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The functional logic that had for so long guided European member states along the path towards 'ever closer union' has been challenged more and more strongly in recent years by a growing voice of popular dissent. Where previously, matters at the European table were kept out of the realms of domestic electoral politics, more recently they have come to the fore, as European integration has become ever more politicised in the light of a wave of radical right wing populist, single issue parties contesting the 'elite consensus' that more Europe is a good thing. This politicisation of Europe has left incumbents in an uncomfortable situation as they are forced to mobilise on an issue that they would rather see left off the agenda. This paper explores the framing strategies that centre-right parties deploy vis-à-vis Europe in domestic electoral campaigns, to decipher whether the heightened politicisation of European integration has provoked a Eurosceptic response among the erstwhile visionaries of the European project. Using an inductive textual analysis of manifesto data from three centre-right parties of the largest European Union (EU) member states, the present study finds that the politicisation of European integration follows party-systemic logics – but that there is nonetheless a remarkable tendency among the centre-right to frame Europe more and more in cultural-identitarian terms than in economic-utilitarian terms. Whether this alone can be equated to a tendency towards Euroscepticism remains an open question. ; La logique fonctionnaliste qui avait pendant un long moment guidé les Etats Membres vers une 'union sans cesse plus étroite' s'est récemment vu contestée de plus en plus fortement dans l'opinion. Alors que les problématiques européennes restaient en dehors de la sphère de la politique domestique, elles sont récemment passées au premier plan. L'intégration européenne est devenue de plus en plus politisée dans le contexte d'une vague de populisme radical et de partis politiques spécialement focalisés sur ce thème. Cette politisation de l'Europe a forcé les partis au pouvoir à se positionner sur la question européenne qu'ils préféraient laisser de côté. Cette étude explore les stratégies de cadrage (framing strategies) adoptées par les partis du centre-droit vis-à-vis la question européenne dans les campagnes électorales domestiques. Elle cherche à déchiffrer si la politisation grandissante de l'intégration européenne a provoqué une réponse eurosceptique chez ses soutiens habituels du projet européen. Se servant d'une analyse textuelle inductive de programmes électoraux des trois partis du centre-droit des trois plus grands Etats Membres de l'Union (la France, l'Allemagne, et le Royaume-Uni), l'étude trouve que la politisation de l'intégration européenne suit les logiques des systèmes de parti (et non pas une logique structurelle). Il y a néanmoins une tendance remarquable parmi les partis de centre-droit à travers les trois pays de déployer de plus en plus de cadrage dans la catégorie 'culturelle-identitaire' que de la catégorie 'économique-utilitaire' – ce qui implique un changement en vue de la nouvelle vague de contestation. La question de savoir s'il s'agit ici d'une tendance vers l'euroscepticisme au sein du centre-droit reste, pour le moment, une question ouverte.

Diversity in social relations is important for reducing prejudice. Yet, the question of when this occurs remains open. Using a social network approach, we test whether the link between outgroup attitudes and number of intra- and intergroup contacts is moderated by type of relationship (strong vs. weak ties) and personality (openness to experience) while also considering network structure (connections between contacts). In a culturally diverse sample of 122 immigrants residing in Barcelona, positive outgroup attitudes were predicted by several network characteristics: low proportion of intragroup contacts and high proportion of intergroup contacts among strong ties, high ethnic diversity among strong ties, low connectedness among contacts in the country of origin, and high connectedness between coethnic local and host national contacts. Openness to experience moderated these effects. These results affirm the intergroup benefits of having compositionally and structurally diverse networks, and the gain in examining intergroup dynamics at the meso level of analysis.

This open access book is about the perception of the independence of the judiciary in Europe. Do citizens and judges see its independence in the same way? Do judges feel that their independence is respected by the users of the courts, by the leadership of the courts and by politicians? Does the population trust the judiciary more than other public institutions, or less? How does independence of the judiciary work at the national level and at the level of the European Union? These interrelated questions are particularly relevant in times when the independence of the judiciary is under political pressure in several countries in the European Union, giving way to illiberal democracy. Revealing surveys among judges, lay judges and lawyers - in addition to regular surveys of the European Commission - provide a wealth of information to answer these questions. While the answers will not please everyone, they are of interest to a wide audience, in particular court leaders, judges, lawyers, politicians and civil servants.

