Suchergebnisse

Conditions of emergence of populism -- Populism -- Populism case studies Argentina and Bolivia -- Military dictatorships and debt-led growth (1965-1985) -- Case study : Chile -- The democratic period and neoliberal agenda -- Neoliberal case studies -- The New Left in Latin America -- Neopopulism case studies.

The rise of nationalist populism, its challenge to representative democracy and the populist impact on the liberal international order have emerged as one of the most significant phenomena in international politics in recent years. This special issue brings together a group of researchers from a wide range of theoretical, disciplinary and epistemological backgrounds, including political science, populism studies, foreign policy analysis and critical security studies, to examine the international dimension of populism and the practical impact of populism on foreign policy and international security. Empirically and conceptually, it presents audiences in political science, international relations and related disciplines with a timely review of the scope of research on populism in international relations. Our specific aim is to explore and evaluate what challenges a populist mobilisation of anti-elitism and anti-globalism presents to both the contemporary study of international politics, and the structure of the international system and key actors within it.

In recent decades, populism has regained prominence in Latin America. It is expressed in forms of government from left or right as it happens in Venezuela with Hugo Chavez and Alvaro Uribe in Colombia, as well as from mobilizations expressions rebellious sectors of the population. This ambiguous concept takes on different meanings. From the economic point of view, macroeconomic populism emphasizes growth through redistributive policies in the short term to increase consumption, neglecting macroeconomic balance, especially with regard to inflation and fiscal deficit. This paper argues that macroeconomic populism is not new and has been applied in Latin America repeatedly. With some differences and at different times of economic history, the governments of Argentina, Chile, Peru and Venezuela, have resorted to the use of fiscal, monetary and credit expansive policies and overvaluation of the currency to accelerate growth and redistribute income. When applied there are concerns about fiscal and exchange restrictions. The result is a galloping inflation and an economic crisis, which may explain the instability and hyperinflation that Latin America has experienced. Colombia, curiously, throughout its history, is an exception to this rule, due to the independence of the institutions that manage monetary policy and the barriers that implies for the executive. ; En las últimas décadas, el populismo ha vuelto a cobrar importancia en América Latina. Se expresa en las formas de gobierno de izquierda o derecha, como ocurre en Venezuela con Hugo Chávez y Álvaro Uribe en Colombia, así como en expresiones de movilizaciones en sectores rebeldes de la población. Este concepto ambiguo adquiere diferentes significados. Desde el punto de vista económico, el populismo macroeconómico hace hincapié en el crecimiento a través de políticas redistributivas en el corto plazo para aumentar el consumo, dejando de lado el equilibrio macroeconómico, especialmente en lo que respecta a la inflación y el déficit fiscal. Este documento sostiene que el populismo macroeconómico no es nuevo y se ha aplicado en América Latina en varias ocasiones. Con algunas diferencias y en diferentes momentos de la historia económica, los gobiernos de Argentina, Chile, Perú y Venezuela, han recurrido al uso de las políticas de expansión fiscal, monetaria y de crédito y la sobrevaloración de la moneda para acelerar el crecimiento y redistribuir el ingreso. Cuando se aplica existe la preocupación acerca de las restricciones fiscales y cambiarias. El resultado es una inflación galopante y una crisis económica, lo que puede explicar la inestabilidad y la hiperinflación que América Latina ha experimentado. Colombia, curiosamente, a lo largo de su historia, es una excepción a esta regla, debido a la independencia de las instituciones que gestionan la política monetaria y las barreras que implica para el ejecutivo.

In the past decade, populist movements have vindicated another form of democracy that, from the perspective of constitutional law, is rooted in the claim of identity rather than representation. This has also resulted in a general rejection of the political and legal forms that are at the basis of the liberal constitutional form of government. However, the state as a system of rules that enables order – anomos– has not been questioned and it still performs its function of emancipator and restrainer. Carl Schmitt seems to have best synthetized these two concepts by resorting, on the one hand, to the concept of identitarian democracy, a type of democracy based on the identity betweenrulers and ruled, and, on the other hand, to theKatékon, the form of political power that prevents the eruption of chaos. It is where these two elements meet that a bi-dimensional framework for political action, based on time and space, emerges. ; In the past decade, populist movements have vindicated another form of democracy that, from the perspective of constitutional law, is rooted in the claim of identity rather than representation. This has also resulted in a general rejection of the political and legal forms that are at the basis of the liberal constitutional form of government. However, the state as a system of rules that enables order – anomos– has not been questioned and it still performs its function of emancipator and restrainer. Carl Schmitt seems to have best synthetized these two concepts by resorting, on the one hand, to the concept of identitarian democracy, a type of democracy based on the identity betweenrulers and ruled, and, on the other hand, to theKatékon, the form of political power that prevents the eruption of chaos. It is where these two elements meet that a bi-dimensional framework for political action, based on time and space, emerges.

