Suchergebnisse

Se analiza la posición de dos juristas trialistas respecto de la Política. Una posiciónes crítica, en el sentido de asociar la Política al poder, la arbitrariedad, la discrecionalidad y al marginar a ese ámbito las cuestiones de justicia, que no forman parte del Derecho para el positivismo. Mientras que el trialismo incorpora en el mundo jurídico la dimensión axiológica, analizable científicamente, lo que asegura la idoneidad y la igualdad. La otra posición es menos crítica con la Política y la plantea como una superación del Derecho en la convivencia y el amor. La Política permite comprensión, participación, comunicación, de las que suele carecer el Derecho, tanto más si es mera normatividad. La posición del pensamiento complejo, que llama a no anular ni reducir una posición en la otra, sino a una convivencia dialógica de antagónicos en una unidad que los integre, puede llamar a complementar estas dos posiciones en la unidad de la ciencia de la transdisciplinariedad, ya que el problema del ser humano no puede ser abordado por disciplina alguna de manera aislada. La ciencia de la transdisciplinariedad podrá entonces coordinar los aportes de cada una de las ciencias con miras a solucionar el problema del destino humano. ; Se analisa a posição de dois juristas trialistas respeito da Política. Uma posição é crítica, no sentido de associar a Política ao poder, a arbitrariedade, a discricionariedade e ao marginar a esse âmbito as questões de justiça, que não formam parte do Direito para o positivismo. Enquanto que o tribalismo incorpora no mundo jurídico a dimensão axiológica, analisável, cientificamente e assegurando a idoneidade e a igualdade. A outra posição é menos crítica com a Política e a expões como uma superação do Direito na convivência e o amor. A Política permite compreensão, participação, comunicação das que sole carecer o Direito, tanto mais se é mera normatividade. A posição do pensamento complexo, que chama a não anular nem reduzir uma posição na outra, mas a uma convivência dialógica de antagónicos em uma unidade que os integre, pode chamar a complementar estas duas posições na unidade da ciência da transdisciplinaridade. Devido a que o problema do ser humano não pode ser abordado por disciplina alguma de maneira isolada. A ciência da transdisciplinaridade poderá então coordenar os aportes de cada uma das ciências com miras a solucionar o problema do destino humano. ; This article analyzes the position of two legal points of view regarding politics. One of the positions is critical, in the sense of associating politics with power, arbitrariness, discretion and marginalizing issues of justice, i.e., issues which are not part of law according to positivism. On the other hand, trialism incorporates axiological dimensions, the scientific analysis in the legal world, and ensures adequacy and equality. The second position is less critical of politics and sees it as an improvement of law in terms of coexistence and love. Politics allows understanding, participation, communication, features which law often lacks, even more so if it is mere regulations. The position of complex thinking, which suggests neither negating nor reducing a position into another, but a dialogical coexistence of antagonists in a unit that integrates them, proposes complementing these two positions in the unity of the science of transdisciplinarity. Since the human problem cannot be tackled by any discipline in isolation, the science of transdisciplinarity will be able to coordinate the contributions of each of the sciences in order to solve the problem of human destiny.

The construction of a political community is often explained by a process founded on the emergence of feelings of solidarity between individuals. Such solidarity is the result of a common history, of a culture, of a language or even of a political project or of values shared by all components of the social body. It is often the result of deepening relationships between people and of the discovery of the Other and of its status as an alter ego. Collective identity, where it exists, is above all a question of affection, even friendship, between fellow citizens. At the European level, the transition of multiple demoi to a single European demos could also be seen as a double process. Firstly, it would be a vertical process of attachment to the European project, to its values and symbols. Secondly, it would be a horizontal process in which sentiments of friendship between European citizens are strengthened. The narrative that Europe has chosen to promote in recounting its own history is a narrative of friendship between peoples and of bridges successfully crossed. It is a narrative of reconciliation, solidarity and recognition of the other and of differences. However, political history as well as the history of political ideas teaches us that the formation of a unified social body is not always founded on positive sentiments and love between compatriots, and even that that is quite rare. The body politic is also the product of historical turmoil, wars and armed combats of all kinds. It is built on hostilities, even hatreds, as much as upon friendship. It is a defence mechanism leading men to join together and unite, not necessarily because they have any mutual regard but because they are attempting to jointly protect what is dear to them. Indeed, since Thomas Hobbes and theories of the Social Contract, a number of writers have underlined the crucial role played by insecurity and fear in the emergence of feelings of belonging . This reasoning, often used to explain the formation of national identities and the structuring of modern States, appears to us to be equally useful when applied to the European Union. The progressive application of Community projects for internal security and integrated management of external borders provides a new context for such questions. On the basis of this suggestion, we analyse in the following pages the impact of Community policies directed against illegal immigration on the emergence of a "community of Europeans ». In fact, it seems to us that in posing the question of controlling the Union's external borders, illegal immigration also poses the question of symbolic and mental borders defining the conditions for belonging to a particular political order. It provides an identification principle for defining the contours of the body politic. In the pages that follow, we explore the hypothesis that the European integrated management project for the Union's external borders cannot be entirely reduced to a policy for managing migratory flows, but that it must also be seen as a politically constructed discourse on the dangers weighing on Europe. This policy encourages a distinction between «them» and «us» which contributes to the process of forging a European political community on the basis of an emotion, namely anxiety concerning, or even fear of, the Other. In a situation in which a culturally or politically homogeneous whole has not been created, Europeans thus find themselves united and sharing a sense of solidarity as a consequence of a shared feeling of collective insecurity.

