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From the abstract: Integration and Dis-Integration or Dis-Integration and Integration or Dis-Integration and Re-Integration can be quite a word play. The Dis-Integration of the former Soviet Union (FSU) in the early 1990s marks a serious and unprecedented development in modern history. It was a break-up of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics into fifteen newly independent states. Hereby, twelve states formed the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), a structure that was to keep some order over the break-up. Three countries – the Baltics – announced their total independence and declared no will to be part of the CIS. A later Integration or Re-Integration within the CIS is being actively discussed and debated up to now. Several theories have evolved on the future of the region. Huntington's thesis predicts the 'Clash of Civilizations'. He argues that the future battle over world politics will be over religious and cultural factors. Huntington predicts a split-up of the world along religious lines. In turn, Duncan rejects religion to be a factor in the current developments of the CIS. He limits Kuzio's idea of a division between the CIS into 'radicals' and 'pragmatists' among the two groups – the 'Westernizers' and 'Slavophiles'. Duncan concludes that there is generally a shift towards pragmatism in the foreign policies of the member states of the FSU. Disillusionment with the West is widespread. Most important factors that make countries tend towards a Westernist' or Eurasianist' course are linked to ethnicity and conflict. The author views the political regime and economic reforms are less important. Other studies focus more on the relationship between Russia and the other CIS countries. Alexandrova's arguments support the trend towards pragmatism. She adds that Moscow gave up the concept of re-integration, which it was convinced of in the first years of transition. Russia's foreign policy from Yeltsin to Putin shifted from Multilateralism to Bilateralism. Russian capital, invested in the near-abroad, is seen as a strong instrument to influence other CIS states and force them to Moscow's security policy. Another -less recent- study on "Integration and Disintegration" from 1997 by authors of Brown University/U.S. and institutes from five newly independent states gives some outlook over the future ten years until 2006. Base for discussion were four rather extreme and abstract scenarios. Researchers and other experts from the region specialising in politics and security were confronted with the scenarios and asked to discuss and express their views on the future of the CIS. Economics did not play a major role in their debates over the tendencies within the region. In my work I will demonstrate that the energy sector, particularly the natural gas sector, plays an essential role in re-integrative tendencies. Logically, the largest successor of the FSU, the Russian Federation, plays a dominant role. As part of my work I will review prices for natural gas in the CIS. Applying the theory of Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) enables me to compare prices internationally. Unfortunately, the data limit allows only a rough comparison. However, it supports trends developed in prior sections of the work. A statistical analysis is not used due to the insufficient data set. The structure of my dissertation is as following: Section 2 summarizes the theoretical framework regarding integration and disintegration, based on findings of the 1997-study by authors of Brown University. In the progress of the dissertation I will illustrate that findings of the latter study are close to reality even today. After explaining the theoretical framework I will outline the hypothesis of my work. At the end of that section I will give an overview of the factors that lead to the disintegration of the Soviet Union. I will then relate the impact on the natural gas sector across the region. It is the outset on which the later work builds on. In Section 3 I will describe the creation of a new CIS market for natural gas on three levels driven by the Russian Federation. Given the fact that the natural gas industries in the CIS are mostly state regulated, shedding light upon the inter-governmental dimension will explain policies and -most importantly- Russia's motivation. What strategies has Moscow developed over the years in terms of controlling this sector? A further look at the inter-company dimension will picture the main players –large corporations- that are producing, transporting and distributing natural gas throughout the region. It will support the tendencies about Russia's role developed in the beginning of the section. That dimension will illustrate the companies' role as the players on the domestic Russian and foreign 'near-abroad' market. The third part of the section will be a basic price analysis, discussing the available data set. Do prices serve to understand evolving market mechanisms and tendencies towards re-integration within the CIS? Section 4 summarizes the findings of my work. I will put together the 'pieces' in Russia's natural gas 'puzzle'. Table of Contents: 1.INTRODUCTION7 1.1Theories7 1.2The Natural Gas Sector8 1.3Countries Covered9 1.4Data9 1.5Methodology10 1.6Plan10 2.ONE THEORY OF INTEGRATION AND DIS-INTEGRATION IN POST-SOVIET COUNTRIES11 2.1Expectations of Experts of the Various Countries12 2.1.1Georgia12 2.1.2Ukraine12 2.1.3Belarus13 2.1.4Turkmenistan14 2.1.5Kazakstan15 2.1.6Russia15 2.2A Cross-Country Picture16 2.3Relevance of the Study Regarding the Natural Gas Market17 2.4Dis-Integration of the Soviet Union and the Natural Gas Market18 3.RE-INTEGRATION OF THE CIS NATURAL GAS MARKET21 3.1Inter-Governmental Dimension21 3.1.1Grouping the Countries21 3.1.2Main CIS – Natural Gas Export Markets23 3.1.2.1Turkmenistan – Iran23 3.1.2.2Russia – South-Eastern Europe and Turkey24 3.1.2.3Russia – Europe25 3.1.2.4Russia – China28 3.1.3The Countries as 'Pieces' in Russia's Natural Gas 'Puzzle'?30 3.2The Inter-Company Dimension31 3.2.1Brief Portraits of the Players32 3.2.1.1Gazprom32 3.2.1.2Itera33 3.2.1.3The Independent Gas Producers35 3.2.1.4The Oil Companies35 3.2.2The Players Acting in the Strategic CIS36 3.2.2.1In Georgia and Turkmenistan to the South and South-West36 3.2.2.2In Turkmenistan and Kazakstan to the South-East and East38 3.2.2.3In Ukraine and Belarus for Access to the West39 3.2.3Restructuring of the Russian Monopoly41 3.2.4Changes with the Reforms42 3.3Prices44 3.3.1Data44 3.3.2Purchasing Power Parity45 3.3.3Russia's Domestic Market47 3.3.3.1A Start to Deregulate Prices48 3.3.3.2Low versus International Prices?51 3.3.4Russia's Export Market to the Near-Abroad53 3.3.4.1Comparison on FSU – Level53 3.3.4.2Comparison with Far-Abroad54 3.3.4.3Comparison with Russia's Domestic Market55 4.CONCLUSION58 5.APPENDIX61 5.1Data61 5.2Literature72

[spa] La tesis en sus seis capítulos sustenta el compromiso de la asistencia social con la construcción de las diferencias de clase, etnia y género en Santa Fe de Bogotá, en los contextos históricos barroco e ilustrado. La asistencia social, como un componente de las tradiciones occidentales que interpreta la pobreza y los problemas sociales, sus efectos e implicaciones, a la vez que definía y regulaba la acción para prevenirlos, remediarlos o erradicarlos, se instaló en la ciudad como parte de los dispositivos civilizadores. Por lo tanto, participó del proyecto de recreación de la cultura europea y contribuyó a la castellanización y al reforzamiento de las imágenes y de los simbolismos del cristianismo de la Contrarreforma desde las etapas iniciales de la formación de la sociedad colonial. Las propuestas asistenciales comprenden visiones sobre los sufrimientos humanos y paliativos frente a los mismos, procedentes tanto de las relaciones con el mundo sagrado como de las acciones humanas. La discusión se inscribe en los procesos a través de los cuales se forjó la diferencia como desigualdad, elemento clave del pensamiento androcéntrico, colonial y elitista. Tal diferencia se sustentó en la naturalización de la inferioridad de quien o quienes fueron definidos como el otro o la otra, los otros o las otras: los indígenas, los mestizos y los pobres de ambos sexos y diferentes edades. A la vez, produjo y reprodujo las relaciones jerárquicas entre los hombres y las mujeres, la sociedad blanca y el resto de la sociedad conformada por el heterogéneo mundo de los indios, los mestizos y las castas así como también entre los ricos y los pobres. Se visualizaron los impactos de la pobreza por motivos sociales, étnicos y de género y las interpretaciones sobre la misma que inspiraron las estrategias para prevenirla, tratarla o erradicarla que comprometió a los diferentes estamentos sociales: legisladores y administradores tanto eclesiásticos como civiles. Los discursos sobre la pobreza y el género que emergieron en los contextos barroco e ilustrado constituyen el material trabajado: la crónica, las vidas ejemplares, la iconografía, los pronunciamientos oficiales tanto religiosos como laicos de los donantes y proyectistas, así como también, los relatos de las experiencias vitales y los trozos del pensamiento de las mujeres y los hombres que dejaron huella de la divergencia y la resistencia a las pautas modélicas con las que se intentó regular sus vidas. Se trazó un recorrido desde los significados del ideal de la masculinidad representado en los modelos del explorador, conquistador y el guerrero, alejados de las mujeres y del mundo femenino pasando por las redefiniciones del colonizador quien requirió de un hogar para asentarse, hasta el ideal del padre providente, correspondiente al modelo de familia paradigmático de la modernidad que construyó la dependencia de las mujeres y de los hijos. La tesis se inicia en un diálogo con la historiografía colonial colombiana, la etnohistoria y la historia de la pobreza. Luego se plantea el tema, la metodología y el tratamiento de las fuentes. A continuación se propone una lectura sobre las imágenes y los imaginarios coloniales en las narrativas del seiscientos. Enseguida se observan los enunciados sobre la pobreza y las estrategias para tratarla transferidos desde España, el sincretismo y la significación para la cultura santafereña de la fundación de la Casa de los niños y mujeres recogidas en el año 1641. Después se muestran los sesgos de género de las manifestaciones del conflicto urbano en el que se destacan las infracciones tales como adulterios, amancebamientos y concubinato, la violencia contra las mujeres lo mismo que los hurtos y robos y los esfuerzos de las autoridades ilustradas por hacer prevalecer el imperio de la ley. La exposición culmina con las narrativas de la caridad ilustrada correspondiente al periodo en que se impulsó la modernidad cuando se reinventó en el año 1777 el hospicio para el encierro de los indios, mestizos y mulatos pobres y mendigos de ambos sexos y se estableció el Monte de Piedad para la protección de la viudas de los militares y altos funcionarios fallecidos al servicio de la Corona. ; [eng] This Thesis, within its six chapters, shows the commitment from the social assistance of Santa Fe de Bogotá - during the XVI and XVII Centuries - to the reproducing of the gender and ethnic social differences. The discourses on poverty - which came up within the baroque and illustrated contexts - constitute the worked material: the chronicle, the exemplary lives, the iconography, the official religious - as well as lay - pronouncements from the givers and project makers; as well as the stories of life experiences and the fragments of thought from the women and men who left traces of the divergence and resistance towards the model patterns by which their lives were tried to be controlled. A run over was drawn from the meanings of the ideal masculinity - represented by the models of: the explorer, the conqueror and the warrior, - distant from the women and from the feminine world, going through the defining anew of the colonizer - who required a home to settle -, up to the ideal providing father, corresponding to the paradigmatic model of family from the Modernity, who built the dependence of women and of the children. The Thesis starts with a dialogue with the Colombian Colonial Historiography, the ethno-history and the history of poverty. Then the theme is set forth - as well as the methodology, and the dealing with the sources. Following, a reading on the Colonial images and the imaginary in the narratives of the six hundred's is suggested. Following, there can be seen the enunciates on poverty and the strategies to deal with it - transferred from Spain -, the syncretism and the meaning - for the Santa Fe Culture - of the foundation of The House for the children and women sheltered during year 1641. Then after, the bias of gender - from the urban conflict expressions - are shown. The exposition ends with the narratives of the illustrated charity - corresponding to the period in which the Modernity was fostered -, when during year 1777 the hospice for the confinement (shelter) of the Indians, Mestizos and poor Mulattos, and beggars of both sexes was reinvented, and the Monte de Piedad was established for the protection of widows of militaries and high officials who died while serving The Crown.

