reso l'analisi della tenuta di istituti classici del diritto amministrativo come l'obbligo di motivazione, o il diritto di accesso (a fronte dell'automazione) assai più agile. ; Procedural automation is certainly not a new topic of investigation for scholars working on administrative law. It has been studied by doctrine, and practiced by administrations, since the 1980s. Within this long-standing debate, the relevance of the present dissertation lies in the fact that the exponential development of technologies for automation (with the advent of Artificial Intelligence) has substantially expanded the areas where automated decision-making can be successfully implemented. Until ten or fifteen years ago the type of administrative activities in which officials could be replaced by a software were limited (and necessarily bound, considering that only deterministic algorithms were used). Nowadays, the large number of data in possession of the administrations, as well as the way in which they can be stored and above all analyzed, has led to the multiplication of the activities in which they can be used and the advantages that can be derived from them. In this work, an attempt is made to identify the correct systematic collocation of automated administrative decisions and of all the elements that constitute them, and to highlight the problems that recourse to such decisions can entail. In doing so, a unified treatment of these decisions is advocated, hence independently from the level of complexity of the technology used. The first part of the dissertation is dedicated to conceptualizing and to elaborating the normative and systematic framework of the matter. In the first place, it is necessary to identify and define the essential features of the digitalization of the Public Administration. The focus then shifts to the digitalization of the administrative procedure, which is a privileged place of investigation. In this respect, two are the main points of relevance. Firstly, one should identify those regulatory sources that allow (and in some cases limit) the recourse to automated decisions by the administration. Secondly, further investigation must also be conducted into the legal nature of the tools that allow automation, because this has important consequences in terms of the legitimacy of acts and the liability of officials. The second part of the dissertation focuses on the main legal problems posed by the introduction of automated public administrative decisions. A first hypothesis is that automation is not compatible with European principles and rules on public administration and with national sources on the administrative procedure. As will be extensively discussed, this preliminary hypothesis proves unwarranted. Instead, it is proposed that a more viable solution is to reconcile traditional procedural principles and legal tools (duty to give state reasons, participation) with decision-making automation. The final part of the work investigates the complex relationship between the transparency of the administrative activity and the intelligibility of automated decision-making. Here, a new analysis is proposed of both classical legal tools such as the right of access, and the way in which they are interpreted in those cases by case law, and of new instruments of protection provided ad hoc by the Legislator. The research takes a comparative view between the Italian and French systems. The comparative perspective is required by the scope of the investigation. The automated administrative decisions and their legal status remains rather unexplored. The intervention of the Legislator and the pronouncements of the jurisprudence on the subject have just begun to acknowledge the problem. For this reason, limiting oneself to the Italian experience would probably not have been sufficient for a complete understanding of the issue. In addition, as will be seen in the course of the work, the intervention of the European Union in the field of the digitalization of the Public Administration and algorithmic decisions is quite pervasive. Here, the comparison of the role that the EU had in two different Member States seems rather significant. The choice of France, however, is not accidental. First of all, the French Legislator has proved very sensitive to the need for intervention with regards to the new IT tools. It follows, that the study of new legislative instruments developed in this context is of paramount importance. In addition, the multiple affinities between the Italian and the French legal systems have eased the comparison of the performance of classical legal tools of administrative law, such as participation and the right of access (in the face of automation).