Norwegian peacekeeping operations abroad operate under different conditions than civil water supply in Norway. It may be poor access to drinking water of satisfactory quality, there is a greater daily intake of water and that the composition of personnel is not a cross-section of the population in Norway. In the present work it is examined whether or not the groundwater in Maimanah and in Kabul, Afghanistan has a satisfactory water quality, as well as if the limits set in the Civil Norwegian Drinking Water Regulations is appropriate. Civilian Norwegian laws and regulations within the food area is not enforceable abroad, but the Norwegian Armed Forces (NAF) chooses to deal with the regulations governing. The fieldwork related to this master consisted in withdrawal of water samples from wells in connection with military camps where there is deployed Norwegian military forces in Afghanistan. The water was analyzed for the determination of 59 different elements using ICP-MS (Agilent 8800 Triple quadrupole ICP-MS) to identify the content of inorganic elements in groundwater. Microbiological parameters were not considered in the present work. Theoretical part of this thesis was a risk assessment in two parts. The first part was to calculate the inherent adaptive properties of Drinking Water Regulations when consuming 10 liters of drinking water per day, no time limit defined. Drinking water should have values corresponding limits in the regulations, as well as values corresponding limit value plus 50%. The second part of the risk assessment was to use the results from the chemical analyses, and assess whether this water would pose a health risk when consuming 10 liters a day, no time limit. Work shows that groundwater from KAIA, Kabu,l in an amount of 10 liters a day, may not be used as drinking water approved under the Drinking Water Regulations. However, groundwater from Maimanah, Faryab, in an amount of 10 liters a day, may be used as drinking water approved under Drinking Water Regulations. Norske fredsbevarende operasjoner i utlandet opererer under andre forutsetninger enn sivil vannforsyning i Norge. Det kan være dårlig tilgang på drikkevann av tilfredsstillende kvalitet, det er et større daglig inntak av drikkevann samt at sammensetningen av personell ikke er et tverrsnitt av populasjonen i Norge. I denne masteroppgaven er det undersøkt om grunnvann i Maimanah og i Kabul, Afghanistan har en tilfredsstillende drikkevannskvalitet, samt om sivile norske grenseverdier ("Drikkevannsforskriften") er hensiktsmessig. Sivile norske lover og forskrifter innen næringsmiddelområdet er ikke rettskraftige i utlandet, men Forsvaret velger å forholde seg til regelverket som styrende. Feltarbeidet i tilknytning til denne masteren bestod i uttak av vannprøver fra brønner i tilknytning til militær leire hvor det er deployert norske militære styrker i Afghanistan. Vannet ble analysert for bestemmelse av 59 ulike elementer ved bruk av ICP-MS (Agilent 8800 Triple Quadrupole ICP-MS), for å kartlegge innholdet av uorganiske grunnstoffer i grunnvannet. Vurderinger av mikrobiologiske parametre ligger utenfor denne oppgaven. Teoretiske delen av oppgaven var en todelt risikovurdering. Første del var å regne på de iboende adaptive egenskapene til Drikkevannsforskriften ved et inntak på 10 liter drikkevann per dag, ingen tidsbegrensning definert. Drikkevannet skulle ha verdier tilsvarende grenseverdiene i forskriften, samt verdier tilsvarende grenseverdien pluss 50 %. Den andre delen av risikovurderingen gikk ut på å benytte analyseresultatene fra feltarbeidet, og vurdere om dette vannet ville utgjøre en helserisiko ved et inntak på 10 liter om dagen, ingen tidsbegrensning. Arbeidet viser at grunnvann fra KAIA, Kabul ikke vil kunne benyttes som drikkevann, i en mengde på 10 liter om dagen, godkjent i henhold til Drikkevannsforskriften. Grunnvann fra Maimanah, Faryab vil kunne benyttes som drikkevann i en mengde på 10 liter om dagen, godkjent i henhold til Drikkevannforskriften. ; M-PV

The navy of the legendary Knights of St. John, Defenders of the Faith, depended on the harbour in Dockyard Creek, where from 1530 they built, moored and serviced their galleys. The dramatic defence of this tiny bastion and ultimate repulsion of the Ottoman Sultan Suleyman in 1565 was a significant event in European history. When tobacco was introduced into the Mediterranean circa 1600 Malta was already a cosmopolitan culture. Not self sufficient in basic, let alone luxury items, the residents relied on imports. The Knights had an alternative supply base in Sicily to support the annual expedition against Muslim corsairs, however they negotiated various periods of truce for trade purposes, mostly with the Barbary States - on condition the Barbary ships would not enter the Malta harbour flying a Turkish flag. Attracted to Malta by commercial opportunities sailors, merchants and other petty traders, mainly French, Sicilian, Italian and Greek settled with Maltese brides. Between 1625 and 1650, 32.3 % of marriages in the Porto Salvo parish in Valletta were with foreign grooms. A variety of pleasurable diversions were available to all freemen in the maritime community whether they were residents, sailors, or traders. The government granted licences for the sale of liquor and tobacco. In a French publication (de Nicolay 1586) there is a reference 'How to recognise prostitutes on several Mediterranean Islands'. An illustration shows a 'Woman of Malta' veiled from head to toe with only her face visible. Her other obvious charms are outlined by the drapery. The number of slaves in Malta during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was in the region of 2,000-2,500 at any one time, made up of 40-45% Moors, the rest being Turks, Jews or Negroes. Ashore the slave population provided labour for construction and maintenance work; aboard, chained to their oars and unable to move around the vessel they plugged their nostrils with tobacco to avoid the stench of foul bilges and suffered ten or twelve hours of exhausting work. Back on land some slaves worked as water vendors or take-away chefs operating at charcoal stoves on street corners. From the middle of the seventeenth century they so excelled at their skill in brewing coffee that 'the Knights themselves and all other persons of quality' went every morning to the slaves' prison to enjoy the taste of their coffee. In 1653 the Inquisitor Federico Borromeo reported that, after being brought to Malta as slaves, some 'strolled along the streets of Valletta under pretext of selling merchandise, spreading among the women and simple-minded persons any kind of superstition, charms, love-remedies and other similar vanities'. Until the mid nineteenth century Dockyard Creek was the allotted berth for military vessels. It was still being used for that purpose in the first quarter of the twenty-first century when the popularity of cigarettes ousted the fashion for clay pipes. Moving with the times the proposed construction of a yacht marina in Dockyard Creek at the beginning of the twenty-first century initiated an Archaeological Impact Assessment. The practical outcome of this was a test excavation in March 2002 by a team of diving archaeologists directed by Dr Timothy Gambin. The excavation was carried out in close collaboration with the Superintendence of Cultural Heritage and was also supported by the Department of Classics and Archaeology at the University of Malta. The smoking related artefacts described here will eventually form part of Dr Gambin's excavation publication. ; peer-reviewed

