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The study deals with eco-labeling systems that have spread faster than other types of new policy instruments. The paper focuses on the diffusion of two different types of eco-labels: (1) general eco-labeling systems such as the German Blue Angel (Blauer Engel), and (2) the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) certification program. We start with three different explanations for policy convergence: international regimes, regional integration, and global policy diffusion. Policy diffusion is gaining in importance due to the diffusion processes triggered by the emergence of international, intergovernmental, and transnational transfer institutions. It is assumed that governmental or quasi-governmental transfer institutions (general eco-labels) and nongovernmental transfer institutions (FSC label) have similar functions and effects. Our main thesis is that labels can diffuse globally, be decided on, and even implemented at the national level without significant state influence. Furthermore, three success factors for the national performance of eco-labeling schemes are analyzed: (1) the characteristics of policy innovations (costs of labeling etc.); (2) the economic, societal, and political-institutional capacities for action; (3) the co-existence and competition between different eco-labeling systems which can result in converging standards. On this basis some conclusions regarding the overall performance of transnational network organizations, such as the FSC, are drawn. ; Mit dem Vergleich zweier unterschiedlicher Systeme von Umweltzeichen, stellt diese Studie ein Politikinstrument ins Zentrum, das eine sehr viel schnellere Verbreitung gefunden hat als andere Politikinnovationen. Verglichen wird die Diffusion zweier unterschiedlicher Typen von Umweltzeichensystemen: (1) allgemeinen Umweltzeichensystemen wie dem deutschen Blauen Engel und (2) dem Zertifizierungsprogramm des Forest Stewardship Council (FSC). Zu Beginn werden drei unterschiedliche Erklärungen für Politikkonvergenz dargestellt: Konvergenz durch internationale Regime, regionale Integration und über globale Politikdiffusion. Letztere gewinnt an Bedeutung aufgrund der Diffusionsprozesse, die durch die Entstehung internationaler, intergouvernementaler und transnationaler Transferinstitutionen ausgelöst werden. Es steht zu vermuten, dass staatliche oder halbstaatliche Transferinstitutionen (allgemeine Umweltzeichen) und nichtstaatliche Transferinstitutionen (FSC-Zertifikat) ähnliche Funktionen und Effekte haben. Wir gehen von der Annahme aus, dass Umweltzeichen auch ohne signifikanten staatlichen Einfluss beschlossen werden können, weltweite Verbreitung finden und sogar auf nationaler Ebene implementiert werden können. Darüber hinaus werden drei Erfolgsfaktoren für die nationale Performanz von Umweltzeichen identifiziert und analysiert: (1) die Merkmale von Politikinnovationen (Zertifizierungskosten etc.), (2) die ökonomischen, gesellschaftlichen und politischinstitutionellen Handlungskapazitäten, (3) die Koexistenz von und der Wettbewerb zwischen verschiedenen Systemen von Umweltzeichen, die zu konvergierenden Standards führen können. Auf dieser Basis werden einige Schlussfolgerungen hinsichtlich der allgemeinen Performanz transnationaler Netzwerkorganizationen, wie dem FSC, gezogen.

Introduction. This article aims to analyze the process of security cooperation between the European Union and countries in Latin America from the perspective of historical institutionalism and the methodological tools proposed by the Copenhagen School. The author covers the main stages of the development of relations between these two regions, starting with early initiatives in the field of political and economic support and moving towards deeper cooperation in the field of security. Methods. The main theoretical and methodological support of this study is historical neo-institutionalism, which focuses attention on the role of institutional choices made earlier in the historical past, i.e., the "path dependence" principle. The research uses the sector-specific approach to security analysis developed by the Copenhagen School. Analysis and results. In the historical context, three main stages can be distinguished in the development of relations between the EU and the countries of the LCA in the field of security. The first bipolar stage (1945–1991) was characterized mainly by political and economic support from the United States and NATO as the main structure of regional security. Relations between the EU and Latin American countries at this time were sporadic, largely complicated by multiple crises within Latin American countries. However, in the 1960s, relations in the fields of economic cooperation and economic security began to be built between the regions. In the conditions of the second stage, post-bipolar (1991–2014), the concept of strategic partnership begins to be actively developed between regions, not only in the economic but also in the political and military spheres. Also, the EU, trying to simultaneously institutionally build its own security policy and the European army, began to conduct peacekeeping operations during this period with varying success (since 2003). The current stage (from 2014 to present) is characterized by growing contradictions between Russia, Ukraine, and the collective West, consolidated around the United States, as well as the destruction of the newly created post-bipolar regional security system. The LCA countries, which are afraid of being drawn into a conflict, are trying to develop their own course in the field of security policy.