This paper broadly evaluates the role and performance of non-governmental development organizations (NGDOs) in promoting social development before and since the 1995 World Summit for Social Development. Two kinds of analysis and recommendations are offered. The first concerns the practices of NGDOs and their relationships with other "partners in development". The second focuses on the deep-rooted pathologies of the aid system that condition the form and effectiveness of many development interventions not only by NGDOs but also by the larger universe of entities comprising civil society organizations (CSOs). This review concludes that, in the absence of thoroughgoing reform, the aid system will continue to hinder mobilization by the larger civil society with NGDOs to bring about genuine development in the Third World. The concept of civil society has altered development thinking and practice in the major donor countries. However, the Western image of civil society that donors employ does not necessarily apply to civil societies elsewhere. This has serious consequences for efforts to mobilize civil society organizations in developing countries. In practice, donors need to have a much deeper understanding of the configuration and capacity of civil society in the specific locations where they intend to intervene. Donors must also recognize that NGDO efforts, while useful, are limited, and that they cannot substitute for those of the wider civil society. The tasks NGDOs set for themselves, and the expectations of those that finance them, are complex and (probably too) demanding. They cover most facets of social development: reducing poverty and exclusion; improving access to basic services; conflict prevention; fostering democracy; influencing public policies, etc. NGDOs also function at multiple levels, from the individual, through households and intermediary institutions into the arena of international relations, conventions and commitments. In doing so, they may touch some 20 per cent of the world's poor. However, evidence suggests that the NGDO contribution to social change is less substantial and durable than imagined. NGDOs would like to do better and are doing something about it themselves. However, they are limited in this by the unfair, power-imbalanced and donor-serving framework of aid that they operate in. At the same time, NGDOs remain substantially aid-dependent and vulnerable, which can result in questionable motivations and behaviour. For NGDOs to improve their contributions in mobilizing for development, they must better learn to: understand and overcome the factors undermining their efforts; work differently with communities to ensure that change is sustained; develop an ability to cope with relative powerlessness within the "partnerships" that are possible in an unreformed aid system; improve relations between themselves; alter Northern NGDOs' roles vis-à-vis Southern partners and their own national constituencies, and work together with all kinds of NGDOs in coalitions and networks; broaden and bring enduring structure into interactions with wider civil society; interface more broadly with national and local government; operate in the international arena with downward accountability, while adopting advocacy strategies that do not undermine domestic governance or provoke a government "backlash". But structural features of the international aid system limit NGDOs' capacity for self-improvement. Under existing rules, most recipients of aid are relatively powerless and are kept that way. The distorted language of "partnership" is a current example of how rhetoric masks major disparities in power and the maintenance of dependency. And this power imbalance generates perverse incentives for aid recipients. It blocks their necessary ownership of and commitment to change. Six reforms are proposed to attenuate or remove the institutional dysfunctions of aid, and hence make feasible the possibilities for NGDOs to work with diverse CSOs on a larger scale. First, bring greater equity, co-responsibility and ownership into the aid process. Trust funds, or similar mechanisms, have often been proposed and should be implemented. These should create an appropriate distance between the giver and receiver of aid, set within a transparent governance framework. Second, recognize relationships other than "partnership". The aid community requires an array of relationships, named for what they are, each designed to serve different purposes. Different relationships require the open negotiation of different rights and obligations of the parties involved. Third, establish "honest brokers" along the lines of an Ombudsperson, as is now being considered by agencies working in humanitarian and emergency operations. Fourth, prevent "development mono-culture" by encouraging NGDOs to do what they should do best: work with local agents of change to understand and promote integrative, cross-cutting, thematic, participatory and innovative approaches to development, tailored to specific situations. This goes against the current trend of forcing NGDOs to conform to official standards and methods, often prescribed along technical, sectoral lines favoured by the donor. Fifth, improve social development practice by incorporating into interventions a deeper understanding of the interrelationships among social and economic change, the evolution of civic participation, the role and kinds of capacity building needed by CSOs, etc. The meaning of this is made clear by an example of a promising approach to capacity building. Finally, expand relations with civil society on the basis of dialogue and building effective relations between diverse actors at multiple levels. Institutional mapping is one way of identifying entry points for, and obtaining, this type of engagement. The aid system has not demonstrated an ability to reform its fundamental principles and structures. Should it continue this way, NGDOs' credibility when engaging with CSOs will be further compromised. It is not a question of not knowing what needs to be done. Necessary reforms are readily apparent. The problem is that failure to move as needed stems from a donor predisposition to prioritize domestic interests over those of recipients who remain in second place and second class. This may satisfy tax payers' need to see how they themselves benefit from their aid. Nevertheless, this stance is deficient when the same taxpayers ask what is actually being achieved on the ground. They want both home benefits and overseas results. Consequently, poor performance will eventually result in lost credibility at both ends of the aid chain. This must not be allowed to happen. People who are poor and marginalized, and in whose name the system operates, have a fundamental right that this not occur.

Готово ли сегодня постсоветское правительство предложить населению четкую программу социальной политики? Готовы ли региональные власти включиться в эту деятельность? Сформирован ли в России институт акторов социальной политики? Достаточны ли материальные и организационные ресурсы для обеспечения хотя бы минимальных базовых нужд обездоленной части населения? Каковы мотивы и нормы поведения различных субъектов социальной политики? Эти и другие вопросы в центре внимания предложенной статьи. ; Regional features of Moscow, St Petersburg and Voronezh in the strict scientific sense, the problem of achieving a typologically sound sample of research subjects in a social milieu as lacking in homogeneity as Russia today is insoluble. Suffice it to say that within Russia we have Slavic/Christian, Turkic/Muslim and Mongol/Buddhist histori-cal/cultural zones; and within the Russian (Slavic/Christian) zone, there are substantial differences between the Northern Russian, Central (mixed), Southern Russian and Siberian sub-ethnic regions. In each of these cases, we are talking of huge tracts of land and populations in the many millions, with major differences in their value systems, lifestyles and the way their economies are run. In addition to this, we have the economic and spatial differentiation of Russia into 11 major economic regions which differ from each other immeasurably more than, say, the North and South of Italy. The problem of regional differences, and particularly differences in the quality, structure and nature of human resources and in the related features of national and local authority social policy, is not new, and is one that is being addressed by many other countries. National policy on the regions in any country strives to iron out these differences, fraught as they are with social, ethnic and political conflicts, and to attain as uniform as possible a level and quality of life for the populace in all regions. Of course the level of economic development of the regions is of special significance in this, as it is crucial in governing social policy resources. Today, as Russia makes its painful and difficult way towards democracy and a market economy, we should bear in mind that regional differences and regional contradictioas arising out of them may essentially be divided into three basic types. 1. Those which are basically a feature of any market economy, with their corresponding regional contradictions, are 'Type 1 regional differences". They arise as an inevitable result of the action of a free market and free competition. 2. Those which are characteristic of a society in transition are 'Type 2 regional differences". In Russia, some regions "fit in" to the market more easily than otheis, and adapt to the new conditions with greater or lesser social cost. The all-embracing nature of the modernization that is under way throughout the country acts on, and in turn also depends on, the physical and spiritual health of the local populace, the degree of skills training that is in place, the ability and desire of people to live and work in the new "market" conditions and their competitiveness. 3. Those which are tied in with a whole series of cultural and ethnic problems are 'Type 3 regional differences". Obviously, Russia is a multi-ethnic country where various peoples with their own cultural features and traditional attitudes to forms and types of work, to working and free time and so on, have lived alongside one another for many centuries. But even more significant, perhaps, is the fact that Russia is a country which might be placed in the category of civilizations that are "on the border", lying as it does between European and Asiatic civilizations, while at the same time having its own authenticity. In this respect, there is also an uneven degree of adherence to the traditional extensive model of economic and cultural development. As a result, some Russian regions experience a greater draw towards European culture and civilization and are able to take on board the new value system coming to them with the modernization of the country; while others stick to traditional extensive culture and reject (or at any rate have a problem coming to terms with) modernization and its associated need to take an active stance and be ready to study and master new ways of working. The differences in type between regional leaders and the people living in the country's different regions are, hardly surprisingly therefore, enormous. In the 1990s, gaps between the regions began to grow rapidly; a process of stratification is taking place, in which the Russian regions are splitting into qualitatively different types. There are the "capital city regions", with a strong financial sector the export-oriented northern and eastern regions; a number of provinces and republics which have achieved economic "sovereignty", with a relatively low (average) level of income and low prices; and regions where economic development is lagging behind, which have low purchasing power. Under such conditions, sampling our research subjects meant to a large extent also choosing the angle from which the problem, as well as the aims and objectives of the research, were to be viewed. Even before we formed our research plan, it was clear that, in purely numerical terms, there was a predominance of depressed regions in a Russia in the process of reform regions where the populace and the local authorities were unprepared for life in market economy conditions. Trends in economic and social development are not measured by arithmetic, however. Clearly, if we were to understand where the country was heading, we had to analyze the situation in regions where development was furthest on, which could be regarded as a model of the immediate future for the whole (or almost the whole) country. We considered the it would not be sensible to take small or medium-sized towns for this purpose, because our research plan presupposed analysis of the whole range groups in crisis on the regional labour market, as well as the existence of a "harmonious grouping" of policy makers who could speak as experts. With all this in mind, our choice was more or less made for us: the two Russian capitals Moscow and St Petersburg. For comparison we chose Voronezh a city in one of a number of depressed regions, with an economic and employment structure not dissimilar from that of the two capitals.

Soziokulturelle Länderkurzanalysen wurden Anfang der 1990er Jahre zum festen Bestandteil der "Länderkonzepte", dem neuen zentralen Managementinstrument der deutschen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit. Die Quintessenz dieses Ansatzes wurde in der Frage zusammengefaßt: Wollen und können die Zielgruppen das, was der Experte als Lösung für Probleme anbietet? Damit wollte man den bis dahin verbreiteten Tendenzen zu isolierten, sektor-spezifischen Lösungsansätzen gegensteuern: der Mensch und sein soziokulturelles Umfeld sollten in den Mittelpunkt rücken, und nicht wie bis dahin, technische und ökonomische Innovationen. Diese hehren Ziel stehen allerdings in Widerspruch zu überholten modernisierungstheoretischen Grundannahmen, die das Denken der Experten nach wie vor prägen. Gemäß den Vorstellungen des BMZ schlägt letztendlich doch wieder der Entwicklungsexperte "moderne Dinge" unseres westlichen "technischen Fortschritts" zur Implementierung vor. Die Hybris der Allwissenheit des Experten, der für jedes Problem eine Lösung parat hat, wird um so mehr zum Problem, je gezielter er sich denjenigen Bedürftigen widmet, denen gemäß den entwicklungspolitischen Leitlinien des BMZ am meisten geholfen werden soll, nämlich den Armen. Die Schwachstelle der gegenwärtigen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit liegt nicht - wie es das Rahmenkonzept suggeriert - darin, daß die Zielgruppen (oder Nehmerländer) die "Errungenschaften" moderner Zivilisation auf Grund soziokultureller Hemmnisse (noch) nicht übernehmen wollen oder können. Die Schwachstelle liegt vielmehr in dem mangelnden Können und Wollen der überwiegenden Mehrheit der entsandten Experten, mit dem Umdenken ernst zu machen, und tatsächlich Projekte (Problemdiagnose, Projektplanung und -Evaluation) in Bezug auf die Hauptzielgruppe deutscher Entwicklungspolitik, die Armen - vorrangig aus der Perspektive dieser Zielgruppe anzugehen. Die Zielgruppe der "afrikanischen Kleinbauern" beispielsweise ist keine homogene Masse, wie auch heute noch viel zu oft "Experten" leichtfertig in Berufung auf angebliche soziokulturelle Traditionen (z. B. die der .konfliktfreien Dorfgemeinschaft") behaupten. Selbst wenn ihre lokalen Führer von den Zielgruppen als legitime Vertreter angesehen werden, heißt das noch lange nicht, daß beispielsweise der Dorfchef auch weiß (oder ausspricht), was arme, Mittel- oder Großbauern in seinem Dorf wollen, geschweige denn, was sie realisieren können. Ein mindestens ebenso wichtiges Qualifikationsmerkmal für den Experten, wie gute Fachkenntnis, sind seine sprachliche und kulturelle Kommunikationsfähigkeit. Dazu ist jedoch in der Regel der bisherige Expertentypus weder von seiner Ausbildung, noch von seinen persönlichen Interessen und Erfahrungen her in der Lage. ; Author's version ; "Are the experts capable of doing what they should do? - Weaknesses of the socio-cultural framework concept of the BMZ": In the early 1990s sociocultural country proximate analyses became an integral part of the "Country concepts", the new strategic management instrument of the German development cooperation. The quintessence of this approach was summarized in the question: Do the target groups want and know how to do what they should do. The aim of this approach was to counteract the previously widespread tendencies towards isolated, sector-specific solutions: the human and its socio-cultural environment should be the focus, and not as hitherto, technical and economic innovations, spread within the framework of a top-down extension approach. However, the objective of the approach is still based on obsolete modernization-theoretical assumptions, which characterize the reasoning of the experts up to date. The hubris of the omniscience of the expert, who has a solution to every problem, becomes the more problematic the more he devotes himself to those in need according to the development policy guidelines of the BMZ, namely the poor. The weak point of current development cooperation is not - as the BMZ-framework suggests - that target groups (or recipient countries) are not able (or do not want) to take over the "achievements" of modern civilization due to socio-cultural barriers. Rather, the weakness lies in the inability and reluctance of the overwhelming majority of seconded experts to be serious about rethinking projects (including problem diagnosis, project planning and evaluation) in relation to the main target group of development policy, the poor, i.e. rethinking the project primarily from the perspective of this target group. The target group of "African peasants", for example, is not a homogenous mass. This false conclusion of experts even today is based on their recklessly claim to be relying on alleged socio-cultural traditions (e.g. those of the "conflict-free village community"). The fact that the target groups consider their ruler as legitimate representatives, that does not mean for example, that the village chief also knows (or pronounces) what poor, middle or big farmers in his village want, let alone what they can realize. At least as important a qualifier for the expert as good skill are his linguistic and cultural communication skills. However, as a rule, the aforementioned type of expert is not in a position to do this either because of his education or because of his personal interests and experience. ; RÉSUMÉ "Les experts sont-ils capables de faire ce qu'ils devraient faire? - Faiblesses du concept de cadre socioculturel du BMZ": Au début des années 1990, les analyses socioculturelles des pays en voie de développement sont devenues partie intégrante des « concepts pays », le nouvel instrument de gestion stratégique de la coopération allemande au développement. La quintessence de cette approche a été résumée dans la question : les groupes cibles, veulent-ils et savent-ils comment faire ce qu'ils devraient faire. L'objectif de cette approche était de contrer les tendances jusqu'alors répandues à des solutions isolées et sectorielles : l'humain et son environnement socioculturel doivent être au centre et non des innovations techniques et économiques, vulgarisées jusqu'ici dans le cadre d'une approche de vulgarisation descendante. Cependant, l'objectif de cette démarche est toujours basé sur des hypothèses théoriques de modernisation obsolètes, qui caractérisent le raisonnement des experts à jour. L'orgueil de l'omniscience de l'expert, qui a une solution à tous les problèmes, devient d'autant plus problématique qu'il se consacre davantage à ceux qui en ont besoin le plus, selon les lignes directrices de la politique de développement du BMZ, à savoir les pauvres. Le point faible de la coopération au développement actuelle n'est pas - comme le suggère le cadre du BMZ - que les groupes cibles (ou les pays bénéficiaires) ne peuvent (ou ne veulent) pas prendre en charge les « réalisations » de la civilisation moderne en raison des barrières socioculturelles. La faiblesse réside plutôt dans l'incapacité et la réticence de l'écrasante majorité des experts détachés à sérieusement repenser les projets (y compris le diagnostic des problèmes, la planification et l'évaluation des projets) par rapport au principal groupe cible de la politique de développement, les pauvres. Le groupe cible des « paysans africains », par exemple, n'est pas une masse homogène. Cette fausse conclusion des experts, même aujourd'hui, est basée sur leur prétention insouciante de s'appuyer sur de prétendues traditions socioculturelles (par exemple celles de la « communauté villageoise sans conflit »). Le fait que les groupes cibles considèrent leur dirigeant comme des représentants légitimes, cela ne signifie pas par exemple, que le chef du village sait aussi (ou prononce) ce que veulent les agriculteurs pauvres, moyens ou grands de son village, sans parler de ce qu'ils peuvent réaliser. Un qualificatif au moins aussi important pour l'expert que ses compétences techniques sont ses compétences en communication linguistique et culturelle. Cependant, en règle générale, le type d'expert susmentionné n'est pas en mesure de le faire, soit en raison de son éducation, soit en raison de ses intérêts personnels et de son expérience.