"Novels of the Nation: Literary Theory, Post-Revolutionary Republicanism, and the Rise of the Novel in America, 1789-1812" examines previously understudied eighteenth-century texts on neoclassical rhetoric and the belles lettres and representations of literary sensibility in a selection of early American novels. In so doing, this study both highlights the integral connections republican-era literary discourse assumed between literariness, egalitarianism, and national stability and reveals how these relationships were reflected, reinforced, and renegotiated in America's first novels. Previous critical readings of the rise of the American novel resist discussions of the genre's literary qualities. Such readings either view the novel's sentimentalism as evidence of a failed aestheticism or claim that the early American novel's value is not aesthetic, but historical. This dissertation recovers the intellectual history that accorded historical, national, and political relevance to concepts like beauty, taste, and literary pleasure in the early national period and reveals the ways in which America's first novelists interrogated the central notion that a love of literature could be the cornerstone of a democratic society. Chapter 1 introduces two educational texts that taught literature in the neoclassical tradition and were widely read in America in the mid to late eighteenth century: Charles Rollin's Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres (1732) and Hugh Blair's Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres (1783). Studying of these works establishes a more accurate picture of how the United States' first citizens thought about central concepts like literary taste, the social role of polite literature, and the relationship between aesthetic sensibility and national identity. Subsequent chapters proceed with a close analysis of the portrayal of literary sensibility in four novels authored in the years between the Revolution and the War of 1812, concentrating on scenes of reading, poetic composition, and conversation about polite literature. Chapter 2 centers on William Hill Brown's The Power of Sympathy (1789), Chapter 3 focuses on Charles Brockden Brown's Wieland (1798), and Chapter 4 discusses Isaac Mitchell's Alonzo and Melissa (1811) and Chapter 4 addresses Rebecca Rush's Kelroy (1812). Reading these novels in concert with each other reveals changing reactions to the fundamental principles of literary discourse defined in Rollin and Blair's works. In the decades between 1789 and 1812, American authors moved from wholeheartedly accepting the tenets of neoclassical literary discourse and attempting to carve out a place for themselves as the modern descendants of the Greeks and Romans, to questioning the usefulness of this discourse's focus on beauty and taste in a world where more pragmatic concerns clearly reigned, to forging an uneasy peace between traditional literary theory's optimism and the more biting, unflinchingly critical modern paradigms of literature that hoped to replace it. The novel flourished in the context of the new United States precisely because it could manage the tensions that arose as a result of the conflict between neoclassical literary ideology and life on the ground in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth- century America. The novel could at once aim to communicate high ideals and inspire noble sentiments (key aims of classical literature) and regulate the aesthetic responses it hoped to evince (unversed and unadorned when compared to traditional epic genres like poetry, the novel avoided the appearance of being overwrought). Further, I suggest that acknowledging the literary transformations that took place in the earliest years of the United States' independence lends us a different lens through which to view the literary landscape of the nineteenth century. "Novels of the Nation" traces a historical line that connects eighteenth-century literary discourse's emphasis on beauty, taste, and national prosperity to both Emerson's interrogations of man's genius and to Stowe's mobilization of the sentimental novel in the fight against political and social injustice.

The construction of a political community is often explained by a process founded on the emergence of feelings of solidarity between individuals. Such solidarity is the result of a common history, of a culture, of a language or even of a political project or of values shared by all components of the social body. It is often the result of deepening relationships between people and of the discovery of the Other and of its status as an alter ego. Collective identity, where it exists, is above all a question of affection, even friendship, between fellow citizens. At the European level, the transition of multiple demoi to a single European demos could also be seen as a double process. Firstly, it would be a vertical process of attachment to the European project, to its values and symbols. Secondly, it would be a horizontal process in which sentiments of friendship between European citizens are strengthened. The narrative that Europe has chosen to promote in recounting its own history is a narrative of friendship between peoples and of bridges successfully crossed. It is a narrative of reconciliation, solidarity and recognition of the other and of differences. However, political history as well as the history of political ideas teaches us that the formation of a unified social body is not always founded on positive sentiments and love between compatriots, and even that that is quite rare. The body politic is also the product of historical turmoil, wars and armed combats of all kinds. It is built on hostilities, even hatreds, as much as upon friendship. It is a defence mechanism leading men to join together and unite, not necessarily because they have any mutual regard but because they are attempting to jointly protect what is dear to them. Indeed, since Thomas Hobbes and theories of the Social Contract, a number of writers have underlined the crucial role played by insecurity and fear in the emergence of feelings of belonging . This reasoning, often used to explain the formation of national identities and the structuring of modern States, appears to us to be equally useful when applied to the European Union. The progressive application of Community projects for internal security and integrated management of external borders provides a new context for such questions. On the basis of this suggestion, we analyse in the following pages the impact of Community policies directed against illegal immigration on the emergence of a "community of Europeans ». In fact, it seems to us that in posing the question of controlling the Union's external borders, illegal immigration also poses the question of symbolic and mental borders defining the conditions for belonging to a particular political order. It provides an identification principle for defining the contours of the body politic. In the pages that follow, we explore the hypothesis that the European integrated management project for the Union's external borders cannot be entirely reduced to a policy for managing migratory flows, but that it must also be seen as a politically constructed discourse on the dangers weighing on Europe. This policy encourages a distinction between «them» and «us» which contributes to the process of forging a European political community on the basis of an emotion, namely anxiety concerning, or even fear of, the Other. In a situation in which a culturally or politically homogeneous whole has not been created, Europeans thus find themselves united and sharing a sense of solidarity as a consequence of a shared feeling of collective insecurity.