Most studies of technocratic populism have focused on democracies under stress (e.g., Italy, Czech Republic). This article builds on and extends these studies by analyzing a hybrid regime—post-Soviet Georgia—and argues that technocratic populism in this context is utilized as a façade to cover authoritarian and oligarchic tendencies, while suspending (or reversing) democratization efforts. The state apparatus is weaponized against current and potential political opponents. Ideology is irrelevant, loyalty is key, and passivity is encouraged. The government aims to chip away at institutional checks and balances, and to demobilize the public by undermining confidence in the country's representative institutions while increasing dependence on experienced personalities, the 'can do experts.' The result is most often a stable partial-reform equilibrium. We illustrate this argument with evidence from Georgia, where Bidzina Ivanishvili, the richest man in the country, came to power in 2012 and, despite not holding any official position in the government since 2013, has run the state as a firm.

Right-wing populism and authoritarianism are often thought to be closely linked to each other: conceptually, ideologically, historically. This article challenges that assumption by reinterpreting right-wing populism as an essentially anti-authoritarian movement. Right-wing populism diverges from the clearly authoritarian movements of the past, such as classic conservatism and fascism, in at least two important ways: first, it follows a distinctive epistemology with a different idea what constitutes the truth and who has access to it. Second, populism has a peculiar understanding of the ultimate source of political authority and the function of political leadership. My article shows how right-wing populists pursue a project of self-empowerment and appropriate notions of emancipation and autonomy for their own narrative.

Este trabajo analiza el papel que desempeñaron los líderes de las "segundas líneas" en la conso­lidación de los procesos populistas, con el fin de establecer una comparación entre los inter­mediarios del varguismo y del peronismo en sus relaciones con la prensa. Esta comparación puede resultar relevante para comprender desde una nueva perspectiva los vínculos entre aquélla y los procesos políticos populistas. Para el caso brasileño se analiza la actuación de Lourival Fontes, durante el primer gobierno de Vargas (1930-1945), y de Samuel Wainer, durante el segundo gobierno (1951-1954). En Argenti­na, los casos examinados son los papeles de Carlos Vicente Aloé y Raúl Apold, dos figuras relevantes en la relación del primer peronismo (1946-1955) con la prensa.

El artículo parte de la discusión actual sobre si la proliferación de los así denominados populismos de derecha invalida o no la tesis de Laclau de que el populismo es un tipo de articulación que puede dar un sentido emancipatorio a la iniciativa política. Dicho debate que se ha presentado fundamentalmente bajo la oposición binaria populismos de derechas frente a populismos de izquierda tiene a dos voces contrapuestas, las de Fassin y Mouffe, que el texto se propone revisar, desde una perspectiva laclausiana, a partir de dos preguntas que se desprenden de las posiciones políticas de los autores: ¿es posible, como desearía Fassin, eludir o eliminar el populismo? ¿Es posible distinguir entre un populismo de derechas y uno de izquierdas, como propone Mouffe?The article takes as a point of departure the current discussion about the proliferation of the so called right-wing populisms that put into question Laclau's thesis that populism is a sort of articulation that may bring about emancipatory directions to politics. This debate, that has recently taken the format of an opposition between right-wing populism vs. leftwing populisms, has two main competing voices —Fassin and Mouffe— that the text reviews from a Laclausian perspective. The two questions addressed, that rise from the political position of each author, are the following: is it possible to eliminate populism as Fassin would prefer? Is it possible to establish a differentiation between right-wing and left-wing populism as Mouffe affirms? ; The article takes as a point of departure the current discussion about the proliferation of the so called right-wing populisms that put into question Laclau's thesis that populism is a sort of articulation that may bring about emancipatory directions to politics. This debate, that has recently taken the format of an opposition between right-wing populism vs. leftwing populisms, has two main competing voices —Fassin and Mouffe— that the text reviews from a Laclausian perspective. The two questions addressed, that rise from the political position of each author, are the following: is it possible to eliminate populism as Fassin would prefer? Is it possible to establish a differentiation between right-wing and left-wing populism as Mouffe affirms?

Populism constitutes one of the most recurring topics in contemporary political and social scientific debates. Frequently used in a pejorative way, this concept has provoked vast discussions within the Social Sciences. This article aims to trace the conceptualizations of populism in Latin America, seeking to clarify its theoretical evolution and its tenacious persistence in the region. ; El populismo comprende uno de los tópicos más recurrentes tanto en la discusión política como científico-social contemporánea. Utilizado de manera recurrente en forma peyorativa, este concepto ha suscitado vastas discusiones al interior de las Ciencias Sociales. Este artículo se propone realizar un recorrido por las conceptualizaciones del populismo en América Latina, buscando esclarecer su evolución teórica y su tenaz actualidad en la región.

This book investigates the ideological conditions inducing political actors to highlight corruption issues through valence campaigns. Using case studies and comparative analyses of party programmes, legislatives speeches and social media data, the author demonstrates that the more parties and/or candidates present a similar policy programme, the more they rely on valence campaigns. In other words, as the ideologies of parties have become increasingly similar over recent decades, the content of political competition has substantially shifted from policy to non-policy factors, such as corruption issues. These dynamics, and the ideological considerations underpinning them, also provide a novel perspective on recent phenomena in contemporary democracies, such as the growth of negative campaigning, as well as populist strategies based on anti-elite rhetoric. The book will appeal to students and scholars interested in political corruption, valence politics, and electoral campaigning. <.

The populist turn to street protest and the reasons behind its global resurgence are the twin themes of this timely analysis.