By end-2003, poliomyelitis had been eliminated from all but 6 countries in the world as a result of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative, the largest international public health effort to date. Nearly 5 million children are walking who would otherwise have been paralyzed by polio and 1.25 million childhood deaths have been averted by distributing Vitamin A during the polio immunization campaigns. Once polio has been eradicated, the world will reap substantial financial, as well as humanitarian, dividends due to foregone polio treatment and rehabilitation costs. Depending on national decisions on the future use of polio vaccines, these savings could exceed US$ 1 billion per year. The Global Polio Eradication Initiative Strategic Plan 2004-2008 outlines activities required to interrupt poliovirus transmission (2004-2005), achieve global certification and mainstream the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (2006-2008), and prepares for the Global OPV Cessation Phase (2009 & beyond). This Plan reflects the major tactical revisions that were introduced in 2003 to interrupt the final chains of polio transmission, the revised timeframe for certification of eradication, and the decision to stop immunization with oral polio vaccine (OPV) globally as soon as possible after global certification Of the 4 objectives outlined in the Plan, the over-riding objective is the rapid interruption of polio transmission in the 6 remaining endemic countries. Eliminating these reservoirs during 2004-2005 is now an urgent international public health issue because the cessation of mass immunization campaigns in most polio-free countries has left the world increasingly vulnerable to importations of this disease. Objective 1 of the Plan details the supplementary immunization, routine immunization, and surveillance activities needed to finish the job of eradication and protect the investment made in polio-free areas. Particular attention is given to 'intensifying' supplementary immunization activities to improve quality and reach every child. The Plan highlights the 3 countries linked to over 95% of cases in 2003: Nigeria, India and Pakistan. It recognizes, however, that with the reduction in polio transmission in India and Pakistan in late 2003, the risks to global eradication are increasingly concentrated in Nigeria. The postponement of eradication activities in key areas of that country in 2003 led to a marked increase in the number of polio-paralyzed Nigerian children and the re-infection of at least 5 neighbouring countries. The narrow window of opportunity that now exists to eradicate polio can only be exploited if the leaders of the endemic areas ensure that every child is immunized during intensified supplementary immunization activities in 2004 (SIAs). Objectives 2 and 3 of the Plan outline activities for certifying the world polio-free and preparing for the Global OPV Cessation Phase that will follow. With the certification process and criteria having been validated in three WHO regions, Objective 2 focuses on improving surveillance quality (especially in the 19 countries yet to achieve certification-standard), reversing declines in surveillance sensitivity in the regions that have been certified, and completing Phase II of the Global Action Plan for the Laboratory Containment of Wild Polioviruses. Objective 3 outlines the implications of the 2003 decision to stop OPV after global certification. Although trivalent OPV will continue to be the vaccine of choice for routine immunization through 2008, the plan outlines the work required to develop the specific products needed to facilitate the safe cessation of OPV. These products include: a 3rd edition of the Global Action Plan for the Laboratory Containment of Wild Polioviruses (specifying the longterm requirements for wild poliovirus, vaccine-derived polioviruses and Sabin-strains), monovalent OPV (mOPV) stockpiles, IPV produced from Sabin strains (S-IPV), and appropriate IPV-containing combination vaccines. The plan also discusses the development of mechanisms to ensure that countries which desire or need these products have access to them by 2008. The fourth and final objective of the plan addresses the work required to integrate and/or transition the substantial human resources, physical infrastructure and institutional arrangements that were established for polio eradication into other disease control, surveillance and response programmes. This objective also details the programme of work to 'mainstream' those polio eradication activities that must be continued indefinitely (i.e. surveillance, stockpiles, containment) into existing national, WHO and UNICEF structures and mechanisms for managing other serious pathogens which are subject to high biosafety levels. The greatest risks to achieving the annual milestones of this plan are ongoing wild poliovirus transmission in any of the 6 remaining endemic countries and an increased frequency of polio outbreaks due to circulating vaccine derived polioviruses (cVDPVs). Implementing the full activities outlined in the Plan requires continued technical support from a strong polio eradication partnership, financing for the shortfall of US$ 150 million to interrupt poliovirus transmission, and identification of funding for the US$ 380 million budget to achieve global certification and mainstream the Global Polio Eradication Initiative. The Global Polio Eradication Initiative Estimated External Financial Resource Requirements 2004–2008 outlines the resources required to implement the Global Polio Eradication Initiative Strategic Plan 2004–20083 and the financial implications of the major risks to the annual milestones of the Plan. ; Abbreviations and acronyms -- -- 1. Executive summary -- -- 2. Background -- -- 3. Goal -- -- 4. Objectives and milestones -- 4.1. Objective 1: Interrupt poliovirus transmission -- 4.2. Objective 2: Achieve certification of global polio eradication -- 4.3. Objective 3: Develop products for the Global OPV Cessation Phase -- 4.4. Objective 4: Mainstream the Global Polio Eradication Initiative -- -- 5. Cross-cutting challenges -- 5.1. Political commitment and engagement -- 5.2. External financing -- 5.3. High-quality polio vaccines -- 5.4. Conflict-affected countries and areas -- 5.5. Public information and social mobilization -- 5.6. Biocontainment -- -- 6. Roles of partner agencies -- 6.1. Governments -- 6.2. Spearheading partners -- 6.3. Donor and technical partners -- 6.4. International humanitarian organizations and NGOs -- 6.5. Vaccine manufacturers -- 7. 2009 & beyond--the Global OPV Cessation Phase ; World Health Organization . [et al.]. ; In the 15 years since the decision to eradicate polio, an extensive network of national governments, international agencies, private corporations, foundations, bilateral donors, humanitarian organizations, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and development banks have formed a "global polio partnership", spearheaded by the World Health Organization (WHO), Rotary International, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). ; Includes bibliographical references. ; CDC publication

Since the creation in 1988 of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI), the incidence of polio has been cut by 99%. Between 2003 and 2006, polio eradication faced several serious challenges: four countries continued to have transmission of wild poliovirus; international spread from two of these countries resulted in the re-infection of previously polio-free areas; and both these developments generated questions about the feasibility of polio eradication. The year 2007 marked a turning point for the GPEI. Aided by the development of new-generation tools and tactics, an intensified polio eradication effort was launched, sequentially targeting type 1 polio-virus (the most paralytic), then type 3. By the end of the year, type 1 polio was reduced by 81% over 2006, the sharpest ever drop in a single year. The intensified eradication effort was the outcome of a consultation of GPEI stakeholders in February 2007 to determine the collective capacity of the international community to overcome the remaining hurdles to stopping wild poliovirus transmission globally. Engaging the Heads of Government and local leaders in polio-affected countries in a sustained dialogue, this intensified effort optimized the use of powerful monovalent oral polio vaccines (mOPV), enhanced social research and new, tailored tactics to ensure that all children were reached with the vaccines. Two of the key landmarks at the end of the year encapsulate more clearly than any other the recent progress and re-affirm the technical feasibility of polio eradication. In India, the western end of Uttar Pradesh state has been at the heart of polio outbreaks in that country since 2000 and is the only area which has never stopped wild poliovirus transmission. By the end of 2007, no cases of type 1 poliovirus had been reported from the core "polio-reservoir" districts of western Uttar Pradesh for over 12 months. On the international arena, six re-infected countries continued to report polio cases in the second half of 2007. In Afghanistan and Pakistan, creative local solutions in conflict situations helped vaccinators reach children in insecure areas. In Nigeria, the bundling of polio vaccine with other health interventions and improvements in campaign operations halved the proportion of children missed in the highest-risk areas during vaccination campaigns. Engagement from top political leaders, stronger local ownership and community involvement resulted in greater visibility of polio eradication efforts, re-energizing local workers and contributing to higher-quality immunization activities. The Director-General and Regional Directors of the World Health Organization (WHO) travelled to transmission hot-spots in all four endemic countries within 12 months of the stakeholder consultation and discussed polio eradication with Heads of Government and leaders in the highest-risk areas. The gains against polio were underpinned by intensified surveillance work at field and laboratory levels, particularly in areas with known gaps in surveillance sensitivity. Most notably, the number of laboratories capable of using the new specimen testing algorithm was doubled, allowing the Global Polio Laboratory Network (GPLN) to detect poliovirus twice as fast in 2007 as in 2006 and enhancing rapid response capacity. With the continued prospect of eradication, research to broaden the current knowledge base for post-eradication risk management was accelerated. To finance the intensification of polio eradication activities, contributions from traditional development partners were substantially complemented by domestic financing from the Government of India and an extraordinary re-programming of International Finance Facility for Immunization (IFFIm) funds previously earmarked for a post-eradication vaccine stockpile. Advances made in the course of the year catalysed a vote of confidence from Rotary International and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, which in November 2007 announced a partnership to inject US$ 200 million into the GPEI over the next four years. At the request of stakeholders, the GPEI has published, for the first time, a five year budget (2008-2012), requiring US$ 1.8 billion. The 2008-09 funding gap is US$ 490 million (US$ 135 million for 2008), as of May 2008. In November 2007, the principal advisory group to WHO for vaccines and immunization, the Strategic Advisory Group of Experts (SAGE), reviewed the intensified polio eradication effort and affirmed that interruption of wild poliovirus transmission globally was possible, noting that northern Nigeria presented a risk to this goal In the same month, the Advisory Committee on Poliomyelitis Eradication (ACPE), the global body providing strategic guidance to the polio eradication effort, stated that the progress achieved during the year warranted an extension of the intensified activities. In 2008, GPEI focus is on stopping all transmission of type 1 polio, while controlling the upsurge of type 3 polio in India, before moving on to address remaining type 3 poliovirus in 2009. As of March 2008, the single greatest risk to the end-2008 goal appears to be the situation in northern Nigeria, where more than a fifth of children continue to be missed during vaccination activities in key areas, resulting in a new outbreak that threatens progress both in the country and globally. In each of the four countries, the continued assessment, refinement and introduction of a range of new innovations will be essential to improving operations and creating an optimal environment to interrupt the remaining chains of transmission. The impetus to create this environment must come from sustained political dialogue at all levels and local accountability for reaching all children. The world has a unique chance to deliver a public good--a polio-free world for future generations. The attainment of this public health goal can create momentum for the achievement of other important health initiatives and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). In 2007, 1310 children were paralysed by wild poliovirus. Millions more were protected by vaccination. More than five million children and young adults are walking today because of the polio eradication effort; future generations will join them only if the eradication of polio is realized, once and for all. ; 1. Executive summary -- 2. Key events 2007 -- 3. Interruption of wild poliovirus transmission -- 4. Surveillance and certification of global polio eradication -- 5. Management of long-term risks after wild poliovirus eradication -- 6. Mainstreaming of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative -- 7. Financing -- 8. Appendix I. GPEI performance against objectives in Strategic Plan 2004-2008 -- 9. Appendix II. GPEI performance against milestones in Intensified Eradication Effort set by stakeholder consultation of February 2007 -- 10. Acronyms ; "WHO/Polio/08.02." ; On cover: logos for World Health Organization, Rotary International, CDC (U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention), UNICEF. ; Available via the World Wide Web as an Acrobat .pdf file (4.82 MB, 58 p.).