Египетская революция стала частью так называемого «арабского пробуждения», начавшегося в 2011 г. и, как эффект домино, повлекшего за собой волнения и в других арабских странах региона, окончательные итоги которых нам еще предстоит увидеть. В Египте ситуация не стабилизировалась и по сей день: за успехом исламистов, победивших на парламентских, а затем и на президентских выборах, последовали военный переворот и частичная реставрация военно-бюрократического режима. Египетские события были и остаются в центре внимания политиков, журналистов и аналитиков, ведь спустя три года после января 2011 г. можно только предполагать, каким станет новый Египет. В настоящей статье основное внимание обращено на то, как в египетских волнениях 2011 г. нашло свое выражение отношение египтян к Израилю, а также рассмотрены основные факторы, приведшие к формированию именно такого отношения. ; The Egyptian revolution has become a part of the so-called "Arab awakening" which began in 2011 and as a domino effect that resulted in unrest in other Arab countries of the region. The final outcome of this awakening remains to be seen. The situation in Egypt is not yet stabilized: success of the Islamists that won the parliamentary and then presidential elections were followed by a military coup and partial restoration of military-bureaucratic regime. Egyptian events remain in sight of politicians, journalists and analysts; because after three years after January 2011events we can only guess what will be the new Egypt like. This article will focus on how the Egypt uprising reflected the attitude of the Egyptians toward Israel, and will discuss the main factors that led to the formation of just such an attitude. This article shows how gradually happens a radicalization of а street protest after the overthrow of H. Mubarak: dissatisfaction and demonstrations was transformed into aggressive actions of the crowd (or some acts of destruction). At the same time there was a process of increasing power of political Islamism, whose supporters have demonstrated a growing ideological rigidity and ideological inflexibility. Political changes that have occurred (and are still in process of happening ) in Egypt that led to the election of a new parliament, election of president M. Mursi, who headed the Islamist Muslim Brotherhood movement, the overthrow of the new president and the continuation of the revolution in Egypt has not yet led to significant changes in foreign policy. Obviously, since there are still political turmoil and mess continuing in the country, it is too early to talk about any stability, and the question of international relations is not coming to the fore. It seems that regardless of what regime is established in Egypt official relations with Israel will not change significantly, since negative attitude toward Israel and anti-Israeli rhetoric is a constant in Egyptian realities since the establishment of the Jewish state. It is very important to distinguish between formal relations and national sentiments that are so clearly evident in the winter of 2011. There are no doubts that the Egyptian revolution in 2011 has increased the influence of public opinion on political life of the country. Unless there is a qualitative change in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, level of public perception of the peace between Egypt and Israel will remain "cold", and will cool down more and more, as we can see in the dynamics of public opinion surveys for 2011 and 2012. Obviously, even the most fair solution of the Palestinian question (from the Arab point of view) will not force the Egyptians to love Israel and Israelis, but any progress in this regard could be the beginning of overcoming the huge gap of hatred and mistrust between the two countries.

Стаття розкриває сутність найважливіших і взаємопов'язаних компонентів, які визначають індивідуальність учителя. Особистісний компонент як система особистісно та професійно значущих стосунків і властивостей особистості учителя є родовими характеристиками людини, які розкривають її ставлення до світу і світу до неї. Ці характеристики постійно ним удосконалюються. Учені стверджують, що особистість учителя визначається соціальною значущістю, здобутою ним своєю працею, професійними здібностями, особистими якостями, результатами діяльності, вона зорієнтована на духовність – добро, справедливість, свободу, любов, віру, надію, гідність, які є принципами його професійної діяльності й усього життя. Суб'єктний компонент визначає рівень самодетермінації та спосіб самореалізації вчителя у професійно значущому середовищі. Суб'єктність учителя є соціальною реальністю, способом його існування, життєтворчості, яка несе в собі відповідальність за долю учнів, колег, країни, власну долю та базується на реальній основі його внутрішніх сил. Індивідуальність – неповторна своєрідність учителя, сукупність тільки йому властивих особливих якостей, вона проявляється в рисах його темпераменту, характеру, в специфіці інтересів, в особливостях діяльності та творчості. Становлення учителя є складним і тривалим процесом його самовизначення, виокремленості із загального до універсального, перетворення на унікальність і неповторність. Для вчителя це означає, що стати майстром своєї справи може тільки індивідуальність. ; The present poses unique challenges in education, but most importantly to form a new man, educated, competent, a patriot, a specialist in the chosen sphere. We completely agree with thee scientist V. Hnatyuk who claims that «to educate a citizen, a patriot, a humanist means to prepare the younger person to participate in solving urgent problems and future state». Modern school should complete this mission, because in spite of age, social and political changes the teacher's role in forming the personality remains unchangeable. The paper reveals the essence of the most important and interrelated components that define the individuality of a teacher. The individuality component as a system of personally and professionally meaningful relationships and properties of a teacher's individuality are generic features of an individual, revealing his attitude to the world and world's treatment of him. These characteristics are being constantly improved by him. The scientists argue that individuality of a teacher is determined by social significance, obtained by him due to his work, professional skills, individual qualities, performance results, he is focused on spirituality – goodness, justice, freedom, love, faith, hope, dignity that constitute the principles of his professional activity and his whole life. The subjective component defines the level of self-determination and the method of self-realization of a teacher in the professionally meaningful environment. The teacher's subjectivity is a social reality, a way of existence, life creativity that carries responsibility for the students', the colleagues' and country's destinies, for its own destiny and is based on the real basis of its internal forces. Individuality is an inimitable identity of a teacher, a set of inherent only to him special qualities, it manifests itself in his temperament features, character, interests specificity, in the peculiarities of activity and creativity. The teacher's formation is a complex and long process of his self-determination, separation from the general to the universal, conversion into uniqueness and originality. For the teacher it means that only individuality can become a master of his craft. The specifics of the individuality of a teacher lies in the fact that this process is the development of a human person. The most significant characteristics of individuality is the creation of a new teacher based on the desire to feel and express their creative nature, the unique features of his personality, originality of pedagogical style, professionalism and desire to become a modern and well-known teacher.