Sacred groves or sacred natural sites (SNS) are defined areas of land and bodies of water with considerable socio-cultural and ecological value. This study attempts to analyse SNS using the framework of commons or common-pool resources and understand the implications regarding the access to and ecological sustainability of these sacred spaces. A set of ten groves from an inventory of sacred groves reported by the Institute of Foresters Kerala were chosen using purposive sampling to cover various types of custodianship and communities in the district of Thrissur. This district houses the most famous sacred grove in Kerala and is known for consecrating sacred groves and expunging spirits. A field survey employing an observation schedule and semi-structured interviews were undertaken focusing on the biophysical, socio-cultural, and institutional aspects of the SNS. Understanding the relationship between grove ecosystems and stakeholder communities was the objective of the study. The management of SNS in the study sites does not show much evidence of collective action. There is a tendency of SNS to become 'club goods' over a period of time. Regardless of types of custodianship, SNS exhibit properties of common-pool resources from an ecological point of view. Even when customarily managed along caste lines, access was not physically restricted. Recent constructions of concrete boundaries around SNS, conversion of groves to temples, and increasing intensity and frequency of rituals have changed the socio-cultural and ecological character of these spaces. The study shows that the perspective of the commons is inadequate to capture the underlying power dynamics of institutions of SNS. Understanding the transformation of SNS from being 'open' and inclusive to closed and elitist temple spaces need a different language of political ecology.

International audience ; As an activist Catholic, a "Gaullist" and a member of the French resistance, Edmond Michelet was considered by his friends in politics as the man open to dialogue with the communists because of their solidarity in the concentration camps. This experience was the climax of an evolution which enabled this former member of "Action Française" to discover some of the values of the left, which he understood during the interwar years, or even shared during the dark years 1940-1944, but which he then opposed when gaullism was triumphant. Was it a sublimated Christian ideal, a renewed matrix of uncompromising Catholicism or a new form of secular ministry? Michelet's relationship with the left turns out to be complex. It sheds light on his political and intellectual path, and explains part of the specificity that this man, who was more inclined to action than to speculative reflection, would never stop cultivating. ; Militant catholique, résistant et gaulliste, Edmond Michelet est considéré par ses amis politiques comme l'homme du dialogue avec les communistes, dans la solidarité des camps de concentration. Cette expérience-limite est la ligne de faîte d'une évolution qui conduit cet ancien de l'Action Française à découvrir certaines valeurs de la gauche, tantôt pour les comprendre dans l'entre-deux-guerres, tantôt pour les partager, pendant les années noires 1940-1944, tantôt pour les combattre au temps du gaullisme triomphant. Idéal chrétien sublimé, matrice renouvelée du catholicisme intransigeant ou forme nouvelle d'apostolat laïc ? La relation de Michelet à la gauche s'avère complexe. Elle éclaire une partie de son itinéraire politique et intellectuel et explique une part de la spécificité que cet homme plus porté à l'action qu'à la réflexion spéculative ne cessera jamais de cultiver.

International audience ; As an activist Catholic, a "Gaullist" and a member of the French resistance, Edmond Michelet was considered by his friends in politics as the man open to dialogue with the communists because of their solidarity in the concentration camps. This experience was the climax of an evolution which enabled this former member of "Action Française" to discover some of the values of the left, which he understood during the interwar years, or even shared during the dark years 1940-1944, but which he then opposed when gaullism was triumphant. Was it a sublimated Christian ideal, a renewed matrix of uncompromising Catholicism or a new form of secular ministry? Michelet's relationship with the left turns out to be complex. It sheds light on his political and intellectual path, and explains part of the specificity that this man, who was more inclined to action than to speculative reflection, would never stop cultivating. ; Militant catholique, résistant et gaulliste, Edmond Michelet est considéré par ses amis politiques comme l'homme du dialogue avec les communistes, dans la solidarité des camps de concentration. Cette expérience-limite est la ligne de faîte d'une évolution qui conduit cet ancien de l'Action Française à découvrir certaines valeurs de la gauche, tantôt pour les comprendre dans l'entre-deux-guerres, tantôt pour les partager, pendant les années noires 1940-1944, tantôt pour les combattre au temps du gaullisme triomphant. Idéal chrétien sublimé, matrice renouvelée du catholicisme intransigeant ou forme nouvelle d'apostolat laïc ? La relation de Michelet à la gauche s'avère complexe. Elle éclaire une partie de son itinéraire politique et intellectuel et explique une part de la spécificité que cet homme plus porté à l'action qu'à la réflexion spéculative ne cessera jamais de cultiver.