학위논문 (석사) -- 서울대학교 대학원 : 사범대학 협동과정 글로벌교육협력전공, 2020. 8. 김선영. ; Honduras has the second-highest rate of adolescent pregnancy (28%) in Latin America (WHO, UNFPA, UN, 2019) which has a lasting impact on not only physical and mental health risks on adolescent, but also on individual and family issues such as school dropouts, poverty, and stigma beyond community problems such as economic recession and gender discrimination (Hodgkinson, Colantuoni, Roberts, Berg-Cross, & Belcher, 2010; Morris & Rushwan, 2015; WHO, 2014). The aims of this thesis are three-fold. This first aim is to explore the social determinants of health for adolescent pregnancy by analyzing the qualitative data. Based on that, the second is to identify plausible educational efforts to decreases adolescent pregnancy as well as promote adolescent sexual and reproductive health. Specifically, the third is to identify what improvements and complements or new aspects to existing education programs should be introduced for developing an effective health education program for the prevention of adolescent pregnancy. It also highlights the necessity of the development of social services and intervention policy for the prevention of adolescent pregnancy. Based on the Analytical Dualism in Archer's Morphogenetic Approach, the theoretical framework was formed. In other words, the theoretical background is that social change is driven by social action caused by the reflexivity between social conditions and the agency given on the issue of adolescent pregnancy. This thesis adopts a qualitative methodology. The data utilized in this study is collected from the interviews, Focus Group interviews (FGI), and field documents (Textbooks). The thesis collected from 14 participants: two principals, four teachers, three parents, three students, and two community women who have experienced adolescent pregnancy. The main results are as follows: The social determinants of health of adolescent pregnancy which pre-exist in Honduras; 1) unstable economic situation, 2) social norm; reluctance toward sex, Machismo 3) broken family, 4) Insufficient support from government and 5) the lack of SRHR education. Unfortunately, the rate of adolescent pregnancy continues to increase. However, despite the poor social conditions, social changes to prevent adolescent pregnancy have been discovered in an agency who has their own learning experience and personal concerns; 1) critical opinions toward Honduras to improve social change 2) care for others (service) 3) continuous efforts for social action, 4) constructive attitude toward their life and Honduras and 5) clear sexual values (sex ethics). Furthermore, the educational contents that need be included in sexual and reproductive and health rights education based on the context of Honduras are 1) The consequence of adolescent pregnancy 2) the meaning of relationships, love, and family-based on the value of sex (sex ethics), and 3) counseling approach. In addition, policy support is essential to expand the reform of sexual and reproductive health rights education based on the concerns of these agencies to include non-formal and informal education. In addition, the community participation and policy support are essential to expanding the reformed SRHR education based on the personal concern of agency who has positive impacts on and the contents required in the context of Honduras to informal education and non-formal education. This study focuses on the role of sexual and reproductive and health rights education, which can be demonstrated as an indicator of education, health, and gender equality among sustainable development goals. It also contributes to suggest the implementation of improved health education considering local, social culture and political context in Honduras to solve the adolescent pregnancy. ; 온두라스는 라틴아메리카에서 두번째로 높은 청소년 임신률 (28%)을 기록하고 있다 (WHO, UNFPA, UN, 2019). 청소년 임신은 청소년의 신체적 정신적 건강상 위험요인으로 작용할 뿐만 아니라, 학교 중퇴, 빈곤의 악순환 및 사회적 스티그마와 같은 개인과 가족의 문제에서부터 경기침체, 양성차별과 같은 지역사회의 문제로까지 확대되어 지속적인 영향을 끼친다. (WHO, 2014; Hodgkinson SC et al., 2010; Morris, 2015). 