Se analiza la posición de dos juristas trialistas respecto de la Política. Una posiciónes crítica, en el sentido de asociar la Política al poder, la arbitrariedad, la discrecionalidad y al marginar a ese ámbito las cuestiones de justicia, que no forman parte del Derecho para el positivismo. Mientras que el trialismo incorpora en el mundo jurídico la dimensión axiológica, analizable científicamente, lo que asegura la idoneidad y la igualdad. La otra posición es menos crítica con la Política y la plantea como una superación del Derecho en la convivencia y el amor. La Política permite comprensión, participación, comunicación, de las que suele carecer el Derecho, tanto más si es mera normatividad. La posición del pensamiento complejo, que llama a no anular ni reducir una posición en la otra, sino a una convivencia dialógica de antagónicos en una unidad que los integre, puede llamar a complementar estas dos posiciones en la unidad de la ciencia de la transdisciplinariedad, ya que el problema del ser humano no puede ser abordado por disciplina alguna de manera aislada. La ciencia de la transdisciplinariedad podrá entonces coordinar los aportes de cada una de las ciencias con miras a solucionar el problema del destino humano. ; This article analyzes the position of two legal points of view regarding politics. One of the positions is critical, in the sense of associating politics with power, arbitrariness, discretion and marginalizing issues of justice, i.e., issues which are not part of law according to positivism. On the other hand, trialism incorporates axiological dimensions, the scientific analysis in the legal world, and ensures adequacy and equality. The second position is less critical of politics and sees it as an improvement of law in terms of coexistence and love. Politics allows understanding, participation, communication, features which law often lacks, even more so if it is mere regulations. The position of complex thinking, which suggests neither negating nor reducing a position into another, but a dialogical coexistence of antagonists in a unit that integrates them, proposes complementing these two positions in the unity of the science of transdisciplinarity. Since the human problem cannot be tackled by any discipline in isolation, the science of transdisciplinarity will be able to coordinate the contributions of each of the sciences in order to solve the problem of human destiny. ; Se analisa a posição de dois juristas trialistas respeito da Política. Uma posição é crítica, no sentido de associar a Política ao poder, a arbitrariedade, a discricionariedade e ao marginar a esse âmbito as questões de justiça, que não formam parte do Direito para o positivismo. Enquanto que o tribalismo incorpora no mundo jurídico a dimensão axiológica, analisável, cientificamente e assegurando a idoneidade e a igualdade. A outra posição é menos crítica com a Política e a expões como uma superação do Direito na convivência e o amor. A Política permite compreensão, participação, comunicação das que sole carecer o Direito, tanto mais se é mera normatividade. A posição do pensamento complexo, que chama a não anular nem reduzir uma posição na outra, mas a uma convivência dialógica de antagónicos em uma unidade que os integre, pode chamar a complementar estas duas posições na unidade da ciência da transdisciplinaridade. Devido a que o problema do ser humano não pode ser abordado por disciplina alguma de maneira isolada. A ciência da transdisciplinaridade poderá então coordenar os aportes de cada uma das ciências com miras a solucionar o problema do destino humano.

Lithuanian public debates share a strong conviction that the relationship between a Lithuanian voter and his/ her political representatives rests on personalisation, often nurtured by voter's subjective and irrational feelings of love or hate in regard to particular political leaders. Is such kind of pessimism well-grounded and there are no "antidotes" to this worrisome trend of the present political life? The article addresses the problem of personalisation of political life in the post-soviet environment and attempts to challenge the aforementioned pessimism. The presented study aims to explore the relationship between perceptions of well-known Lithuanian political leaders' personality portraits among the Lithuanian population and voter's normative orientations on the individual level, holding voter's normative orientations an important factor, limiting the proliferation of personalisation of politics. Perceptions of personality traits of political leaders on the individual level of analysis are xpected to pass through voter's normative "lenses" to produce different mental images of politicians in accordance to individual differences in politically significant value orientations.The study explores how perceptions of political leaders' personalities in Lithuanian vary according to (a) respondent's ideological self-identification on Left-Right scale, (a) respondent's level of adherence to Soviet (anti-Soviet) values, (b) adherence to national conservatism (c), and post-materialist values (d). In order to understand the impact of individual's ideological dispositions and value orientations on perception of personalities of politicians, the article follows a comprehensive theoretical approach to personality. Five-factor personality model ("Big Five") stands out in terms of comprehensiveness and feasibility to the aims of the presented study. The Big Five offers not only a taxonomy of personality traits but also the conceptualisation of five personality dimensions. With a strong empirical orientation, it provides the conceptualisation of methodological tools for empirical studies of personality and the basis for a list of semantic differentials to measure the perception of political leader's personality traits. The empirical analysis rests on the data of an internet panel survey, conducted in Lithuania in two waves – right before (August – September, 2012) and after (November, 2012) the Lithuanian General Elections 2012. The internet survey, administrated by research company Berent (N=1019), is representative in terms of the total population of internet users in Lithuania.Results of the study reveal a potential of individual's normative orientations to predict his/ her perception of political leaders' personalities on a number of personality traits and personality dimensions. Even though personality traits are objective and stable elements of individual's psychological constitution, a serious disagreement regarding the personality portraits of analysed political leaders is revealed in the Lithuanian society, and the perceptions diverge according to individual's political views and normative attitudes. Voter's left-right self-identification and (anti)soviet attitudes predict the perception of three personality dimensions of Big Five – Agreeableness, Conscientiousness and Openness to experience – for analysed leaders, and national conservatism – perceptions of the abovementioned first two dimensions. The results of the study ask for further analysis of an impact that voter's normative attitudes may bear on the perception of political leaders' "moral traits" and emperamental features. The ideological identity of an individual may have a stronger impact on the perception of "moral traits" of a politician than on perception of his/her temperamental constitution. A further elaboration of this idea would allow to understand mechanisms of political personalization better and to bring this discussion beyond the discourse of the end of ideology.

Nella tesi si osserva come nella cultura russa cambiava l'immagine di Roma. Se ancora alla fine del settecento l'antichità romana poteva risultare solamente uno strumento retorico-filologico da utilizzare per fare il proprio discorso più convincente, la generazione dei decabristi la stessa antica romanità la accostava alla cultura e storia russe tramite gli elevati ideali civici. La romanità ora risultava uno strumento di analisi della esperienza storica e politica della Russia anche nel contesto europeo. Da qui nasceva una serie di modelli russi legati all'antica Roma: il Catone di Radiscev, il Bruto dei decabristi, ecc. Vi attingeva generosamente anche una corrente di lirica russo-antica con i suoi ricchi riferimenti agli autori classici, Ovidio, Tacito, Orazio. Nasceva così una specie di Roma antica russa che viveva secondo le sue regole etiche ed estetiche. Con il fallimento dell'esperienza decabrista cambia anche l'approccio alle antichità: ci si distacca dalla visione storico-morale dell'antico, Roma non è più una categoria da emulare, ma una storia a sé stante e chiusa in sé stessa come ogni periodo storico. Essa smette di essere un criterio universale di giudizio etico e morale. Allo stesso tempo, una parte integrante della cultura russa all'epoca era il viaggio a Roma. I russi cresciuti con interesse e amore verso la Roma antica, impazienti ed emozionati, desideravano ora di vedere quella patria dei classici. Era come se fosse un appuntamento fra gli amici di vecchia data. Si affrettava a verificare di persona le muse di storia e di poesia. E con tutto questo si imparavano ad amare tutti i defetti della Roma reale, spesso inospitale, la Roma del dolore e della fatica. La voce importante nel racconto romano dei russi era anche la Roma del cristianesimo, dove ritrovare e ricoprire la propria "anima cristiana". ; In the thesis we observe how in Russian culture was changing the image of Rome. If still at the end of the Eighteenth century the Roman antiquity could only be rhetorical and philological tool to use to make your speech more convincing, the generation of the "Decembrists" used the same Roman images to approach the Russian culture and history through high civic ideals. The Roman antiquity now appeared a tool for the analysis of historical and political experience of Russia also in the European context. In this way was born a series of Russian cultural models related to ancient Rome: the Cato of Radiscev , the Brutus of the Decembrists , etc. . There were rich references to classical authors, Ovid, Tacitus, Horace also in the Russian literature. Thus was born a kind of ancient Russian Rome that lived by its own ethical and aesthetic rules. With the failure of the Decembrist experience also changes the approach to antiquity: the moral - historical vision of ancient Rome is no longer a category to emulate, but a part of History. It ceases to be a universal standard of moral and ethical judgment. At the same time, an integral part of Russian culture was the journey to Rome. The Russians who have grown with interest and love for the ancient Rome, eager and excited, wanted to see the homeland of the classics. It was as if it were a meeting between old friends. They wanted to see for themselves the muse of history and poetry, trying to lean also the real Rome, often inhospitable, the Rome of pain and fatigue. One of the major items in the Russian journey to Rome was also the Christian Rome, where to regain the own christian soul.