Telegrams exchanged between Gen, Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: Military commanders, Head Secretaries of Government, Mayors, Mexican Consul in Chicago, Carlos Palacios Roji and the Consul in New York, Enrique D. Ruiz, the Banana Plantation of Chiapas, S.C.L., the National Chamber of Labor, the Nogales Brewery Cooperative, the Anti-Chinese Committee of Torreón, the Mexican Women's Protection Society, the National Bank of Agricultural Credit, Ltd., Development and Urbanization, Ltd., his personal secretary, Soledad González, the executive vice president of Missouri Airlines, the National Party of Railroads workers, the Chamber of Labor from the state of Nuevo León, the Regional Organizer of Ejidos (farming land) from Puebla, and the National Chamber of Commerce from Monterrey. The aforementioned telegrams concern President Abelardo L. Rodríguez' visit to Tampico; a report on the social peace in Chiapas; birthday greetings from Luis B. Castillas to Teresa Díaz Covarrubias; a petition to remove an official of Public Finance; confirming the visit of the Governor of Chiapas to evaluate the damages caused by the flooding; information about Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' health status; protests against the smear campaign to discredit the Governor of Querétaro; confirming the installation of the Agrarian Congress in Querétaro; endorsement of the Governor of Tamaulipas, Rafael Villarreal; confirming the repeal of the martial law in Tamaulipas, a request for funding allocation; appreciation for greetings, a request to replace a troop that assisted with the works on the construction of a road in Hermosillo, Sonora; reports on the situation of the victims in Chiapas; a notice about the difficult situation in La Paz, Baja California, granting of credit to the Agrarian Confederation in Mazatlán, Sinaloa; confirming that it is not possible to send financial assistance to the farm workers in Arizona due to the emergency and the need to assist victims in Tampico; a request to stop terminating workers of the National Graphic Shops, a report on the establishment of the Council of rice growers in Puebla; a notice confirming the positive outcome in the solution of the conflict between the Nogales Brewery Cooperative and the Secretariat of Finance, requests for appointments; economic assistance submission to the School of Medicine; a request to support the candidate for Governor of Coahuila, Julio Madero; a request to protect a journalist who uncovered a conspiracy to assassinate Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas; a request for stationery; an invitation to visit Huajuapan de León, Oaxaca; confirming Lázaro Cárdenas' visit to Ciudad Anáhuac, Coahuila; a request for awarding a prize to products of Ejidos in Veracruz; a report about the establishment of the Association of Rice Growers in Michoacán, a request to set up telephone service at Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' house in Cuernavaca; confirming the Pro-victims actions in Tampico; a request to make a payment to the Chapultepec Cotton Mill; a request for payment submission to the Mexican Development Company, Ltd.; news about the attacks against the Governor of Nuevo León, Francisco A. Cárdenas, a request for Lázaro Cárdenas' whereabouts, a request for promotion, a report stating that the Mexican monetary policy has successfully resisted the crisis; a request for leave extension in favor of Rodolfo Elías Calles, confirming Bartolomé Vargas Lugo's managing position; information about funds movements in Tampico, and appreciation for funds allocation to the Medicine School. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC, Comandantes Militares, Gobernadores, Secretarios Generales de Gobierno, Presidentes Municipales, Cónsul de México en Chicago Carlos Palacios Roji y en Nueva York Enrique D. Ruiz, Platanera de Chiapas, S.C.L.; Cámara Nacional del Trabajo, Cooperativa Cervecería Nogales, Comité Anti-Chino de Torreón, Sociedad Protectora de la Mujer Mexicana, Banco Nacional de Crédito Agrícola, S.A.; Fomento y Urbanización, S.A., Secretaria Particular Soledad González, Vicepresidente Ejecutivo Líneas Missouri, Partido Nacional Ferrocarrilero, Cámara del Trabajo del Estado de Nuevo León, Organizador Regional Ejidos de Puebla y Cámara Nacional de Comercio de Monterrey, acerca de: visita del Presidente Abelardo L. Rodríguez a Tampico, informe de paz social en Chiapas, Luis B. Casillas felicita por onomástico a María Teresa Diaz Covarrubias, petición de destitución de funcionario de Hacienda, notificación de visita del Gobernador de Chiapas a la valoración del desastre ocasionado por inundaciones, reportes de salud del Gral. PEC, protestas por campaña de descrédito contra Gobernador de Querétaro, notificación de instalación de Congreso Agrario en Querétaro; adhesiones al Gobernador de Tamaulipas Rafael Villarreal, notificación de derogación de ley marcial en Tamaulipas, solicitud de envío de fondos, agradecimientos por atenciones brindadas al administrador del Gral. PEC, respuestas de enterado y agradecimientos por buenos deseos, solicitud de reemplazo de tropa que habían participado en trabajos de construcción de carretera en Hermosillo, Son.; reportes sobre damnificados en Chiapas, notificación de difícil situación financiera en La Paz, B.C., concesión de crédito a Confederación Agraria en Mazatlán, Sin.; notificación sobre no poder enviar ayuda económica a los trabajadores agrícolas de Arizona por necesidad de apoyar a los damnificados de Tampico, solicitud de ayuda para que no se despidan a más trabajadores de los Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, informe sobre constitución de junta de arroceros en Puebla, notificación de resolución favorable entre la Cooperativa Cervecería Nogales y la Secretaría de Hacienda, solicitudes de audiencia, envío de ayuda económica para la Escuela de Medicina, solicitud de apoyo al candidato a Gobernador de Coahuila Julio Madero, solicitud de garantías a periodista que descubrió complot para asesinar al Gral. Lázaro Cárdenas, solicitud de envío de papelería, invitación a Huajuapan de Léon, Oax.; notificaicón sobre visita de Lázaro Cárdenas a Ciudad Anáhuac, Coah.; solicitud de premio a productos ejidales en Veracruz, informe sobre formación de asociaciones de productores de arroz en Michoacán, solicitud de instalación de teléfonos en la casa de Cuernavaca del Gral. PEC, notificación de acciones pro damnificados en Tampico, solicitud de pago a Fábrica de Algodón Chapultepec, solicitud de envío de giro a Compañía Desarolladora Mexicana, S.A., informe sobre ataques que está sufriendo el Gobernador de Nuevo León Francisco A. Cárdenas, solicitud de informe sobre paradero de Lázaro Cárdenas, solicitud de ascenso, informe sobre que la política monetaria mexicana ha sido la acertada para sortear la crisis, solicitud de prórroga de licencia a favor de Rodolfo Elías Calles, notificación sobre cargo gerencial a favor de Bartolomé Vargas Lugo, informe sobre movimiento de fondos en Tampico y agradecimientos por envío de fondos para la Escuela de Medicina.

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Ned
Lebow on Drivers of War, Cultural Theory, and IR of Foxes and Hedgehogs









Drawing
on classical political theories, International Relations is dominated by
theories that presuppose interests or fear as dominant drivers for foreign
policy. Richard Ned Lebow looks further back into the history of ideas to conjure up a
more varied set of drives that underpin political action. In this Talk, Lebow, among others, elaborates on
the underpinnings of political action, discusses how war drives innovations in
IR theorizing in the 20th century, and likens himself to a fox,
rather than a hedgehog.





Print version of this Talk (pdf)








What
is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current IR?
What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?







Well, the big challenge in international politics is always
how do we keep from destroying one another and that's the negative question.
But it is mirrored by a positive question which is, how do we build community
and tolerance and peace? And that's not exactly the flip side, but that's
always been the big question in IR. And part of that, I think, is how we learn
to manage threatening change. Because in my perspective, that's the driving
force of conflict: ultimately, both World Wars can be attributed to
modernization and its destabilizing consequences. That is also the reason why
it is a falsehood to base theory on that little select slice of history during
the World Wars, extrapolate it, and try to think its universal. Yet that is
what IR theory does: so many theorists, and so many of the people you recently
interviewed, are guilty of doing that. So that's the big question and
certainly, that's what drove me to study IR in the hope that I could make some
small contribution to figuring out some of the answers or partial answers to
these questions.







If we turn to what the central debate should be in
International Theory, well, I would frame this in two parts: the first should
be 'what are the different ways in which we can conceive of international
theory and how, by all of us pursuing it the way we feel comfortable with, we
can enrich the field without throwing bric-a-brac at each other and find ways
of learning from each other?'







A few years ago, I edited a book with Mark Lichbach (Theory and Evidence in Comparative Politics
and International Relations) as a rejoinder to King, Keohane and Verba's
book, which we found deeply offensive. It has the narrowest framework and then
they base their understanding on the Vienna school yet they seem to have forgotten
that Hempel and Popper would disavow the positions that King, Keohane and Verba
(KKV) are anchoring themselves in as epistemologically primitive. And the very
examples they give to illustrate 'good science'—Alvarez and his groupaddressing the problem of dinosaur extinction—they fail to see that what
these people did was in fact code on the dependent variable, which is the big
no-no for KKV! And the reason why Alvarez et al were taken seriously, was not because they went through the order
of research that KKV promoted, but rather because they came up with an
explanation for a phenomenon that people have long known about—yet explanations
don't figure at all in KKV's take; they had no interest in mechanisms, it was
all narrow correlations. It's absurd! So we edited the book, and we invited
people who represented different perspectives, but all of whom had evidence and
struggled to make sense of the evidence, to talk to one another and to look at
the problems they themselves find in their positions and how one could learn
broadly from considering this. That's the kind of debate that seems to me is a
useful one. Not who is right or wrong, but how can we learn collectively. And
secondly, I think maybe we need fewer debates, and more good research.











How did you arrive
at where you currently are in your thinking about IR?







I suppose it's a combination of people, books, and events, and
being a dog that constantly gnaws on bones and works it through. Very clearly the
Second World War and the Cold War were what brought me to the study of IR. I'm sure
in their absence, considering the counterfactual, I would have gone into Astrophysics,
which was the other field that really interested me.







I think the first concrete influence was as an undergraduate
and then as a graduate, being struck by certain individuals whose minds seemed
to sparkle; and I admired them for that and they became role models. And I
would make myself, intellectually, a little Hans Morgenthau, a little Karl
Deutsch; see the world through their eyes, and play with it. I never really wanted
to make myself into them, but rather to benefit by seeing what the world was
like when seen through their eyes. So in this sense, let me go back and draw on
Boswell, Hughes, and Mill for my answer. They all conceived of identity as
something that's a process of self-fashioning in which we mix and match the
characteristics that we observe in other people. And the purpose of society is
to throw up these role models and provide interaction with them so that we can
constantly be engaging in self-fashioning. And ultimately, we create something
that's novel that other people want to emulate or reject, as the case may be.
And I think that mixing and matching, and ultimately creating a synthesis of my
own, I developed my own approach to things.







The second element of this is to pick problems that engage
me, and stick with them. My first book in IR was about international crises and
I worked on this, it must have been 8, possibly even 9 years. I started out initially
convinced that deterrence theory made sense but wouldn't fit the historical evidence. Then one day, while
playing around, I realized the theory was wrong and by reversing it, I could
understand why it didn't work and see there were very different dynamics at
play. So working on a problem constantly and going back and forth between
theory and empirical findings, you gradually develop your own sense of the
field.







It also helps, over the course of an intellectual lifetime, to
work on different kinds of problems: I've just finished a book on the politics
and ethics of identity; I finished a manuscript up for review on the nature of
causation and different takes on cause; and the previous two books were on
counterfactuals and the origins of war. And I learned something theoretically
and methodologically by throwing myself into these problems and also, in some
cases, by going beyond what one would normally consider the domain of IR to look
for answers. I've often done philosophy and literature in the identity book. I
also go to musical texts: I have a reading of the Mozart Da Ponte Operas as a deliberate
thought experiment to test out ancient regime
and enlightenment identities under varying circumstances to expose what's wrong
with them and to work toward a better approach of Così fantutte. And I
read the music, not only the libretti,
to get at an answer. Of course, when you've been doing it a long time, it keeps
you alive and alert when you look at something new. I'm just finishing my 46th
year of University teaching. It's a long time!







Thirdly, there were a few pivotal books. I read George
Orwell's 1984 and Aldous Huxley's Brave New World in the early 50s. Both
of those were very powerful books. I also read in about 1950 - Life Magazine
produced a large volume on WWII and it had fabulous photographs and of course
Life was famous, Robert Capa's photographs, and
the text by John Dos Passos. A big big book that I read and re-read and that
was a powerful influence on me. I'd say the Diary of Anne Frank, when it came
out, which was not all that dissimilar but had a different ending from my own
war experience, and then in high school I read, or struggled to read—I don't
think I understood it—Ideology and Utopia
(full text here) by Karl
Mannheim, and then I read Politics among
Nations and the Twenty Year's Crisis.
And both those books made enormous sense to me at the time. But I think the
book that over the course of my lifetime has had the most influence on me of
anything is Thucydides' The History of
the Peloponnesian War (read full text here).











What would a
student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global
way?







I am tempted to give you a flippant answer that an expert is
somebody from out of town; what used to be with slides would now be with a PowerPoint
presentation. I think frankly you need to do two things: you need to be
analytically sophisticated and original on the one hand, but to do it well, you
have to have an empirical base. There has to be some problem or set of problems
that you've rolled up your sleeves, looked at the data, talk to the people who
are on the ground doing these things, and you need to go back and forth between
that empirical knowledge and conceptual one. That's success as a social scientist. 







And traditionally, there's
always been another key. You must have one foot in society in which you belong
and another foot outside so you can do it as an outsider as well as an insider.
That's terribly important. I think, in this sense, that Americans are more
parochial than other people. They are good insiders but they are not very good
outsiders and they just don't understand the rest of the world and when you
read what they write about the rest of the world, you wonder what planet they
are living on. If you don't see the rest of the world, you can't look at the
America from another perspective. It's like people who take hegemony seriously;
it's like believing in Santa Claus, except Santa Claus is benign. To gain a
deep experience of the world in itself is a pre-requisite. Do a year abroad in
some other culture. Learn a language. Have a relationship with someone from a
different culture—you begin to learn the languages and all the rest will come.
That's the way to start.











You are
most famous to most people for your Cultural
Theory of International Relations (2008). What does it comprise and can you
say something about its classical roots?







I return to classical theory of conflict and cooperation
because I find that in modern theory, all drives of human action have been
reduced to appetite, and reason to mere instrumentality. The Greeks, by
contrast, believed there were several fundamental drives—drives that affected
politics—and while these included appetite, they weren't just appetite. Reason was more than instrumentality; it also had
the goal of understanding what led to a happy life; then, next to reason and
appetite, the third drive was spirit or self-esteem (the Greek thumos), which is very different and
often opposed to appetite. It is about winning the approbation of others to
feel good about ourselves. The difference between honor and standing—two
variants of self-esteem—is that honor is status achieved within a fixed set of
rules, while standing is whenever you achieve status by whatever means.







Now most existing IR theories are either only built on
appetites—as liberalism and Marxism—or fear. And for the Greeks fear is not a
human drive but a powerful emotion which can become a motive. And when reason
loses control over either appetite or spirit, people begin to worry about their
own ability to satisfy their appetites, their spirit, or even protect
themselves physically. That's when fear becomes a powerful motive. Realism is
of course the paradigm developed around fear. I differ in that my theory
recognizes multiple motives, that are active to varying degrees at different
times. They don't blend the way a solution does in chemistry, but they retain
their own characteristics, even if jumbled together. So my theory expects to
see quite diverse and often conflicting behavior, whereas other theories only
pay attention to state behavior that seems to support their theory, and feel
the need to explain away other behavior inconsistent with their theory. I revel
in these variations. Second, I vary in describing what derives from these
motives as (Weberian) ideal types—which means, something you don't encounter in
the real world, but rather, an abstraction, a fictional or analytical
description, that helps to make sense of the real world but never maps onto it
exactly. So, a fear-based world gives you a very nice description of a
foundation of anarchy. But of course this is an ideal-type world. Fear is only
one motive. You have go to a place where civil order has broken down, like
Somalia or the trenches in WWII, to see fear-based models compete.







Starting from these three motives and the emotion of fear, I
argue that each of these generates a very different logic of cooperation,
conflict and risk-taking; and each is associated with a different kind of
hierarchy. And all of them except fear rely on a different principle of
justice. Just to give an example: for actors—whether individuals or
states—driven by self-esteem, they tend to be risk prone (because honor has to
be won by successfully overcoming ordeals and challenges); it leads to a
conflictual logic because you are competing with others for honor; and it can
be rule-based (although the rules can brake down and move into fear); and the
principle is one of fairness, in contrast to interest or appetite which has a
principle of equality. The hierarchy is one of clientelism, where people honor
those at the top, which, in return, provides practical benefits for those on
the bottom. The Greeks called this hegemonia;
the Chinese had a similar system.