The Post-Soviet regionalism is a new phenomenon and it requires a theory which addresses the very beginning of regional integration. Both Neofunctionalism and (liberal) intergovernmentalism conceptualize the very outset of European integration, thus, presenting the most adequate theoretical framework for understanding post-Soviet case of regionalism. This study seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the impediments to regional integration but also to conditions under which integration might succeed in Post-Soviet Eurasia. The numerous and unsuccessful attempts at regional integration in the post-Soviet Eurasia provide an opportunity to analyze the factors unfavorable to integration and to identify the impediments to this process. The issue motivating this study is that unsuccessful attempts should be analyzed not less than successful ones. Eurasian case is different from European integration due to different historical legacies, institutional choices, structural-developmental contexts and on-going state- and regime-building problems. Regionalism and democratic development are a salient feature of recent developments in Russia and the other republics of the former Soviet Union. The working premise is that through various regional arrangements that operate across Eurasia, countries will be able to find new cooperative solutions to existing problems. The main question is, given the undeniable advantages of the integration, why there has been little progress achieved? How the theories of regional integration can contribute to our understanding of the puzzles of Eurasian regionalism? To address this question, the paper focuses on a few theories of regional integration which will be applied to empirical analysis of post-Soviet Eurasia. The main focus is made on neofunctionalism. However, the study, will also consider the alternative explanation provided by (liberal) intergovernmentalism. The article also analyses the role of historical legacies and the attempts of post-Soviet states (PSSs) at regional integration and provides theoretical explanations of the outcome of these attempts. The analysis evaluates the outcome of post-Soviet Eurasian regionalism and tests the main theoretical assumptions. The analysis offered in this article aspires to contribute to the studies of comparative regionalism and area studies.

Scholars of institutional design attribute large importance to the choice of new institutions. The comparative analysis of how Rwanda and Zambia crafted their new electoral systems and the systems of government regards procedural, structural and rational choice variables which may influence the option for particular solutions. External influences and the type of transition are determinants that can decide which actors make their interests prevail. The degree of innovation or conservatism of new institutions is mainly a result of the speed of the process and the kind of actors involved. However, rational reflections on how to produce legitimacy and minimize personal risks which take into consideration the state of conflict in the country decide on the speed and on innovative outcomes. The structured analysis of only two cases uncovers already that it is rather difficult to realise the transfer of design recommendations into reality. -- institutions ; institutional design ; transition ; electoral system ; Rwanda ; Zambia

The ongoing debate about nomenclature has been part of the discourse in Black Studies since the late 1960s, yet there remains no consensus on an ideal name. The existing literature ties specific name choices to political, ideological, and paradigmatic approach; regional focus; and/or institutional and market pressure. In this study, we augment the literature with survey data on the opinions of Black Studies scholars. Our findings show "Africana Studies" is most often chosen as the ideal name, followed by "Black Studies," "African Diaspora Studies," "African American Studies" and "Pan-African Studies," "Africology," and "African Studies," and that trends for positive and negative connotations follow a somewhat similar pattern. Just as the literature ties specific name choices to political, ideological, and paradigmatic approach; regional focus; and/or institutional and market pressure, so too do our respondents. It is our hope these results add to the ongoing scholarly discussion around nomenclature in Black Studies.

New democracies go to great lengths to implement institutional protections of the electoral process. However, in this paper we present evidence that shows that even in the United States—where the secret ballot has been in place for generations—doubts about the secrecy of the voting process are surprisingly prevalent. Many say that their cast ballot can be matched to their name or that others could observe their vote choices while they were voting. We find that people who have not previously voted are particularly likely to harbor doubts about the secrecy of voters' ballots. Those who vote by mail in the privacy of their own homes also feel that others are able to discover their vote choices. Taken together, these findings suggest an important divergence between public perceptions about and the institutional status of the secret ballot in the United States, a divergence that may affect patterns of voting behavior and political participation.

New democracies go to great lengths to implement institutional protections of the electoral process. However, in this paper we present evidence that shows that even in the United States-where the secret ballot has been in place for generations-doubts about the secrecy of the voting process are surprisingly prevalent. Many say that their cast ballot can be matched to their name or that others could observe their vote choices while they were voting. We find that people who have not previously voted are particularly likely to harbor doubts about the secrecy of voters' ballots. Those who vote by mail in the privacy of their own homes also feel that others are able to discover their vote choices. Taken together, these findings suggest an important divergence between public perceptions about and the institutional status of the secret ballot in the United States, a divergence that may affect patterns of voting behavior and political participation.

New democracies go to great lengths to implement institutional protections of the electoral process. However, in this paper we present evidence that shows that even in the United States-where the secret ballot has been in place for generations-doubts about the secrecy of the voting process are surprisingly prevalent. Many say that their cast ballot can be matched to their name or that others could observe their vote choices while they were voting. We find that people who have not previously voted are particularly likely to harbor doubts about the secrecy of voters' ballots. Those who vote by mail in the privacy of their own homes also feel that others are able to discover their vote choices. Taken together, these findings suggest an important divergence between public perceptions about and the institutional status of the secret ballot in the United States, a divergence that may affect patterns of voting behavior and political participation.