The main purpose of this article is to make an approach both theoretical and methodological to the journal as narrative and visual practice, from the articulation of ethnography, visual practices and quotidian life. This argument will be developed throughout a reflection on two works I have been making over the last years: Siena´ga and Re/membranzas. With them I have explored ways for the expression by writing and by visual practices (photography and video) where esthetic decisions are related to theoretical and ethnographic reflections. I start from the location´s politics and po/ etics, from the situated knowledge where this is produced. Thinking with and from the body driving us to generate sense, that is, a position from the vulnerability and intimacy were our relations with others and with the world arise. Likewise, this article is a way for reflecting on my academic work and my cultural productions involved in the politics and po/etics of knowledge production, imagining and inventing novel ways to approaching and translating the excess and indeterminacy we receive from the environments in which we work, live, wish, love and so on. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo principal realizar una aproximación tanto teórica como metodológica al diario, como práctica narrativa y visual, mediante la articulación entre la etnografía, las prácticas visuales y la cotidianidad. Desarrollaré este argumento en una reflexión sobre dos trabajos que he ido realizando en los últimos años: Siena'ga y Re/membranzas, por medio de los cuales he explorado formas de expresión entre la escritura y las prácticas visuales (fotografía y video), en las que las decisiones estéticas están ligadas a las reflexiones teóricas, etnográficas, y viceversa. Parto de las políticas y po-éticas de locación y de los conocimientos situados donde producimos conocimiento. Se trata de un pensar con y desde el cuerpo que nos permite generar sentido, es decir, tomar posición a partir de la vulnerabilidad y la intimidad donde se producen nuestras relaciones con los otros y con el mundo. Asimismo, este artículo es una manera de reflexionar sobre mi trabajo en la academia y mis producciones culturales implicadas en las políticas y po-éticas de la producción de conocimiento, y de imaginar e inventar formas novedosas de aproximación y traducción hacia esos excesos e indeterminaciones que nos están presentando los contextos en que trabajamos, vivimos, deseamos, amamos, etc. ; O principal objetivo deste artigo é realizar uma abordagem teórica e metodológica do jornal, como prática narrativa e visual, através da articulação entre etnografia, práticas visuais e cotidiano. Vou desenvolver esse argumento em uma reflexão sobre dois trabalhos que venho realizando nos últimos anos: Siena'ga e Re / membranzas, através dos quais explorei formas de expressão entre a escrita e as práticas visuais (fotografia e vídeo), em aqueles que as decisões estéticas estão ligadas a reflexões teóricas, etnográficas e vice-versa. Começo pelas políticas e políticas de localização e pelo conhecimento localizado onde produzimos conhecimento. Trata-se de pensar com e a partir do corpo que nos permite gerar significado, ou seja, assumir uma posição baseada na vulnerabilidade e intimidade onde ocorrem nossos relacionamentos com os outros e com o mundo. Da mesma forma, este artigo é uma maneira de refletir sobre meu trabalho na academia e minhas produções culturais envolvidas na política e na poética da produção de conhecimento, e de imaginar e inventar novas formas de abordagem e tradução para os excessos e indeterminações que Eles estão nos apresentando os contextos em que trabalhamos, vivemos, desejamos, amamos, etc.

[spa] Frente a la hiperdisciplinarización y la rígida dicotomía en la que actualmente se encuadran las experiencias del dolor y del sufrimiento, en esta tesis se postula un posible análisis a partir de la algodicea, la cual examina el sentido del dolor y del sufrimiento tras la muerte de Dios que ya sentenciaba Nietzsche. En una primera parte de la tesis se examinan los antecedentes de la algodicea, desde el mundo griego, pasando por la teodicea (análisis teo-filosófico de la justicia divina) y los fundamentos de la algodicea metafísica, política y cultural. En la segunda parte, a partir de una recuperación de la algodicea en clave cultural y macrofilosófica, se examinan transversalmente qué consecuencias tiene el hecho de pensar dicotómicamente el dolor como un elemento del cuerpo y el sufrimiento como una vivencia de la psique. En el dolor físico, se postula que existe un creciente sentido ético en las sociedades contemporáneas, mientras que en el sufrimiento de la psique se propone un sentido ambivalente, en el que se ama y se odia a la vez el sufrimiento. Con este recorrido mostramos cómo quedan muchas preguntas abiertas que solo la algodicea cultural puede comenzar a responder ; [eng] Due to the hyperdisciplinarization and rigid dichotomy in current experiences of pain and suffering, this disertation proposes a possible analysis from the perspective of the algodicy, which examines the meaning of pain and suffering after the death of God that was sentenced by Nietzsche. The first part of the disertation examines the background of the algodicy, starting in the greek philosophy, through theodicy (theo-philosophical analysis of divine justice) and the foundations of metaphysic, political and cultural algodicy. In the second part, through the perspective of a cultural and macrophylosophical algodicy, it is examined the consequences of the dicotomical belief of pain as a mere body sensation and suffering as an experience of the psyche. On physical pain, it is postulated that there is an increasing sense of ethics in contemporary societies, while the suffering of the psyche holds an ambivalent sense, in which there is love and hate at the same time inside suffering. Thus, such a theoretic route will show how many open questions remain that only the cultural algodicy can possibly begin to answer. ; [cat] Davant la hiperdisciplinarització i la rígida dicotomia en què actualment s'enquadren les experiències del dolor i del patiment, en aquesta tesi es postula una possible anàlisi a partir de l'algodicea, la qual examina el sentit del dolor i el patiment després de la mort de Déu sentenciada per Nietzsche. En una primera part de la tesi s'examinen els antecedents de l'algodicea, des del món grec passant per la teodicea (anàlisi teo-filosòfica de la justícia divina) i els fonaments de l'algodicea metafísica, política i cultural. A la segona part, a partir d'una recuperació de l'algodicea en clau cultural i macrofilosòfica, s'examinen transversalment quines conseqüències té el fet de pensar de manera dicotòmica el dolor com a un element del cos i el patiment com a una vivència de la psique. Al dolor físic, es postula que hi ha un creixent sentit ètic en les societats contemporànies, mentre que en el patiment de la psique es proposa un sentit ambivalent, en el qual s'estima i s'odia a la vegada el patiment. Amb aquest recorregut mostrem com queden moltes preguntes obertes que només l'algodicea cultural pot començar a respondre.