But because any actual system is not an ideal type, we have
to figure out what that mixture is and we can begin to understand foreign
policies. And I try to give numerous examples in the book. And the big turning
point, I argue, is modernity, where it becomes more difficult to untangle the
motives and their discourses. Because in modernity both Rousseau and Adam Smith
try to understand why we want material things, so the two become connected. You
could argue that even in Egyptian times they were connected, in the pyramids,
which are nothing if not erections of self-esteem. But it becomes more
difficult and so, rather than saying, using literary texts, artistic works and
political speeches as a way of determining the relationship, I approached the
problem differently with the examples of the World Wars, the Cold War, and the
Anglo-American Invasion of Iraq. I said let's run a test of seeing how
carefully we can explain the origins and the dynamics of these conflicts on the
basis of interest, on the basis of fear, on the basis of self-esteem. And I
think that's methodologically defensible.



Now the interesting point is that the honor or self-esteem
explanation is gone completely from modern IR explanations but does at least
just a good a job—if not better—at explaining these conflicts I mention above. There is an important sense—and this is my latest book—in which going to war was the dominant way to get recognized as a great power, and I feel that the example of the war in Iraq illustrates that that principle is on the retreat.







I obviously use Greek thinking as a source here of—again, I
wouldn't use the word knowledge—but as a source of insight into human nature
and the recurring problems regardless of society. Some of the great writers and
thinkers cannot be surpassed as sources of knowledge that we as social
scientists are shadows on the cave by comparison. And I find the Greeks
particularly interesting for several reasons. One, they had a richer
understanding of the psyche that moderns who have adduced everything to appetite
and reason to a mere instrumentality, this is, to me, an incredibly narrow,
crude way of thinking of the human mind. And, for whatever reason, they were
gifted with tragedians who pierced to the core of things. So I find them as a
source of inspiration but it's by no way limited to the Greeks. You can pick
great authors from any culture, in any century, and read them and learn a lot.











How
should we understand your cultural theory of international relations in
relation to the 'big' paradigms?







My theory is constructivist, at every level. I can go even further and claim that my theory is
the only constructivist theory.
Alexander Wendt is not a constructivist. If anything, he's a structural
liberal. It did have preexisting identities and has a teleology as he believes
a Kantian world is inevitable— that's quite a statement to make! And I hope
he's right. On the other hand, I define constructivists in a broader way. Most
constructivists start with identities and identities are certainly an important
feature of my work, but my theory rests on a different premise, and that is the
notion of there being certain core values which are germane to politics, and
they vary in relative importance from society to society, and they find
expression in different ways. So it is constructivist, I think, in the Weberian
sense: we have to understand from within the culture what makes things
meaningful. And, in that sense, you could bring in the notion of
inter-subjective reality, but I go beyond it, because other values are always
present in this mix and therefore there's behavior that appears contradictory
that is often misunderstood if you apply the wrong lens to it. So there's a
lack of interdisciplinary understanding as well: you have to look at both to
see how the world works. So cultural theory is constructivist and it allows us
to reframe and expand what constructivism means.







If I apply this constructivist thinking to one of the core
principles in our approach to world politics: what is a cause? I start by
asking, what does 'cause' mean, in physics? Why physics? Because physics is
always the field that political scientists look at, we have 'physics envy', so
to speak. And interestingly, in physics, there is no consensus about what cause
means. Some physicists think that very notion of cause is unhelpful to what
they do. Others are happy with regularities and subscribe to causal thinking. Still
others thing that you need to have mechanisms to explain anything. Still others,
and here statistical mechanics can be taken as a case in point, invoke Kantian
understandings of cause. Within physics there's no argument between people
adhering to these different understandings of 'cause', because you should do
what works! They don't criticize one another. So if they have this diversity,
why shouldn't we? Why shouldn't we develop understandings of cause that are
most appropriate to what we do? So I develop an understanding I call 'inefficient
causation' (download full paper here),
sort of playing off of Aristotle. And it is a constructivist understanding, but
it also incorporates elements that are distinctively non-constructivist. And
identities are only a small piece of the puzzle.











Is
there any sense to make of the way IR has evolved over the 20th
century?







I think if you look at some of the central figures, it's
quite easy. There are 2 great cohorts of International Relations theorists.
Those born in the early years of the 20th century comprise Hans
Morgenthau, John Hertz, E.H. Carr, Harold Lasswell, Nicholas Spykman, Frederick Schuman, and Karl Deutsch—who was
on my dissertation committee together with Isaiah Berlin and John Hertz. The
second cohort is born between about 1939 and 1945, and it comprises Robert
Jervis (Theory Talk #12), Joseph Nye
(Theory Talk #7), Robert Keohane (Theory Talk #9), Oren Young, Peter
Katzenstein (Theory Talk #15), Stephen Krasner (Theory Talk#21), Janice Steinberg… And I'll tell you what I think the reasons are for
these groups to emerge at these particular moments: the first cohort lived
through World War I. And did so, fortunately, in at an age where they were too
young to be combatants for the most part, but they certainly had to deal
intellectually and personally with its consequences and then watch the horrors
unfold of the 1930s.







And the second, my own, cohort was born at the outset of the
Second World War. I think, in that group, I may be the only one of them born in
Europe (France). The rest of them were born in the US. And we came of age
during the most acute crisis of the cohort. So I was either in university or
graduate school during the Berlin crisis, during the Cuba crisis, and certainly
had an interest first in the consequences of WWII and how something like this
could happen, and then living through the horrors of the Cold War, not knowing
if indeed one would live through
them. And that created a very strong incentive and focus for our group of
people. Now a surprising number of this second group did their graduate studies
at Yale: Janice Stein, I, Oren Young, Bruce Russet, Krasner, later all at Yale
with Karl Deutsch. The rest, Jervis, Keohane and Krasner at Harvard with Samuel
Huntington. I think you have the odd person who's born somewhere in between –
so, Ken Waltz (Theory Talk #40), for
instance, is younger. He must be a 1920 person, almost exactly in between these
two, just as Ernst Haas.







And I wouldn't be surprised now if there is another cohort
emerging, the people of around the age of Stefano Guzinni, Jens Bartelson,
Patrick Jackson (Theory Talk #44).
What ties this third cohort together is that they all watched the end of the
Cold War and are coping with its aftermath. So I believe that it's probably two
things: the external environment and the extent to which you're in an
intellectually nurturing institution. And of course for our cohort, it
certainly helped that there were jobs. That was not true of the earlier cohort.
Almost all of them, except E.H. Carr, ended up in the US as refugees. Did you
know Morgenthau started as an elevator boy in New York? Then he got a job
teaching part-time at Brooklyn College because someone fell ill. His wife
cleaned other people's apartments to supplement their income. Then he got a job
at the University of Kansas City, which was a hellhole, and finally Harold
Lasswell got called to Washington for some war work and got Chicago to hire
Morgenthau to replace him.











What is
the issue with the discipline today if, as you noted before, we fail to ask the
most interesting questions and instead focus on method?







Well, it of course depends on which side of the pond you
sit. On the American side of the pond, positivist or game-theoretical
behaviorist or rationalist modeling approaches dominate the literature; it's
just silly, from my perspective. It's based on assumptions which bear no
relationship to the real world. People like it because it's intellectually
elegant: they don't have to learn any languages, they don't have to read any
history, and they can pretend they're scientists discussing universals.
Intellectually, it's ridiculous. Bruce Bueno de Mesquita (Theory Talk #31) is a classic case in point. He's made a huge
reputation for himself with The War Trap (1981).
That book and the corresponding theory are based on a simple assumption,
namely, that there's a war trap compelling states into war, because initiators
win wars. But just look at the empirical record from 1945 to the present—initiators
lose between 80-90% of the wars they start. And that really depends on the
definition of victory. If you use the real definition, the Clausewitzian one,
you have to ask: do they achieve their political goals through violence? Then
the answer is, even fewer "victories". Well, let's cut them some slack, use a
more relaxed definition: did they beat the other side militarily? Initiators
still lose 78 or 82%—I forget exactly which percentage of their wars. And the
profession right now is so ignorant of history that nobody said 'Wait a
minute!' the day the book came out. Instead IR scholars all focus on this model
and fine-tuning it—it's ridiculous! And well, I don't want to go on with a
critique, but this is a serious problem, for it concerns a huge
misunderstanding regarding one of the most important problems out there.







But what happens now is this kind of thinking metastasizes
throughout the discipline because what students in International Relations or
Political Science more generally are taught are calculus, statistics—and I'm
not against this, one should learn them; I use them myself when I wear my
psychologist hat and do quantitative research and statistical analysis—but they
don't learn languages, they don't learn history, they don't learn philosophy.
They are so narrow! Much of this of course has to do with the reward structure
in the United States. It's clear that the statistical scientists are at the top
of the hill. So, economists transform themselves into scientists; but the
social scientists copy them because there are clear institutional rewards. If
you look at our salaries in comparison to the salaries of anthropologists,
historians—then if you sit at the edge of your chair and look over the abyss
you might see the humanists down there in terms of what they get. So very
clearly, there are strong institutional rewards. Once the positivist crowd got
a lock on various foundations and journals, if you want a job, if you want to
rise up through the profession, students tell me you have to do this stuff. IR
graduate students are bricklayers that get turned out of these universities.
That's the tragedy! It's no longer a serious intellectual enterprise. It's not
connected to anything terribly meaningful.







And mind you, I must say, while on the other, European, side
of the pond there is more diversity (one of the reasons I feel more comfortable
here), at the same time there is a strong tendency to go for a certain
heavy-handed brand of post-modernism. If you don't start an article with a
genuflection to Foucault or De Saussure or Derrida, you don't get published.
And by not looking beyond these 20th century thinkers, people in
Europe are often given credit for inventing things which were common knowledge
for hundreds and hundreds of years. Utterly ridiculous. But in between, there
are of course people who are trying to make sense of the world, including many
people in the positivist tradition who are doing good quantitative research and
trying to address serious problems in the world. The difficulty is that these
two extremes are often people who approach IR as a religion and they think that
their way of doing research is the only way
and they have no respect for others. And that's a kind of arrogance to which,
to me, is a violation of what the university is all about.







Ultimately, what is good theory? One approach would be to
say that a good theory is one that appears to order a domain in a way that is
conceptually rigorous - to the extent that that's even possible - that is
original and that raises a series of interesting questions which haven't been
asked before, but which are amenable to empirical research and finally it
should have normative implications. This is what Hans Morgenthau meant when he
said that the purpose of IR theory is not to justify what policymakers did, but
to educate them to act in ways that would lead to a better and more peaceful
world. And that, I think, is the ultimate goal of IR theory that we should not
lose sight of.











You
indicated that Isaiah Berlin was on your dissertation committee. He famously
tries to explain Tolstoy's philosophy of history (in War and Peace) through the parable of the hedgehog and the fox. If
theorists constraining themselves to one drive underpinning policy choices
would be hedgehogs, how would you see yourself? A fox or a hedgehog?







I am clearly a fox! I do different things. Whether I do them
well is debatable. But I certainly think that I'm a man of many tricks. Of
course the distinction also implies not believing in an overarching truth, and
indeed, I try hard not to think about truth because I don't think you can get
very far when you do. Epistemologically and eclectically, I'm a great believer
that we can never really establish a cause, truth, and knowledge. One of the
great problems here goes back to Plato who was shocked that craftsmen equated
technical ability to produce things with knowledge—Sofia, which is wisdom. And
today you have the problem one step up, so another category of knowledge for
the Greeks was episteme. Aristotle
would describe it as 'conceptual knowledge' or that which might even be
represented mathematically. And the people who would be 'expert' in episteme
think they have sofia and their claim
to being a hedgehog is the same kind of conceit, a form of hubris. Berlin's
distinction between hedgehogs and foxes is a very useful and nice concept to
play around with.







Yet it's a bit much to reduce Tolstoy to that tension. You
could do it as a game but it doesn't do much justice because there is so much
else in Tolstoy. He's tilting against the French historians of the 19th
century who have erected Napoleon into this strategic genius. And he does a
very convincing job of showing that what goes on on the battlefield has nothing
whatsoever to do with what Napoleon or anyone else who is wearing a general's
ebullience or theorists hat says. And also, and in this sense, one could see
him as the beginning of subaltern history of social science, he's telling the
story—admittedly about aristocrats, not commoners—but he's telling the story of
ordinary people on the battlefield, not the people making the decisions. So the
war is in a way a background to the lives of the people, focusing our attention
a very humanist way, on people. This, too, is revolutionary for his time.















Professor
Richard Ned Lebow Professor of International Political Theory at the Department
of War Studies, King's College London and James O. Freedman Presidential
Professor Emeritus at Dartmouth College. He is also a Bye-Fellow of
Pembroke College, University of Cambridge. He has taught strategy and the
National and Naval War Colleges and served as a scholar-in-residence in the
Central Intelligence Agency during the Carter administration. He has
authored and edited 28 books and nearly 200 peer reviewed articles.