International audience ; When an agglomeration opens a massive transit line, local authorities try to rationalise transport networks. Intercity coach routes' terminals are moved from the city centre to suburban area, at the end of the light rail, BRT or subway line. In this organization, commuters are forced to transfer to go to city centre.This paper aims at highlighting one limit of urban mass transit transport (light rail, BRT…) and focus on accessibility from "betweenness territories" (periurban area without train station) to urban resources. Comparing 18 metropolitan areas, we have analysed integration policies (spatial integration and cost integration) between urban public transport and intercity coach routes. Then, we have tested the efficiency of several theoretical spatial integration solutions in Montpellier metropolitan area (including lane share, circular route or periurban light rail). ; Au nom de la rationalisation des réseaux de transport, la mise en service de TCSP au coeur des agglomérations entraîne dans certaines villes une réorganisation des réseaux de cars interurbains : les terminus des lignes sont déplacés de la gare routière centrale vers un terminus de la ligne de TCSP, en périphérie de l'agglomération. Une rupture de charge forcée est alors créée sur le trajet entre les territoires « d'entre deux » (sans desserte ferroviaire) et le centre-ville, qui est pourtant un lieu de concentration des ressources urbaines. Ce travail cherche à identifier une des limites potentielles des TCSP en s'intéressant à l'accessibilité depuis les territoires « en négatif » des réseaux dits « structurants » de transports en commun. Il s'agit alors, à partir d'un ensemble comparatif de 18 aires urbaines, d'analyser les différentes politiques d'intégration (spatiale et tarifaire) des transports départementaux et urbains. Puis, à partir de l'exemple de Montpellier, nous avons testé l'efficacité de plusieurs hypothèses d'articulation entre cars interurbains et transports urbains (mutualisation des ...

This Discussion Paper critically examines Zangbeto, a highly revered society, among the Egun people in the town of Badagry, near the city of Lagos, in south west Nigeria, that have creatively re-invented tradition to serve multiple purposes. It shows how Zangbeto has in the context of economic crisis and challenges linked to urban growth, adapted its roles to include communal policing, conflict mediation, oral art and entertainment, and the maintenance of communal order. In more ways than one, it captures the essence and multiple identities of Zangbeto within Badagry society. The involvement of Zangbeto in local policing or 'night watching' provides an alternative or an exception to the dominant representation of vigilantism in Nigeria as disorderly violence, sometimes for political or criminal ends. This paper also demonstrates how Zangbeto, drawing upon local Egun culture and traditional practices is able to maintain security and local order at the community level. It is argued that rather than act in an arbitrary and violent manner, Zangbeto operates through the combination of traditional symbolic actions and oral art in mediating local conflicts and preserving social harmony and local order. An interesting point relates to how Zangbeto co-exists peacefully with formal political and security institutions, and operates without causing tensions within Badagry town, where some inhabitants share different ethnic identities and religious faiths. The study also opens up a humanist perspective to how the aesthetics of Zangbeto's cultural tropes of oral presentation, rhetoric and representation act as a powerful force for preserving cherished communal norms and values, and facilitating communication in ways that strengthen social cohesion. In this regard this paper demonstrates the wealth of possibilities that exist within Africa's traditional cultures and oral arts for alternative grassroots based conflict mediation and security.

Germany's educational system has undergone a series of transformations during the last 40 years. In recent years, marked increases in enrolment have occurred. In response, admission requirements have been relaxed and new universities have been established. Academic distance education in the former Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) was ushered in by the educational radio broadcasts around the end of the 1960s. Aside from the formation of the FernUniversität (Open University) in West Germany in 1975, there were significant developments in distance education occurring at the major universities in the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). After German reunification in 1990, the new unitary state launched programs to advance the development of distance education programs at conventional universities. Germany's campus-based universities (Präsenzuniversitäten) created various entities, including central units and consortia of universities to design and market distance education programs. Hybridisation provides the necessary prerequisites for dual mode delivery, such as basic and continuing education programs, as well as for the combination of distance and campus-based education (Präsenzstudium). Hybridisation also has also opened the door for the creation of new programs. Following an initial phase in which distance education research is expected to centralize a trend towards decentralisation is likely to follow. The German Association for Distance Education (AG-F) offers a viable research network in distance education. Two dual mode case studies are also be surveyed: The Master of Arts degree, offered by the University of Koblenz-Landau, with Library Science as the second major, and the University of Kaiserslautern, where basic education will continue to be captured within the domain of the Präsenzstudium or campus-based education. The area in which distance education is flourishing most is within the field ...