The purpose of our project is to create a set of online cross-disciplinary tutorials for making games with the Unity game engine. The tutorials will cater to both art and computer science students enrolled in the Creative Computing Studio course. The tutorials also can serve as a guide for anyone interested in game development. Students will gain the knowledge to script game mechanic logic, develop camera devices through which the player views the world, and implement character controllers using preexisting animations through retargeting. By the end of the tutorials students should feel empowered and comfortable enough to begin creating their own games. The course is aimed at an intermediate level to meet the needs of Virginia Tech students who already know how to program or create 3D art, but dont understand how to apply that knowledge to a game engine. This course is not intended as a step-by-step tutorial series; it takes a troubleshooting-based approach by addressing common pitfalls we encountered taking the gaming capstone in previous semester. Each of the videos can be watched individually to learn the related techniques. Students will learn and apply principles from the course not to a sample file, but to their own game's needs. Module Overview Legend of Zelda Wind Waker and Super Mario Galaxy are two examples of innovative platform games that revolutionized the third person cameras in a 3D environment. Both share similar mechanics that are simple, yet extremely robust. This module will recreate the same character locomotion and third person camera used by both games. ; Americas entertainment software industry creates a wide array of computer and video games to meet the demands and tastes of audiences as diverse as our nations population. Todays gamers include millions of Americans of all ages and backgrounds. In fact, more than two-thirds of all American households play games. This vast audience is fueling the growth of this multi-billion dollar industry (Essential Facts About the Computer and Video Game Industry, 2006). The Computer Science Department at Virginia Tech has offered a course to facilitate the future of art and game development. CS 4644: Creative Computing Studio Capstone is an intensive immersion into different approaches to game design and 3D modeling. The course allows students to develop an understanding of the scientific and technological principles associated with the design and development of computer and console games for both entertainment and serious applications. Students are encouraged to use a wide range of game engines as they work in teams to conduct an end-to-end integrative design project, the most popular being Unity. Unity is a game development ecosystem: a powerful rendering engine fully integrated with a complete set of intuitive tools and rapid workflows to create interactive 3D content; easy multiplatform publishing; thousands of quality, ready-made assets in the Asset Store; and a knowledge-sharing Community. Unity is free to a large proportion of developers and affordable for the rest. For independent developers and studios, Unitys democratizing ecosystem smashes the time and cost barriers to creating uniquely beautiful games. They are using Unity to build a livelihood doing what they love: creating games that hook and delight players on any platform. It is for this reason that our group decided to work with the professors of the Creative Computer Studio Capstone to deliver a module that will quickly get students up and running with Unity game development. Videos are publicly available through the YouTube playlist: http://m.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLKFvhfT4QOqlEReJ2lSZJk_APVq5sxZ-x All of the code is maintained in the public GitHub repository: https://github.com/jm991/UnityThirdPersonTutorial?files=1 ; CS4644 instructors: Dane Webster, Yong Cao, Vincent Argentina