Related
links








Read the
first chapter of Lebow's The Tragic
Vision of Politics (2003) here (pdf) 
Read
Lebow & Kelly's Thucydides and
Hegemony: Athens and the United States (Review of International Studies
2001), here (pdf) 
Read
Lebow's Deterrence and Reassurance:
Lessons from the Cold War (Global Dialogue 2001) here (pdf) 
Read
Lebow's The Long Peace, the End of the
Cold War, and the Failure of Realism (International Organization, 1994)
here (pdf) 
Read
Lebow's The Cuban Missile Crisis: Reading
the Lessons Correctly (Political Science Quarterly 1983) here (pdf) 



Print version of this Talk (pdf)

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THE RELATION OF ABILITY TO OPPORTUNITY IN THE ATTAINMENT OF SUCCESS. EDWARD C. RUBY, '02. /V FAMOUS sculptor once showed a visitor the treasures ■•■■■ of his studio. In it were many mythical gods. One particularly attracted the visitor's attention. The face was con-cealed by being covered with locks of hair, and there were wings to each foot. "What is his name?" said the spectator. "Opportunity," was the reply. "Why is his face hidden?" "Because men seldom know him when he comes to them." "Why has he wings upon his feet ?" "Because he is soon gone, and once gone he cannot be overtaken." This is but an allegory, yet it is the concrete expression of a very important element in the attainment of success. The sculptor has indeed given form to the experience of many an individual. How often have we come face to face with con ditions in life when we asked ourselves the question, "What is this?" And when the reply comes that it is an opportunity for us to attain success, we wonder why it is so obscure and hard to recognize. Then we begin to doubt its reality, and while we are waiting for it to disclose its features more fully, it spreads its wings and soars far beyond our reach. This suggests to us the fact that something more than the mere presence of an opportunity is necessary to the attainment of success. There must be the readiness or ability to seize the opportunity when it comes. In fact, ability stands first, while opportunity is a secondary element. Our physical growth, our intellectual development, and our advancement in civilization are due to these two factors in exactly the order above men-tioned. The ability for such growth, development, and ad-vancement is the natural endowment of every human being to a certain degree. The ability is given first, the opportunity second. By seizing the opportunity, the ability is strengthened. As long as this ability has not had an opportunity for asserting itself we speak of it as a possibility. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 147 Then, again, what would be the state of such beings if they did not have opportunities for exercising their ability? Could we conceive of such beings? I am afraid it would be a very difficult matter. The ability for activity and the opportunity for manifesting this activity must be co-existent in order that growth, development and advancement may be possible. The primary importance of ability is further seen in the fact that we must be prepared for the opportunity when it comes. Opportunity is latent in the very foundation of human society. Opportunity is everywhere about us. But the preparation to seize upon the opportunity, and to make the most of it, is to be made by everyone for himself. President Garfield said that occasion may be the bugle call which summons an army to battle, but the blasts of the bugle call can never make soldiers nor win battles. It is a common saying to-day among employers that the young men who come to them for work are not prepared for the opportunities which arise in connection with the business in which they wish to be engaged; and if they are not prepared, then when the opportunity arises they fail to secure what might easily fall to them. To be ready for the opportunity when it comes has well been called the secret of success. There need be no question that personal success is, in kind and degree, in accordance with ability, and will always be so to a large extent. Ability, by adaptation and application, makes success of some sort possible; the will, by concentration and persistence, makes it actual, How much of success is entirely man's own will and ability, or personal to and of himself, and how much is impersonal or dependant on favoring circumstances or opportunity, it may not be possible precisely to determine. One thing is quite certain, that an individual desiring to succeed in any of life's undertakings cannot depend upon or wait for op-portunity. He must strive to succeed by the best means his ability can contrive, and then watch for opportunity, which is, indeed, the outcome, in the majority of cases, of his effort to win success. Any other way of hoping to succeed than by the 148 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. putting forth of personal energy and will-power is but waiting upon chance. There are persons who have prepared themselves for oppor-tunities which seem very slow in coming. What is to be done in such cases ? It may be that the opportunities are at hand, but they cannot be easily recognized because of the "locks of hair" which may be concealing their "faces." The Greeks used to say that one should seize "time by the forelock." We say, when opportunities do not seem to be coming as they ought, "make them." Make them, as Lincoln made his in the log cabin in the wilderness. Make them, as Henry Wilson made his during his evenings on a farm, when he read a thousand volumes while other boys of the neighborhood wasted their evenings. Make them, as George Stephenson made his, when he mastered the rules of mathematics with a bit of chalk on the sides of the coal wagons in the mines. Make them, as Douglas made his, when he learned to read from scraps of paper and posters. Make them, as Napoleon made his in a hundred important situations. Make them, as every man must who would accomplish anything worth the effort. Golden oppor-tunities are nothing to laziness, and the greatest advantage will make you ridiculous if you are not prepared for it. When a man "drops" into a good position, it is because he had climbed into such a position from which it was possible to "drop" by years of work, and not merely because he had the opportunity. Fortune always attends those who are fitted. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 149 PROGRESS OF DISCOVERIES DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. CIVILIZATION is a progressive movement. The worlp progresses because of the eternal competition involved in existence. There is a law of the "Survival of the Fittest," evidences of which we discover throughout the history of the world's progress. Our histories record the principal events of nations as well as their most prominent individuals. This competition has brought out the advanced thought, the greatest inventions, the best deeds and the lasting institutions) a history of which is simply a history of the world's progress. Wars have existed, have been carried on since time began. They have proved the "Survival of the Fittest," for God is his wisdom decrees all that happens; and he gives his decision on the side of the one he deems fittest for his purposes. War has caused the inventions of the cannon and the other instruments used in great struggles. The creative faculty, developed by this competition, designed the great engines of war that are used to-day—the monster cannon, the torpedo boat, the gun boat, the warship greater than was ever dreamed of in the days when Galileo supposed that the earth was round. The mariner's compass was an invention which revolutionized the commerce of the world and brought forth a great number of navigators and adventurers; and these, with their wild dreams of discovery, showed to the world that fabled Atlantis never seen save by Plato in the hallowed visions of Plato's in-spired poesy, and added this beautiful land of ours to the list of the great discoveries at the close of mediaeval times. Intellectual progress during the middle ages compared to the Augustan age of Rome and the suceeding age in European advancement, was very small. Learning was confined to the monastic orders. The church and the priestcraft had a mo-nopoly upon book making between the seventh and fifteenth cen-turies, and they held, through the dictation of the pope at Rome, a monopoly upon the learning as well. The progress of discoveries in the intellectual world during the era mentioned, 150 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. must necessarily therefore be a halting forward movement. It was crippled from being bound in such narrow limits. How-ever, about the commencement of the fifteenth century the liter-ary movement started again first, in Italy, then spread to Germany, to England and elsewhere. It was opened up through the discoveries made in the far East, of the civilization of the Orient, by the movement known as the crusades. The fanaticism and the chivalric spirit known as knight-errantry gave the world a turn unlooked for and unsought for at the inception of those movements, by opening up intercourse between the East and the West, and by the discovery of the old literary works of the Latins and Greeks. Another great discovery of the middle ages which had a vast influence in bringing on the Reformation and which aided in producing the Revival of Learning, was the finding out that the Church of Rome had physical arm to enforce her edicts of temporal control; and that her goverment was rotten to the core. The sale of indulgences by the Church brought on re-volt and was severely attacked and finally stopped by the efforts of Luther, the hero of the Reformation. The Church throughout the centuries from the fall of the Western Empire had undertaken to control both the spiritual and the temporal welfare of man. The natural result of the widespread supremacy of the Roman Church was that its spirit-ual aspects became more and more merged into its mere ma-chinery of external goverment. Everything that could give power and efficiency to it as an institution was carefully watched and nourished. Warfare in the Church existed between the different monastic orders. Different creeds, sects and "isms" sprung up within the Church, yet it confined itself to its troubles, and to the world became stronger and stronger as a controlling power. By the monopoly of learning and literature, it was looked upon by ruling potentates with more than reverence—. with absolute fear—and a pope's bull of excommunication was a stronger instrument against the weak and superstitious of med-iaeval times, than the thunderbolts of Jove to the ancients. But it was discovered at the beginning of the fifteenth century THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY.' I 5 I that, by reason of the temporal life assumed by the Church, the spiritual life began to die out at the center of this vast, system of ecclesiastical government. The baneful effects of such spirit-ual decay speedily began to tell throughout its borders. The perversion of ecclesiastical offices and especially the materialistic abuses of spiritual privileges, awakened Europe to its thralldom. The ignorance of those times, depicted in strong colors in the satires of Erasmus, seems almost incredible. The impetus which the friars had given the papal powers back in the thirteenth century had died out and the religious decline opened up new avenues of thought, and awakened powers before forbidden by the Church to the people. The contest between struggling humanity and prevailing and overshadowing powers brought forth all the new discoveries of the times. The printing press, the Revival of Learning, and the industrial age of English literature were its products. The industrial, political and intellectual liberty which we enjoy to-day is the fruit ot the seed sown during the latter portion of the middle ages ; and the French Revolution was the result of the tares sown during the same period. The great abuses of medi-aeval times brought their reaction in the fanatical puritanism of Cromwell and the beheading of King Charles. All these contests have been in the interests of humanity. Results have been logical and according to cosmic law. Discov-eries of all times have been the product of necessity, and a de-mand in the interests of the world's progress. Things have happened that must necessarily happen for the good of man. Discoveries are the works of genius, but the individuals that made them were endowed with this faculty, as a part of the divine plan and the divine system. 152 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, BARRIERS TO SCIENCE. WM, H. W. REIMER, '02. C^OENCE is the foundation stone of human progress, It ^**' is a natural outgrowth of civilization. Education with-out it is null and void. Viewing it in this aspect, we must conclude that science is very old; that it is not a product of one century, but of many. The achievements of the past century are only the consum-mation of the achievements of many former centuries. Astronomy was pretty completely solved over four centuries ago, but it is being revised every year. Electricity was discovered by Franklin, but it remained for the men of our century to use it in propelling cars and in flash-ing messages across continents and oceans. All the scientists of former years who in some way aided its progress, we to-day honor and revere. But we are often forget-ful of the struggle they encountered. When some new scien-tific discovery is made, we look upon it with skeptical eyes. We are prone to criticise it harshly. We only forget that the boisterous ridicule of Columbus and Newton was turned into praise. The idea that telegraphy could be successfully oper-ated without the use of wire connection was believed impos-sible by the most skillful of our day; but now it is successfully established. It shows that mankind is reluctant to believe or accept a theory that is new. We cling to the old like parasites, and any deviation from that seems impossible. Taking a glance over the history of the past, progress ap-pears to have necessitated the surrender of the old for the new life as we pass from the old year into the new. The nations of antiquity seem to us peculiarly situated. In the childhood of intellectual development, they have only the surrounding world of obscurity out of which to carve their future. True, the children of Israel did have a supernatural revelation to guide them, but how imperfectly did it serve them. Together THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 153 with the other nations they seek after other gods to worship— gods erected by their own hands and created by their imagina-tions as representing the power that controlled the universe. It is this tendency of the growing mind that filled ancient Greece and Rome with altars and shrines. And in this manner for many years we see the nations of the earth bound down to superstition and ignorance. The early Grecian philosophers shrunk from the prevailing ignorance and sought an interpreta-tion of God from His natural revelation. The complexity of the universe puzzled them. They saw changes continually oc-curring. They think there must be a power in. the universe which pushes forth the blade of grass in the Spring. They at-tempt to resolve all things into their constituent elements. They search for the "beginning" of all things. One says water is the originative principle in the universe, because it seems common to all things. Another calls this principle of existence fire, because of its motive power. Others argue that all things in existence are only the separation and combination of infinitely small atoms. Life was only the combination of atoms, while death was the separation of the same into their original state. This beginning of all existence they recognized as God. Socrates with no supernatural revelation, but through his conscience interpreted a conception of God and heaven and the immortality of the soul. What the Greecian philosophers attempted to accomplish, the scientist of to-day is accomplishing. He lays aside all supernatural revelation. He peers under the surface of the earth to discover its history. He examines and compares the inorganic and organic creation in order to determine the pro-cesses through which they have been evolved. He proves his investigations, and submits them for our consideration. His facts are generally accepted, except when they seem to conflict with (our) supernatural revelation. At this point we hear the cry of "Halt!" Ecclesiasts say it is atheistic. They say it is contrary to the account given in Genesis. "Shall we be-lieve that man is descended from the monkey, which belief is I 54 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. not only contrary to Genesis but degrading to man?" "Shall we believe that many years passed in the creation of the earth and its creatures, when the Bible says six days transpired ?" This is the conflict of science and religion. And well is it that we see a conflict; it will strengthen both parties concerned. It will make religion reflect upon its own doctrine, and it will all the more strengthen science, for "Strength is born of struggle." Skepticism will make the scientist test thoroughly his own work, it will necessitate a tightening of all burrs on the me-chanism of science. Columbus might have failed in his attempt to prove his hy-pothesis, if resistance had not compelled him to perfect his proof and go ahead with full determination and confidence. The theory of evolution has evoked harsh criticism. But, notwithstanding, it is meeting acceptance everywhere. Our most wide-awake professors are introducing it into their schools. Preachers have tested it and proclaim it good, and are to-day reconciling their Christian doctrine with evolution as rapidly as conditions permit. Dr. Hillis is among them, and from his pen we quote the theory of evolution as he understands it: "Looking backward we find the earth in a condition that an-swers to our Sun. Slowly it cooled; slowly the granite was changed into soil, which by ice and water was made rich for the coming plants ; the plants at first very simple, became more and more complex, the small ferns giving way to the hardy forest. That daily God is causing the dry crust of the earth to move up into the herb and schrub; the schrub to ascend into the life of the animal; the animal to be lifted up into the life of man ; and man to be lifted up into the mind and life of Christ." Emerson, a preacher, poet, and philosopher, utters about the same meaning: "The gasses gather to the solid firmament; the chemic lump arrives at the plant and grows ; arrives at the quad-ruped and walks; arrives at man and thinks." This in principle is about what evolution teaches concerning THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. I 55 the origin of existing things and the processes through which they have been evolved. It is a scientific interpretation of God's natural revelation made through the material creation. While their domain is only in the material universe—in deal-ing with facts that may be brought before their immediate vision—they do not attempt a doctrine of theism. However, the nature of their reasoning often explains their idea of God. There is not one who does not recognize in the process of nature a power which is God. Emerson had the most sacred reverence for God. He saw God in all creation from the soul of man down to the blade of grass, Charles Darwin, the greatest advocate of evolution, distinctly assumed the "World Genius standing back of His wondrous earthly mechanism." If the earliest advocate of the theory did seem to eliminate God, perhaps a reason can be assigned for it, The world of new ideas which dawned upon them, so completly occupies their attention that they could not see the Maker back of them. Their conditions might have been analogous to that of the man who first sees a loom at work. "They become so entranced at the beautiful texture produced that their thought never goes back to the mind that first constructed in its imagination the result which he now sees." We can be as thorough students of evolution as was Darwin or Huxley or Tyndall or Fiske, yet we need not eliminate the Bible or God from our Christian belief. It does not debase or exalt man more to conceive him to have been created instantaneously from a clod of earth by divine fiat, than progressively through animals, so long as we conceive of him as endowed with (body and) soul, as the newest product of creation, and capable of attaining a position in life only next to the angels. No other department of science or philosophy has so greatly affected the world of thought. It has driven away superstition. It has made ignorance to be ashamed. Both man and God have been given a more exalted nature. It has purified out moral nature, and the "Survival of the Fittest" has taught man 10 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. that if he would win in the race of life, he must put under the body and elevate the mind and soul. John Fiske thinks that "Science is to help bring about a greater revival of Christianity than that which built the Cathe-drals of Europe in the fifteenth century." Romanes, the Agnostic, was led through evolution to say; "Science is moving with all the force of a tidal wave towards faith in Jesus Christ as the world's Saviour." Dr. Hillis further says: "There is no conflict between the educated ecclesiast and the educated scientist, but there is and ever will be a conflict between the ignorant ecclesiast and igno-rant scientist." Many years passed before the world received this theory of evolution. Shall we then reject its teaching as false ? Shall we denounce its advocates as atheists and agnostics and pan-theists? Does the theory debase man and elimininate God? We must let each one answer these questions for himself. But before you are able to make a decision, you must study the subject and know whereof you speak. It is pure ignor-ance to condemn a theory like evolution, and ridicule its advocates, before being fully acquainted with the subject. Ig-norance may flourish for awhile, but civilization is moving to-wards truth, and truth must in the end prevail. Then will truth look back upon the past as we look upon those who ridiculed the hypothesis of Columbus and of Newton. The barriers between science and religion are fast being re-moved, and the time is not far off when they will link hands and march onward at the sound of divine music towards the mark and prize of the high calling in Christ Jesus, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 157 AS TOLD BY HENRI D'ARCY. HERBERT L. STIEEI, '03. ""^^ES, M'sieur, those were truly glorious days; I am an old "^ man now; my hair is white and soon I shall trouble this earth no more. I would not have had it thus. Had I my heart's desire I would have died a soldier's death long ere now. Yet truly it was no fault of mine, M'sieur, for I can show you no less than seven places on this old body of mine where some good sword has tried to reach my heart, and I carry in my left shoulder a ball, which I received while still a private in the Guard of His Eminence, the glorious Richelieu. "They are all gone now—Rochefort, De Wardes and the rest —but well do I remember them. And D'Artagnan; he was a brave man, was D'Artagnan. Ah ! he should have served the Cardinal instead of mixing with those pigs of musketeers, he should indeed, M'sieur. I remember the day his Eminence summoned him to his presence after that affair at Milady. He expected nothing less than the Bastile, and the Bastile—parbleu! give me a thousand deaths before the Bastile, I was on guard at the door of the chamber and I heard the whole interview. But D'Artagnan, he was as cool and self-possessed as if he were chatting with some of his comrades. And how he did fight during the siege of Rochelle; Mon Dieu! how he did fight. "Ah! that siege of Rochelle ! I think I was as near death that year as ever I have been, I and de Busigny. Your glass is empty, permit me, M'sieur. Yet I am rather glad that I did not die then. To die for France is glorious in any circumstance, but we gentlemen of the sword have a dread of being hanged as spies. It was in this manner—His Eminence desired infor-mation concerning the fortifications of Rochelle, and Busigny and I undertook to supply it. All went well for a time. We gained an entrance to the city, no matter how. Those Rochellais are extremely stupid, M'sieur, though they do fight hard. Now that we were in the city, how were we to find out what we wished to know ? It was easy to learn as much as i58 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. most of the citizens and soldiers knew, but the cardinal knew even more than that already. It was necessary to get some-thing from a higher source. Busigny was the man for that. I can handle a sword, but I am not much of a schemer; while Busigny—well it has been said that he was the most clever man in the whole Guard. Ah! he did scheme, and to some pur-pose, too. 1 know not to this day how he did it, but this I do know that he obtained the whole plan of defense—and such a joke, M'sieur—from the son of the governor himsell. However, it was of no avail. The entrance to the city had been easy, but the exit, that was different. "So different, in fact, that we were captured. We had no opportunity of doing away with the plans and maps on our person, and we stood revealed as spies. They took us before the governor and with little ceremony clapped us into a dun-gton. And the governor's son, he was furious, I can assure you, having been tricked as he was. Furthermore, he took pleasure in coming to taunt us and flaunt our coming execution in our faces. This angered me, though I would have died be-fore allowing him to see it, and one morning I confided my vexation to Busigny. 'DArcy, said he, T, too, have been thinking of this villain's visits, and I believe that, disagreeable as they are, we may turn them to our profit.' Imagine what joyous feelings sprung up in my breast at these words, for I knew that Busigny had a plan, and Busigny's plans, M'sieur— well, I never knew them to be other than good. 'My comrade,' continued he, 'would you prefer to die here in a hand-to-hand struggle or out there on that scaffold they are building for us ?' QX i>KAM/i£» w\j wv® vw>ux>o£>fo ooXoA/6* a/no/ us&a/v' w\> dlill fll. Selicjman, Taiio*. S Chambefsbupg St., Gettysburg, Pa. R. A. WONDERS Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, etc. Scott's Corner, opp. Eagle Hotel GETTYSBURG, PA. Pool Parlors in Connection. GO TO^ Eckenrode's Restaurant, 8 Baltimore St., Gettysburg. Everything in Season. Oysters in all Styles- Open from 7 A. M. to 2 A. M. JOHN S. ECKENRODE, Prop. Established 1867 by Allen Walton. Allen K. Walton, Prea. and Treas. Root. J. Walton, Superintendent. Hinwlstown Brown Stone Company Q-cr_£ui*.:Ev^:Lv