Version de diffusion (sans annexe 1) ; This approach of photographic views wish to break with the mediatic classical approach of photography as an unifyed media and an iconographic one (according the main interest to pictures). Starting with the hypothesis than the informational value of photographic media is almost linked to the different views which grow through it, we have been induced to consider a diversity of process and pragmatic associations which allow these views to make sense and to illustrate different plans or informational systems. Photographic views grow and find their communicational pertinency in relation with various referential frameworks (socio-economical frameworks, sociological frameworks, mediatic frames, social and cultural contexts or political ones). Also, this study lead us to consider them as real anthropotechnical apparatus. We must also look into a set of notions, coming from different sciences and fields, in order to build photographic views as a research subject for Information and Communication Sciences. The notion of photographic situation, as the one of experience which is linked to it, induce to open the analysis field of photographic media. This proves, if it was necessary, than photographic practices illustrate, inside the living social texture, attitudes, postures and various projects. Studying communicational and informational dimensions of photographic views can also give us access to discreet networks which grow between the different levels of meaning of photographic sights at every age since 1839. Mostly, our approach of "ways of viewing" stand out from an aesthetic one, because we must first of all consider the diversity of problematic fields in which they take place, rather than the pictures produced by photographers or cameras ; Cette approche des regards photographiques entend rompre à la fois avec une approche iconographique (accordant un intérêt aux seules images) et avec une approche médiatique classique de la photographie qui la traite comme un média unifié. Partant de l'hypothèse que la valeur informationnelle du medium photographique est essentiellement liée aux regards qui se développent à travers lui, nous avons été conduits à envisager une diversité de processus et d'associations pragmatiques qui permettent à ces regards de faire sens et d'illustrer des projets ou des constructions informationnelles distincts. L'étude des regards photographiques nous a ainsi amenés à considérer différents cadres de référence avec lesquels ils se développent, et par rapport auxquels ils trouvent leur pertinence communicationnelle (cadres socio-économiques, « cadres socio-techniques », cadres médiatiques, contextes socio-culturels ou politiques.) et à les envisager comme de véritables dispositifs anthropotechniques. Il s'agit aussi d'examiner un ensemble de notions, empruntées à des disciplines différentes, et permettant de construire les regards photographiques comme objet d'étude pour les sciences de l'information et de la communication. La notion de situation photographique, comme celle d'expérience qui lui est corrélative, oblige à un élargissement du champ d'analyse, qui prouve, s'il en était besoin, que les pratiques photographiques illustrent, au sein du tissu social vivant, des postures, des attitudes et des projets variés. L'étude des dimensions communicationnelles et informationnelles des regards photographiques peut donc permettre d'accéder aux réseaux discrets qui se développent entre les différents niveaux de signification à chaque époque depuis 1839. Elle se distingue également d'une approche esthétique des regards, puisque c'est la diversité des champs problématiques dans lesquels ceux-ci s'inscrivent qu'il s'agit de prendre en compte, plus encore que les images produites par les appareils photographiques et les photographes