ABSTARCT This qualitative research adopted a participatory rural appraisal approach to explore the means to enhance the participation of cross-cultural married Thai women (CMW) in community health promotion and designate the community health promotion strategies according the Ottawa Charter of Health's declaration where community health nurses acted as facilitators. Target population included forty Thai women who were married to foreigners (non-Thai) in Tambon of Nong Wua Saw District, Udonthani province. Data collection was done from June 2012 to August 2012 through observations, individual in-depth interviews, focus group discussion and community panel discussion among CMW, village chiefs, Tambon's headmen, village health volunteers, community members, Tambon municipal members responsible for health promotion, health promoting registered nurses and out-patient department nurses from Nong Wua Saw Hospital. Results revealed that cross-cultural married women had learned about their husbands' original cultures and adapted well with the husbands' globalization culture that was mixed with the women's local cultures. This merged culture led to unique ways of health promoting living that the CMW would like to share with the community. Drawing from the love and gratefulness in their family, CMW were inspired to create a community stage and network and established community health promotion strategies for personal hygiene care, household sanitation, exercise, healthy diets with low-sodium and organic vegetables, stress relaxation, annual health check-up at both governmental and private hospitals, and vaccinations both when in good health and in sickness. At first, the CMW participated in community activities such as donating money to build temples and bell towers, and other Buddhist-related events, giving scholarships to local students, engaging in village meetings and other health promotion activities and becoming members and committee members of various local groups. Later the women felt the need to share what they had learned from cross-cultural marriage with foreign husbands and from their experience living abroad to improve the quality of community living. After the community nurse facilitated the participation of CMW in community activities, the community members were more aware of CMW and interested in the women's experience. On the other hand, the CMW were happy to be a part of the community and raising the awareness for community health promotion that later led them to be change agents in the community. The learning grew from small groups of relatives and neighbors to a larger community. The CMW shared from their experience and exchanged with the community. This empowered both the women and the community and reinforced their confidence and social values. The community realized the importance of community health promotion and expressed the need to improve their current health promotion activities. This, in turn bolstered the harmony between the CMW and the community. The lesson from this experience emphasized the need to continually promote the cooperative learning that will lead to sustainable and contextually suitable community health promotion.การวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพนี้ ใช้วิธีการศึกษาการวิเคราะห์ชุมชนแบบมีส่วนร่วม (Participatory Rural Appraisal) เพื่อศึกษาแนวทางเสริมสร้างการมีส่วนร่วมของสตรีที่แต่งงานข้ามวัฒนธรรมในการส่งเสริมสุขภาพชุมชนโดยกำหนด กลยุทธ์ตามแนวทางกฎบัตรออตตาวา และพยาบาลชุมชนทำหน้าที่เป็นผู้กระตุ้น (Facilitator) กลุ่มผู้ร่วมวิจัยเป็นสตรีที่แต่งงานกับชาวต่างชาติ ที่อาศัยอยู่ ในตำบลหนึ่ง ของ อำเภอหนองวัวซอ จังหวัดอุดรธานี จำนวน 40 คน ในช่วงเดือน มิถุนายน ถึง เดือนตุลาคม พ.ศ. 2555 เก็บรวบรวมข้อมูล โดยวิธี สังเกต สัมภาษณ์เชิงลึก สนทนากลุ่มและจัดเวทีชุมชนร่วมกับสตรีที่แต่งงานข้ามวัฒนธรรม ผู้นำชุมชน อาสาสมัครสาธารณสุข ประชาชน สมาชิกสภาเทศบาล เจ้าหน้าที่เทศบาลที่รับผิดชอบงานส่งเสริมสุขภาพ พยาบาลแผนกส่งเสริมสุขภาพและ พยาบาลแผนกผู้ป่วยนอกโรงพยาบาลหนองวัวซอ ผลการศึกษา พบว่า สตรีที่แต่งงานข้ามวัฒนธรรม มีการเรียนรู้วัฒนธรรมของสามีต่างชาติ สามารถปรับตัวเข้ากับวัฒนธรรมโลกาภิวัตน์ (Globalization) ของสามี ผสมผสานกับวัฒนธรรมท้องถิ่น (Localization) ของตนเองอย่างกลมกลืน เกิดเป็นความรู้และแนวปฏิบัติที่สตรีกลุ่มนี้ นำมาใช้ในชีวิตประจำวัน จนเกิดวิถีชีวิตที่ส่งเสริมสุขภาพ และต้องการนำไปพัฒนาสุขภาพชุมชน จึงนำมาจัดทำกลวิธีส่งเสริมสุขภาพชุมชน ในด้านการดูแลสุขวิทยาส่วนบุคคล การจัดสุขาภิบาลครัวเรือน การออกกำลังกาย การรับประทานเพื่อสุขภาพ การผ่อนคลายความเครียด การป้องกันอุบัติเหตุ การมีเพศสัมพันธ์ที่ปลอดภัย การเข้ารับบริการโรงพยาบาลของรัฐ และเอกชน เพื่อตรวจและรักษาสุขภาพ โดยใช้ทุนแห่งความรักและความกตัญญูต่อครอบครัว เป็นแรงบันดาลใจให้สตรีกลุ่มนี้ มาสร้างเวทีแลกเปลี่ยนกับชุมชน หรือสร้างเครือข่ายให้เกิดพลังในการพัฒนาชุมชน สำหรับการมีส่วนร่วมในชุมชนของสตรีที่แต่งงานข้ามวัฒนธรรมนั้น ช่วงแรกเป็นการไปร่วมงาน ร่วมบริจาคทรัพย์สิน เงินทอง ในการทำบุญ ทนุบำรุงศาสนา งานบุญประเพณี มอบทุนการศึกษาแก่นักเรียน ต่อมาได้เข้าร่วมประชุม ร่วมแลกเปลี่ยนเรียนรู้ ร่วมกิจกรรมส่งเสริมสุขภาพและงานอื่นๆ ตลอดจนเป็นสมาชิกและกรรมการชมรมต่างๆ ในชุมชน สตรีกลุ่มนี้ต้องการเข้ามาร่วมในการส่งเสริมสุขภาพชุมชน ต้องการนำสิ่งที่ดีงามจากการที่ได้แต่งงานกับสามีต่างชาติ การได้ไปอยู่ต่างประเทศ มาพัฒนาบ้านเกิดในฐานะสมาชิกคนหนึ่งของสังคม เพียงแต่ให้โอกาส เชิญให้มามีส่วนร่วมและให้คุณค่าอยางต่อเนื่อง จากการที่พยาบาลชุมชนได้แสดงบทบาท เป็นผู้กระตุ้นให้สตรีที่แต่งงานข้ามวัฒนธรรมมามีส่วนร่วม ทำให้ชุมชนรับรู้ ตระหนัก สนใจสตรีที่แต่งงานข้ามวัฒนธรรมมากขึ้น ทำให้สตรีมีความสุขที่ได้มีส่วนร่วมในการสร้างความตระหนักในการส่งเสริมสุขภาพชุมชน สตรีเหล่านี้สามารถเปลี่ยนบทบาทมาเป็นผู้กระตุ้นและผู้นำการเปลี่ยนแปลงได้ เวทีการเรียนรู้ร่วมกัน จากกลุ่มเล็กๆ ขยายสู่เครือญาติ และเพื่อนบ้าน จึงเป็นวิธีการที่สร้างเครือข่ายที่สตรีที่แต่งงานข้ามวัฒนธรรม ใช้ถอดบทเรียนตนเอง และแลกเปลี่ยนกับชุมชน จนเกิดพลังอำนาจ เกิดความเชื่อมั่นในความดีงามของตนและมีคุณค่าในสังคม ส่วนชุมชนเกิดความตระหนัก อยากร่วมพัฒนา เกิดการเสริมพลังอำนาจซึ่งกันและกันทั้งสตรีที่แต่งงานข้ามวัฒนธรรมและสมาชิกชุมชน จึงมีข้อเสนอแนะว่า ควรส่งเสริมให้มีการเรียนรู้อย่างต่อเนื่องร่วมกัน ไปสู่การปฏิบัติ เพื่อเสริมพลังอำนาจให้เกิดแนวทางส่งเสริมสุขภาพที่เหมาะสมกับบริบทชุมชน และยั่งยืนต่อไป