AbstractThis thesis describes about the domination of Western knowledge toward Chinese tradition by illustrating the superiority or prominence of Western knowledge in the novel East Wind: West Wind written by Pearl S. Buck. The analysis focuses on two goals, there are (1) to portray how are the Eastern and the Western represented in the novel, and (2) to analyze how the influence of western knowledge dominated Chinese tradition. To analyze this novel, the the writer applied post-colonial criticism the writer focused on Orientalism as an approach by Edward Said. In analyze aspech the way Western discourse dominates the main character, Kwei-lan, as represented of Chinese people by issuing the discourse of superiority. In addition, the writer applied content analysis method to analyze documents in order to give a deep understanding toward the novel by using close reading technique, which requires to read the whole of the novel for several times. From the analysis, the writer found that Western discourse did construct the domination over the Orient (Chinese culture) by representing the differences in term family relationships (simple vs complex), mind (open minded vs narow minded) and beliave (superstitious vs rational), the discourse succeed to dominate and create the truth or reality as the assumption about the West as supperior and the East as inferior.Key word: orientalismBackgroundThe term discourse is the range of social practices, customs, and institutions that cover any given subject matter. According to Michel Foucault, ―.discourse is strongly bounded area of social knowledge; a system of statements within the world can be known‖ (1967:70). Through language, discourse gives the role of us in our society. It constructs our knowledge and understanding about who we are and what the world we live are. Because of discourse covers every social matters, it can be used in any perspective.Therefore, the influence of Western discourse to the world made people tend to consider West is more superior than East. The Western discourse of domination is one of the effects of Industrial revolution that born the idea of imperialism that implement in the form of colonialism.In journal of universty of pretoria by Lazere S. Rukundwa and Andries G. Van Ardel The Formation of Postcolonial Theory2Research Associate (2007:421), through Orientalism, Said presented the discourse that have been constructed to society about the perception of Eurocentric or Western where naturally they represented as the rational, mature, progressive, honest, normal, masculine, good, upright, democratic, and superior instead of Eastern which represent irrational, abnormal, backward, passive, undisciplined, primitiveness, and inferior. The simplest example regarded to this is people are assumed as smart or intelligent whenever we use English to non-native. It widely influenced people, society, lifestyles, and human life. Such discourse was able to construct the human standard as seem as they are. This system, discourse, has taught people, certainly us, the world of what they want us to be.Thus, literary works is one of the ways western domination affect our mind. However, it is also a good implementation in understanding aspects of post-colonialism issues which concern the life; cultural, and interactions of cultural aspects. The interactions of difference cultures have much inspire author to make various literary works to explore those issues. Pearl S. Buck's novel East Wind: West Wind (1930) is one of popular works considered has postcolonial implication.The novel East Wind: West Wind tells about Kwei-Lan, a girl who was born as traditional noble Chinese family. She has no experience with modern western style before. As a Chinese royal woman, she has taught everything to become a good daughter of the family and to be good wife for her husband. Her husband is a noble Chinese royal man that had twelve years abroad, America, studying medicine. Kwei-lan has been betrothed to her husband since she was born. Her husband has adapted and adopted western lifestyle. He feels western life is better and rational than his Chinese culture that strange and irrelevant. Different perspective about being woman makes Kwei-Lan cannot win her husband's heart as she thinks and has taught before. Kwei-Lan as a Chinese traditional woman and her husband's lifestyle emerge distinguishes understanding about family between the West and the Chinese tradition.The novel describes how Kwei-Lan's cultural traditional background opposed with her husband's Western lifestyle. In the part II of the novel, Kwei-Lan has to accept that her brother goes to study in America. Later the conflict comes up when her brother has already married with a foreign woman. Even though he has betrothed to one of daughters of Li family since he was child. Their mother is shocked to know such news. The family has to accept that son has been betrayed the family. Her brother chooses to disobey the Chinese tradition of married and his duty as a3son of Royal Family to keep the heir. It is seen as the impact of western culture influence toward her brother.Based on explanation above, the writer is interested and challenged to discuss this novel. Pearl S Buck is able to tell the story with her elegant way. East Wind: West Wind shows the elegant internal conflict of traditional Chinese woman who tries to oppose her ideology of being good woman and wife toward the western discourse that influences her life.In this novel, Pearl S Buck portrays how the Western culture meets the Eastern old tradition and tended to degrade the East. It seems she shows West lifestyle is better and rational than East. Through the main character Kwei-Lan, Buck explains in detail Chinese woman's role in life and compares to the knowledge of Western within her husband. The author also shows the reader how Kwai-Lan's brother finally betrays his old tradition, the Chinese Family tradition, by secretly marriage a foreign woman. Until the end of this novel, Buck confirms the superiority and rationality of Western discourse toward Chinese tradition as East.By using post-colonialism, especially Orientalism of Edward Said, the writer will analyze how these texts construct the Orient through imaginative representations of the main character, Kwei-Lan, in the novel. The writer wants to analyze the differences of two cultures and perceptions based on the the orientalism that found in the novel. It is able to create the assumption about the West as superior and the East is inferior. Orientalism argues those discourses made by Western as a political tool to conquer the reader's minds showing inferiority of the East.Further, Post-colonial criticisms also appropriate as a ―knife‖ to discuss, analyze, and examine a work with its relations and effect of colonialism and the interaction of two different cultures. Therefore, this research is entitled ―Western Domination Implied over Chinese Tradition in Pearl S Buck's East Wind: West Wind (An Orientalism Reading)‖.MetodologyIn this chapter, the writer focuses on the steps that must take to finish this research, that proposed by Sudaryanto (1993). Some steps make this research success. This step relates each other and cannot release form the other steps. There are three steps, first, collecting the data, second, analyzing the data, and third presenting the data.1. Collecting the dataIn collecting data, the writer conducts a library research. Through the library research, the writer collects the data needed,4which can be categorized as primary and secondary data. The primary data itself is; "East Wind; West Wind" by Pearl S Buck, the more specific is sentences and quotations that have relationship with the topic and that have relations with the theory. The secondary data function as tools in analyzing the primary data. It consists of books and other sources from journals and internet sites.The writer conducts the library research about post-colonial criticism. In this step writer finds the definitions and concept of post colonialism, especially the theory of Orientalism by Edward Said. It is helpful to broaden the perspective of writer about the term.2. Analyzing the DataIn analyzing the data writer examines the primary data by the way of close reading and in analyzing specific sentences and quotations that have relationship with the topic and the theory. Based on Edgar Robert, ―to analyze the problems in the literary work, it can be found by digging up through characters in the ways of speech, dialogue and action between one character and other characters‖ (56).Besides, the writer explores some data related about the Post-Colonial criticism, especially Orientalism approach by Edward Said. Writer will identify the sentence related to the topic and the theory supporting to completing the research.3. Presenting the ResultThe last step is presenting the analysis. The writer thus uses descriptive method to present the data. Based on Bogdan and Biklen, qualitative research is descriptive, the data are collected in the form of words, rather than number, and result of analysis is written descriptively (1982:27) as the rule to conducts this research. The data is presented descriptively in this analysis by quoting the sentences of dialogue from the novel that relevant to the analysis.Result and DiscussionIn this chapter, the writer wants to analyze about the data. In analyzing data the writer uses the theory orientalism by Edwar said. The writer analyzes about the The analysis focuses on two goals, there are (1) to portray the different perspective between Western knowledge and Chinese tradition, and (2) to analyze the implication of Western knowledge as domination over Chinese tradition.Orientalism is a branch of Postcolonial theory that developed by Edward Said According to said this theory is about how The West see the world by binary oposition where It seems to explore the overplus of Western and expose the lacking5of Eastern and make it as if those are natural by using discourse. And the discorse is formed and it will effect to human mind who read it. Besides based on discourse the reader consciusness or uncansciousness will judge what that they read it is god or it is bad. Said does not question about the truth or the wrong. He tries to give us deeply understanding of how colonizer or Western discourse constructs the domination of the world toward colonized or Eastern in every way and how it continues until now.The Different Perspective of the Eastern and the Western in the NovelIn this chapter, the writer would discuss the portrait of contradictive perspective between western Knowledge or Occident and Chinese old tradition or orient. Pearl S Back does not frankly describe what the western culture in the novel East Wind: West Wind is. She implicitly explains how Western culture by contrasted it with Chinese culture experienced by the character Kwei-lanThis chapter, the writer cuncludes that there are saveral contradictions of differernt perspective of the western knowledge and the chinese tradition. The writer divided two subchapter, the Eastern and the Western. It consist the complex family relationships and simple family relationships, narrow minded and open minded, superstitious and rational.Family in the eastern in this case family in Chinese is narrated differently with family in western. It is described that Chinese family is a big extended family, complex and has not much freedom because bound of tradition. Different with western family, that consists of nuclear family, father, mother and children and has more freedom because not bound with the old tradition, it is because they explained are more logic and more simple besides they has right and free will to choose and do whatever they want to do.In the novel describe although the Chinese man has been married, they are allowed or naturally believed to take some concubines as they like. It can be seen by following quotation in the novel:―The desire for sons in a household like ours, where my father had three concubines whose sole interest was in the conceiving and bearing of children was too ordinary to contain any mystery.‖ [11-12]Kwei-Lan's father, as stated above, has three concubines in order to pour his desire in woman and to conduct a birth son for his clan. In the Chinese family, it is normal for the husband to marry other woman. Man in Chinese tradition has a duty to give great male offspring to maintain their clan. Further, Buck states:―They had caught my father fancy at first though a6prettiness which faded like flowers plucking in spring, and my father's favor ceased when their brief beauty was gone.‖[19]The husband can marry any woman if his wife cannot give birth and give him a son. Chinese man can whenever he wants to marry woman and leave them when their beauties are gone.In contrast, the portrayal of Western woman is described as dichotomy to Chinese tradition where the family relationship is simpler. Besides the family in the western is nuclear family and the decision is make by own self \. They do not need many procedure to do something. In the novel, it is narrated by Kwei-lan brother to marry his girlfriend, the kwei-lan brother and hiss wife do not need many procedure to get merit. In this case Buck tries ti show that thee western people are better than Eastern peoplebecause western people has more freedom.In addition, the wife or woman in the western culture tends to not accepting become subordinate position in family. It clarifies in the novel:―The trouble in all this may be that the foreigner is not willing to accept a subordinate position. It is not customary in their country to have secondary wives.