édité par Ballardini, E., Pederzoli, R., Reboul-Touré, S., Tréguer-Felten, G. ; International audience ; The event would be that which arises without any logic, by the fact of the most total chance. Most of what we call events are not, because they are long-standing facts. Any fact which one can expect cannot be, thus, event. So we start from the premise that the event as such does not exist: it is always the result of a process. "A fragment of reality, the event is just as much manufacturing as it is manufactured" (Farge 1997: 1). We wonder about the fact that political action only exists first of all through event-driven speech (perhaps excluding terrorist action) in which we can or not to join, and for which one can or not to commit. From a personal point of view, the fact of engaging then joining a party is an action, a setting in motion (political), which can be described as a datable fact, result of an event process own individual biography. So we propose to reflect on political engagement as an event, from the perspective of a theory of action, in the sense that political engagement can be defined as a setting in motion from a particular fact playing the role motive or driving force in the decision to engage. In this context the event as such does not exist; there is only the fact of participating in the event process which allows what we call event (media, international politics, election, natural disasters, attacks, etc.) to occur. We will seek to know if this fact, isolated in discourse, can be categorized and, more generally, if we can identify discursive categories of events suitable for triggering political engagement. For this, we worked in the perspective of discourse analysis from a corpus of 42 semi-open individual interviews carried out with French (22) and Italian (20) green environmental activists carried out between 2000 and 2002. ; L'événement serait ce qui surgit sans aucune logique, par le fait du hasard le plus total. La plus grande partie de ce que nous appelons événement n'en sont pas, car ce sont des faits préparés de longue date. Tout fait auquel on peut s'attendre ne saurait être, ainsi, événement. Aussi partons-nous du postulat que l'événement en tant que tel n'existe pas : c'est toujours le résultat d'un processus. " Fragment de réalité, l'événement est tout autant fabriquant que fabriqué " (Farge 1997 : 1). Nous nous interrogeons sur le fait que l'action politique n'existe d'abord que par l'intermédiaire d'une mise en discours événementielle (à l'exclusion peut-être de l'action terroriste) à laquelle l'on peut ou non adhérer, et pour laquelle on peut ou non s'engager. D'un point de vue personnel, le fait de s'engager puis d'adhérer à un parti est une action, une mise en mouvement (politique), que l'on peut décrire comme un fait datable, résultat énoncé d'un processus événementiel biographique individuel propre. Aussi proposons nous de réfléchir sur l'engagement politique comme événement, dans la perspective d'une théorie de l'action, au sens où l'engagement politique peut se définir comme une mise en mouvement à partir d'un fait particulier jouant le rôle de motif ou de moteur dans la décision de s'engager. Dans ce cadre l'événement en tant que tel n'existe pas ; seul existe le fait de participer au processus événementiel qui permet à ce que nous appelons événement (médiatique, politique internationale, élection, catastrophes naturelles, attentats, etc.) de survenir. Nous chercherons à savoir si ce fait, isolé dans le discours, peut-être catégorisé lors de son énonciation et, plus généralement, si l'on peut dégager des catégories discursives d'événements propres à déclencher l'engagement politique. Pour cela, nous avons travaillé dans la perspective de l'analyse de discours à partir d'un corpus de 42 entretiens individuels semi ouverts réalisés avec des militants écologistes verts français (22) et italiens (20) réalisés entre 2000 et 2002.

édité par Ballardini, E., Pederzoli, R., Reboul-Touré, S., Tréguer-Felten, G. ; International audience ; The event would be that which arises without any logic, by the fact of the most total chance. Most of what we call events are not, because they are long-standing facts. Any fact which one can expect cannot be, thus, event. So we start from the premise that the event as such does not exist: it is always the result of a process. "A fragment of reality, the event is just as much manufacturing as it is manufactured" (Farge 1997: 1). We wonder about the fact that political action only exists first of all through event-driven speech (perhaps excluding terrorist action) in which we can or not to join, and for which one can or not to commit. From a personal point of view, the fact of engaging then joining a party is an action, a setting in motion (political), which can be described as a datable fact, result of an event process own individual biography. So we propose to reflect on political engagement as an event, from the perspective of a theory of action, in the sense that political engagement can be defined as a setting in motion from a particular fact playing the role motive or driving force in the decision to engage. In this context the event as such does not exist; there is only the fact of participating in the event process which allows what we call event (media, international politics, election, natural disasters, attacks, etc.) to occur. We will seek to know if this fact, isolated in discourse, can be categorized and, more generally, if we can identify discursive categories of events suitable for triggering political engagement. For this, we worked in the perspective of discourse analysis from a corpus of 42 semi-open individual interviews carried out with French (22) and Italian (20) green environmental activists carried out between 2000 and 2002. ; L'événement serait ce qui surgit sans aucune logique, par le fait du hasard le plus total. La plus grande partie de ce que nous appelons événement n'en sont pas, car ce sont des faits préparés de longue date. Tout fait auquel on peut s'attendre ne saurait être, ainsi, événement. Aussi partons-nous du postulat que l'événement en tant que tel n'existe pas : c'est toujours le résultat d'un processus. " Fragment de réalité, l'événement est tout autant fabriquant que fabriqué " (Farge 1997 : 1). Nous nous interrogeons sur le fait que l'action politique n'existe d'abord que par l'intermédiaire d'une mise en discours événementielle (à l'exclusion peut-être de l'action terroriste) à laquelle l'on peut ou non adhérer, et pour laquelle on peut ou non s'engager. D'un point de vue personnel, le fait de s'engager puis d'adhérer à un parti est une action, une mise en mouvement (politique), que l'on peut décrire comme un fait datable, résultat énoncé d'un processus événementiel biographique individuel propre. Aussi proposons nous de réfléchir sur l'engagement politique comme événement, dans la perspective d'une théorie de l'action, au sens où l'engagement politique peut se définir comme une mise en mouvement à partir d'un fait particulier jouant le rôle de motif ou de moteur dans la décision de s'engager. Dans ce cadre l'événement en tant que tel n'existe pas ; seul existe le fait de participer au processus événementiel qui permet à ce que nous appelons événement (médiatique, politique internationale, élection, catastrophes naturelles, attentats, etc.) de survenir. Nous chercherons à savoir si ce fait, isolé dans le discours, peut-être catégorisé lors de son énonciation et, plus généralement, si l'on peut dégager des catégories discursives d'événements propres à déclencher l'engagement politique. Pour cela, nous avons travaillé dans la perspective de l'analyse de discours à partir d'un corpus de 42 entretiens individuels semi ouverts réalisés avec des militants écologistes verts français (22) et italiens (20) réalisés entre 2000 et 2002.