본 연구는 온두라스의 높은 청소년 임신률에 영향을 미치는 요인들을 질적자료 분석을 통해 폭넓게 탐색하고, 이를 바탕으로 청소년 임신 예방과 청소년들의 성생식건강 증진을 위해 어떠한 교육적 노력이 필요한지를 파악하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 구체적으로, 효과적인 청소년 임신 예방 교육 프로그램을 개발 하기 위해서는 기존 교육 프로그램이 어떤 개선, 보완을 거쳐야 하는지 또는 어떤 새로운 측면이 도입되어야 하는지를 파악한다. 또한 청소년 임신 예방을 위한 사회적 서비스 개발 및 정책적 개입의 필요성을 강조하고자 한다. 본 연구에서는 Archer의 형태발생론 접근법(Morphogenetic Approach)의 분석적 이원론(Analytical dualism)을 바탕으로 이론적 틀을 구성하였다. 즉, 청소년 임신문제 관련해 주어진 사회적 조건들과 이에 대한 주체적 개인(Agency)의 성찰(reflexivity)로 야기된 사회적 행동(Social action)을 통해 사회변화가 이끌어 진다는 점을 이론적 근거로 삼았다. 본 연구는 질적연구 방법론을 채택하였으며, 연구에서 활용된 데이터는 인터뷰, 초점그룹 인터뷰(FGI) 및 현장문서(textbook)를 통해 수집하였다. 총 14명의 참여자들(교장 2명, 교사 4명, 학부모 3명, 학생 3명, 여성 2명)을 대상으로 수행되었다. 본 연구의 주요 결과는 다음과 같다. 온두라스에 이미 존재하고 있는 청소년 임신의 결정요인으로 1) 불안정한 경제 상황, 2) 사회규범_성에 대한 거부감, 남성우월주의 문화 3) 붕괴된 가정 4) 정부의 불충분한 지원, 5) 성과 생식 건강 권 교육의 부족이 꼽혔다. 이로 인해, 온두라스에서는 청소년 임신율이 계속해서 증가하고 있다. 하지만 열악한 사회적 조건에도 불구하고, 자신의 학습경험을 비롯하여 1) 온두라스의 사회변화를 위한 비판적 시각, 2) 봉사정신, 3) 사회적행동 실천력, 4) 온두라스와 자신의 삶에 대한 건설적인 태도 5) 분명한 성가치관(성윤리)를 가진 주체적 개체 로서의 인식에 기반하여 청소년 임신 예방을 위한 사회변화가 진행되고 있음도 발견할 수 있었다. 또한, 온두라스의 상황에 맞게 개편된 성교육에 포함되어야 할 요소로 1) 청소년임신의 신체적, 정신적, 사회적 어려움, 2) 성가치관(성윤리)에 바탕을 둔 관계, 사랑, 가족의 의미 3) 교육상담에 대한 요구가 있었다. 앞에서 다룬 내용들을 근거로 하는 개편된 성교육에는 비형식, 무형식 교육으로 까지 확대 시행하기 위해서, 지역사회 참여 및 정책적 지원 역시 수반 되어야 할 것이다. 본 연구는 지속가능한 개발목표 중 교육, 건강, 양성평등의 지표로 볼 수 있는 성교육의 역할에 주목했으며, 청소년 임신 문제를 개선된 성교육을 통해 해결하기 위해, 현지의 사회문화, 정치적 상황 및 기타 요인들을 포괄적으로 고려한 성생식보건 교육 프로그램의 이행을 제시하고 있다는데 중요한 의의를 갖는다. ; CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Study Background 1 1.2 Statement of the Problem 5 1.2.1 The risk of Adolescent Pregnancy 5 1.2.2 The need for SRHR education that adopted the context of Honduras 8 1.3 Significance of the Study 9 1.4 Purpose of the Study and Research Questions 11 CHAPTER II. LITERATURE REVIEW 13 2.1 Education for Social change 14 2.1.1 Three approaches of educational sociology: functionalism, Marxist theory, and ermeneutic approach 14 2.1.2 The necessity of a hermeneutic approach in Global Education Development Cooperation 20 2.1.3 Morphogenetic Approach 23 2.2 Social Determinants of Global Health 29 2.3 Program Theory 34 2.4 Health Education 38 2.4.1 The definition of Health Education 38 2.4.2 Health literacy 40 2.5 Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights Education 44 2.5.1 The attention of SRHR education for adolescents in the field of global health education. 44 2.5.2 SRHR education 47 2.5.3 SRHR education in Latin America 56 CHAPTER Ⅲ. RESEARCH METHOD 59 3.1 Research Methods 59 3.1.1 Methodological consideration: Qualitative Research 59 3.1.2 Study setting 60 3.1.3 Research Process; Field Research 61 3.2 Data collection & Participants 64 3.3 Data Analysis & Analytical Framework 70 3.4 Ethical Consideration 74 CHAPTER Ⅳ. FINDINGS 76 4.1 Structural Conditioning 76 4.1.1 Ongoing high level of Adolescents' Pregnancy in Honduras 76 4.1.2 Social determinants of health for Adolescent Pregnancy in Honduras 81 4.1.3 Analysis of structural conditioning of Adolescent Pregnancy in Honduras 104 4.2 Social Interaction 106 4.2.1 Personal concern; What we care about Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights 106 4.2.2 Structural intervention; Quality Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights Educational strategies 109 4.2.3 Analysis of Social Interaction of Adolescent Pregnancy in Honduras 117 4.3 Structural Elaboration 120 4.3.1 Changing Society through education 121 4.3.2 Analysis of Social Elaboration of Adolescent Pregnancy in Honduras 130 4.4 Analysis of Adolescent Pregnancy in Honduras using the Framework. 132 CHAPTER Ⅴ. DISCUSSION 136 5.1 The preexistence of great gulf fixed in structural conditioning 136 5.2 The importance of the agency to change society 138 5.3 The effective SRHR education as a positive intervention 143 5.4 The change of the agency through education for social change. 148 5.5 Limitation 152 CHAPTER Ⅵ. CONCLUSION 154 REFERENCES 157 APPENDIXS 167 Appendix 1. Textbooks in Honduras 167 Appendix 2. List of Example Questions used in the Interview 177 Appendix 3. IRB Documents 179 Appendix 4. Field Research Photos 184 Appendix 5. Spanish Abstract 186 국문 초록 190 ; Master