The health of any democratic system depends on political ambition to generate a steady supply of quality candidates for office. Because most models of candidate entry assume ambition rather than model it, previous research fails to understand its roots in individual and institutional characteristics. We develop a two-stage model of progressive behavior that distinguishes between the formation of ambition for higher office and the decision to enter a particular race. Using data from a survey of state legislators, we demonstrate that the intrinsic costs and benefits associated with running for and holding higher office shape ambitions but do not influence the decision to run. For progressively ambitious legislators, the second-stage decision is a strategic choice aboutwhento run rather thanwhetherto run. Our research highlights how institutional characteristics that foster progressive ambition also increase the likelihood that national or local political conditions will be translated into meaningful choices at the ballot box.

How does the European Union («EU ») make decisions? Is power concentrated or dispersed? Who should those interested in EU legislative affairs observe or try to influence? To answer these questions this article reviews the main legislative procedures of the EU using a standard rational choice approach. It does so by looking at both inter-institutional politics between the Commission, the Council, and the Parliament, and intra-institutional politics within each of these institutions. I make three main arguments, two positive and one negative. On the positive side (a) it can be shown that the EU is characterized by a calculated dispersion of power; and (b) despite its limitations, the rational choice approach to decision-making analysis does a satisfactory job in explaining EU procedures, including when some actors' decisions seem a priori irrational. On the negative side, the dispersion of power which characterizes the EU makes popular heuristic theories such as principal-agent inappropriate.

AbstractThe present study examined the role of different forms of discrimination (individual-level, institutional-level, and both types of discrimination) in predicting identity concealment behaviors in a sample of sexual and gender minorities (SGM; n = 2296) living in Eastern Europe. Both the choice to engage in identity concealment at all and the frequency to which an individual concealed their identity were regressed onto each type of discrimination. Results of a logistic regression revealed that those who had experienced individual-level, institutional-level, or both types of discrimination were more likely to choose to conceal their identity than those who did not experience discrimination. Using a multivariate regression, each type of discrimination was found to have a positive association with frequency of identity concealment, with those who experienced both types of discrimination showing the strongest association. However, when controlling for country, the association between institutional-level discrimination and frequency of identity concealment was no longer significant. These findings suggest that not all forms of discrimination may have the same impact on SGM individuals and that experiencing multiple forms of discrimination may have compounding effects on one's choice to conceal their identity and the frequency to which they engage in this behavior.

The present article follows the introduction of the much-contested "anti-racist legislation" during a particularly dark era of governance in Greece. Within a context of deepening crisis, absolute legitimation of state racism and institutional violence against the nation's racial, gender, religious and sexual Others, the politico-legal choice of a right-wing government to go through with this reform appears paradoxical at first glance. Even more so, the introduction of gender identity among the protected characteristics seems at odds not only with governmental actions that have directly targeted trans individuals but also with the overall gender-normative imperative of the law and the hostile institutional atmosphere that mirrors and reproduces it. In view of this seemingly paradoxical legislative choice, queried here is the concrete work performed by the "anti-racist law" reform in the context in which it unfolded. Utilising a broader problematisation of any legal regime's authority to justify its own violence, it is suggested that a closer reading of the conditions under which the reform took place brings into light its instrumentalisation, during that era, to legitimise systemic racism and institutional gender/sexual violence materialised through operations against marginalised populations.

PurposeThis paper aims to evaluate the institutional complementarity thesis, which anticipates that the institutional context of the firm will have a considerable influence on the choice and success of employment relations strategies. Focusing on two liberal market economies, the paper presents analysis of secondary data from the US airline industry and primary data from UK civil aviation to assess the power of the institutional context on employment relations.Design/methodology/approachSecondary data were drawn from trade journals, newspaper reports and other civil aviation information sources such as the Civil Aviation Authority database. Primary data collection involved interviews with airline management, officials at the British Air Line Pilots Association, and pilots. A large‐scale questionnaire survey of pilots was also conducted.FindingsIn both liberal market economies airlines have adopted a range of employment relations strategies, which demonstrates the robustness of strategic management choice. Moreover, in both the UK and the USA, airlines with institutionally complementary employment relations strategies performed less well over a range of measures than their counterparts with employment relation strategies more closely aligned with coordinated market economies.Originality/valueThe findings identify best practice in the management of people in the airline industry and build a business case for cooperating with employees and their trade unions.

This paper highlights the specics of a monetary union, such as the Euro area, regarding the possible choices of monetary and scal policies. As the dynamics of public debt are specic to the choices made by each government, I show that the dynamic stability of the area requires coordination of scal policies, particularly in the case of a liquidity trap situation. My results suggest that a scal union, taking the form of a common debt, guarantees the dynamic stability of the area, notwithstanding the monetary policy, chosen or constrainedthus improving institutional robustness of the European Union.