Gaming practice is today the cutting edge of the formation of the future society, the period of global digital transformation of which can be fixed by the moment of total public involvement in digital reality in 2016, when augmented digital reality was massively introduced. Thus, completing the period of post-post-modernity, the expression of which was a person who is at a loss, and not in front of the "brave new world", but in front of the elusive old one. To date, the grounds for forecasts have been accumulated, the way for which, the authors of the presented article will try to open with this material.The authors argue that the most striking manifestations of the effects of digitalization affecting social reality hide the totality of their influence on many aspects of everyday life. The hidden restructuring of social practices that comes with every multiplayer game released comes through the game world of involved players and business structures that use the psychological, tactical, strategic achievements of the developers for their own commercial purposes. Will the gamification of social practices become a new "bottleneck" for civilization or will we be able to integrate a humanitarian approach and humanistic expertise into strategic control centers for the development of digital technologies.

The uses of natural selection argument in politics have been constant since Charles Darwin's times. They have also been varied. The readings of Darwin's theory range from the most radically individualist views, as in orthodox socio-Darwinism, to the most communitarian, as in Peter Kropotkin's and other socialist perspectives. This essay argues that such diverse, contradictory, and sometimes even outrageous political derivations from Darwin's theory may be partially explained by some incompleteness and ambivalences underlying Darwin's concepts. "Natural selection," "struggle for existence," and "survival of the fittest" are open concepts and may suggest some hierarchical and segregationist interpretations. Circumstantially, Darwin accepted social "checks," such as discouraging marriage of "lower" individuals to prevent them from reproducing, in a vein of Malthusian politics. This makes Darwin's theory of selection by struggle collide with his theory of social instincts, by which he explains the origins of morality. It also favors reading Darwin'sOn the Origin of SpeciesorThe Descent of Manfrom opposite, mostly ideological perspectives. Darwin's position is ambivalent, although hardly unreasonable. The recognition he makes of social instincts, as well as the use of the concept of artificial selection, entails accepting the role of human consciousness, by which social evolution cannot be reduced to natural evolution, as socio-Darwinians did next and as some neo-Darwinists seem to repeat. On these grounds, this essay argues the inadequacy of the conventional model of natural selection for understanding politics. If we want to describe politics in Darwin's language,artificialrather thannatural selectionwould be the concept that performs better for explaining the courses of politics in real society.

The image of Belgium's King Leopold III as it was fashioned by PO during the German occupation is delineated. Various sources were consulted: reports on PO written for the exiled government in London, diaries, & underground leaflets & newspapers. Excluded were the collaborationists movements & the Belgian exiles in London. PO underwent a strong evolution from 1940 to 1944, & changed according to SCs. Some significant moments are described: the army's surrender, the king's marriage, forced labor. Admiration for the king was high in 1940 but had notably diminished by the end of 1941. This reversal was due to an increased confidence in democracy & a refusal of dictatorial projects formulated by some, intending to invest the king with absolute power in a corporative society rid of parliament & political parties. The king's image as a prisoner of war was negatively affected by his marriage, by sentiments imputed to his entourage, & by the fact that he kept silent about some of the occupants' actions. The church remained a resolute defender of the king. Flanders & Wallony reacted differently: the former, but not the latter, remained resolutely loyal to the king. In Liege, hostility to the king spread to some Christian democratic circles. Interest in the king faded away & the king's exile in 1944 met with indifference. No authorized voice in the underground movement asked for the king's retirement at the time of the liberation. For all groups & parties, the question remained open, but required explanation. The Royal Question of the late 1940s was based on positions adopted during the war, but can only be explained by circumstances that arose after the war. Modified HA.