‖ [160]Western women believe that they have right and capable to follow their own will. There are no such certain rules either as woman or as wife of their family that have to be obeyed.Kwei-Lan's brother who has been taught the wisdom of the Great Master, has to fulfill the first duty as a man to pay careful heed to every desire of his parents. In spite of obeying the custom, he married a foreign woman when he studied in America. Kwei-lan who shocked to hear is alarmed by her husband. It can be seen in the novel that, he said:―You must be prepared…it is better to face the truth. He will probably not obey you mother… Old foundations are breaking – have broken… there must be stronger reasons than in this days‖ [150]As the one who adapts the Western culture, Kwei-Lan's husband precisely knows that her brother will consistently disobey the old and primitive tradition. Kwei-lan's brother breaks the old custom and chooses to live in progressive and democratic ways as his will. Related to this, Hans Bertens states that―The inferiority that Orientalism attributes to the East simultaneously serves to construct the West's superiority. The sensuality, irrationality, primitiveness, and despotism of the East construct the West as rational, democratic, progressive, and so on‖ [Bertens, 2006: 205]The writer examines that the novel describes the primitiveness and despotism of Chinese7old tradition. Western discourse seems to take place and dominates the character Kwei-Lan's brother, even our perspective, to disobey such custom.Secondly, it is also happened to different perspective can also be seen in the mindset or lifestyle contradiction in the novel. in the family, that is to produces son to maintain the clan and descendent. In Chinese custom, Kwei-lan and her husband should remain stay within the ancestral home. For his father, a noble Chinese man should not waste their dignified leisure time and stay still in home. The family has plenty of food and space. It can be seen when Kwei-lan's father in law spoke to her husband;"here is plenty of food and space. You need never waste your body in physical labor. Spend your days in dignified leisure and in study that suits your pleasure. Allow your daughter in law of your honored mother to produce son. Three generations of sons less than one roof is sight pleasing to heaven‖ [43]In Chinese custom, a noble family should only worry to give born the great son in order to maintain the clan and the descendant of family. It is reflected in the important of a son existence. A husband should not be worried about food and money. This is what has been taught by the ancestor for hundred years. In the other side, Kwei-lan's husband, who has been studied in West, has his own perception. It can be seen in the quotation below:I wish to work father, I am trained in scientific professions – the noblest in the western world. As for sons, they are not my desire. I wish to produce the fruit of my brain for my country's good. A mare dog may fill the earth with the fruit of his body‖ [43]The father of Kwei-Lan's husband wants to keep them in the house without worrying about food and money. He wants them to pay attention to deliver his grandson. Rather than focus on producing son, Kwei-lan's husband wants to work and earn money by himself to his family. His custom cannot change the decision he has taken.Thirdly difference is seen based on the story is superstition and custom and Chinese culture which is described so irrational to be believed. In the novel, Kwei-lan's husband is a doctor. One day someone called him to come to the house where a lady tried to kill herself by hanging her neck. She is still alive but unconscious. In order to heal the woman's soul, the priest came and made a ceremony by plugging a piece of cloth to her nose and mouth.―He sent for the priests to beat the gongs to call the woman's soul back, and her8relatives gathered about and placed the poor unconscious girl…into a kneeling position on the floor; then they deliberately filled her nose and mouth with cotton and cloth and bound clothing around her face‖ [76]Kwei-lan firstly agreed to the old tradition, taking back the soul, which has been done for hundred years. In the contrary, Kwei-lan's husband totally disagreed with such custom that has lost so much spirit of human life.―Would you die if I did this long enough? And he seized my hands in one of his and placed his handkerchief roughly over my mouth and nose. I twisted free and tore it away‖ [76-77]The quotation convinces the irrationality of Chinese old custom, and on the contrary also convinces the rationality of Western discourse. The way of Kwei-lan's husband tries to show to Kwei-Lan seems like confirm the opposite of perspective between Kwei-lan, reprented Chinese tradition, over Western discourse of her husband.The writer concluded that those contradictions are the portrayal of different perspective of the Eastern in this case traditional Chinese and the western knowledge.The Western Knowledge as Domination Implied over Chinese Tradition in The NovelThe writer found the orientalism issues which Western is assumed to has much more realistic to be true. This is a discourse, western discourse, which dominates the assumption about Chinese tradition in the novel. The changing perception of the character, even the readers, seem t confirms this discourse.Kwei-Lan's husband seems to confirm Western discourse based on the way he treat Kwei-lan Kwei-Lan also surprises to hear ‗the new ways' her husband meant to her. Her husband has been certainly influenced by Western culture. For twelve years he studied in foreign country. Then, he now tries to convince Kwei-lan as it is best way for their life. Kwei-lan then responds to think that, it can be seen in the following quotation:―I equal to him? But why? Was I not his wife? .was he not my master by law? …what else could I do if I did not marry? And how could I marry except as my parents arranged it? … it was all according to my custom‖ [36-37].In order to construct the superiority of Western culture, the text shall describe the inferiority of others. In this novel, Pearl S Buck draws the domination or superiority of9Western culture by contrasting to Chinese custom. Therefore, Pearl S Buck's novel has been influenced by Western discourse in the perspective of Orientalism. The writer found that the novel conducts unintentionally domination of Western over Chinese tradition.―… I wish to follow the new ways. I wish to regard you in all things as my equal. I shall never force you anything. You are not my possession—my chattel‖ [36]Changing perception about Western people also described in which the character Kwei-lan asked to her husband about what they think about Chinese tradition. In the novel, Kwei-lan's husband told that;―They think our clothes are funny and our faces and our food and all what we do. It does not occur to them that people can look as we do and behave as we do, and be wholly as human as they are… In fact, I believe they come over here thinking to teach us civilization‖ [88-89]Assuming the clothes, faces, food and all what Chinese people do are funny imply the issue of imperialism of Western domination to Chinese people. The text seems to approve and convince that Western culture is more rational and represented universal civilization. Again, our perception about Eastern culture is conducted to change by contrasting the superiority of Western culture.Further, the writers also found the changing perception of characters in the way Kwei-lan become happy to adopt the modern way of life.―But now, selfish woman that I am, I do not care that the tradition is broken, I think only of my son… I thank the gods that I am married to a modern man… he gives me my son for my own…all my life is not enough to repay my gratitude‖ [114]The climax of disobedient of Chinese tradition as the impact of Western discourse is when Kwei-lan's brother in the end chooses to live freely like what he has been experienced in Western country. It can be seen in the end of novel:―…from this day I have no father. I have no clan – I repudiate the name of Yang! Remove my name from the books! I and my wife, we will go forth. In this day we shall be free as the young if other countries are free‖ [264]In Orientalism perspective, the character Kwei-lan's brother clearly emphasize the domination over Eastern Culture, or Chinese tradition. The final disobedient of character against the old custom confirms the primitiveness and10irrational way of life. Kwei-Lan's brother asserts that that Western culture represented the universal civilization. Accepting the domination of Western culture could benefit him from the ‗backward' or ‗superstitious' conditions in which he lived.In the end, the writer concluded that the the main character Kwei-lan is influenced by Western discourse.―We must let all that go, my love, my love! We do not want our son fettered by old, useless things!‖And thinking of these two, my son and his cousin brother I know that my husband is right – always right! [277]The effect of such discourse is a change of Kwei-lan's perspective about the modernism of Western culture and the backward of her Chinese tradition. Through the hand of her husband, Kwei-lan admitted that Western discourse dominate her whole life assuming as the best way of civilization rather than Chinese ancestors. Influence and changing perception also gives impact to disobey the law of old Chinese tradition that for hundred years believed by the ancestors.ConclusionIn the conclusion, the novel East Wind: West Wind written by Pearl S. Buck tells about Kwei-Lan, a noble Chinese woman who had no experience with modern western style before. She has been taught to become a good daughter of the family and to be good wife for her husband. Kwei-lan has been betrothed since she was born to a noble Chinese royal man whom had twelve years abroad studying medical science. Her husband has adapted and adopted western lifestyle. Kwei-Lan as represented Chinese woman and her husband's lifestyle emerge distinguishes understanding about family between the West and the Chinese tradition. Kwei-Lan's cultural traditional background opposed her husband's Western lifestyle. The conflicts come up from the different perception of life between Western Knowledge and Eastern culture (Chinese Tradition). It is seen in binary opposition such as complex family relationshps and simple family relationships, open minded and narow minded, and superstition and rationality.By using Orientalism approach presented by Edward Said, the writer found that the novel East Wind: West Wind constructs the imaginative representations of the Orient (Chinese culture) through the main character Kwei-Lan. The writer found the indication of Western discourse which dominates the Orient, in this case Chinese culture, through negative perception by describing cultural conflicts of the main character. Kwei-lan is influenced by her11husband who taught her about the Western knowledge. She gradually changed her perception about the West. Kwei-lan who applied her ancestors' custom, started to doubt and questioning the truth about Chinese tradition. Orientalism examined the West constructs such discourse through contrasting the right and rational way of life and the backward and irrational custom of Chinese.In the end, through the analysis the writer emphasize that the novel East Wind: West Wind written by Pearl S. Buck implied the Western Domination over Chinese Tradition. Western discourse succeeds to dominate the assumption and about the West as superior and the East is inferior. Orientalism argues those are constructed by Western as a political tool to conquer the reader's minds showing inferiority of the East. This novel construct discourse of Western domination as well as judgment of China's tradition, which are funny, strange, and backward and need help. The discourse of West to dominate the Chinese tradition by degrading them and shows their better and rational way of life finally create the ‗truth' or ‗reality' about West as standard civilization.Acknowledgement Alhamdulillahirobbil'alamin, First of all let me give my highest praise to Allah SWT, The Almighty God, for help, blessing, mercy, loves and guidance to me. Without the help, guidance and mercy this thesis could not have finished, and for opportunities and everything in my life. Then the writer would like to say thank to great human leader Muhammad SAW who guide people from the bad style of life to the good style of life.I wish to express my gratitudes to both my supervisors: Ms. Suci Humairah, S.Pd.,M.A., and Mrs. Dra. Mariati, M.Hum., for their support and guidance in finishing this thesis. The contribution and guidance in my thesis are valuable things which will not be forgotten to me. I also want to say Thanks to Mrs. Femmy Dahlan, S.S.,M.Hum., and Mr. Dr. Elfiondri, S.S.,M.Hum., as my examiners. Thank you so much for the suggestion, correction, advices and time, so that I can finish my thesis. I would like to thank too, to all of the lectures in English Department. Many tanks to guide and teach the writer during studied in English department.Thank you for my mom Syahlidarmiwati and my dad Bukhari. I would like to say thank you to suggestion, sacrifice, sincere love, patience, and always remaind me to pray and work hardly. And thank you to my brother Renza Putra, Rolanda Putra, and Fauzan Azim. Then I want to dedicate this thesis to science and human live.12I also would like to say Thanks to all of my friends, Sing 08, who have helped me in process of writing this thesis, my friend in faculty, My friend in boarding house, For all of my friends who I cannot mention one by one, thank you very much to have been contributing the most beautiful part in my life. Do the best in our life and get the greatest future.BibliographyBartens, Hans. Literary Theory: The Basic. London: Rouledge, 2001Buck, S. Pearl. East Wind: West Wind. New York. Mayor Bell. 2010Childs, Peter. Roger Fowler. The Rouledge Dictionary of Literary Terms. New York: Rouledge, 2006Hithcock, Loise. A Theory for Classics: a Strident Guide. New York: Rouledge, 2008.Lane, Richard J. Fifty Key Literary Theorists. New York: Rouledge, 2006M. A. R. Habib. Modern Literary Criticism and Theory: A History. Cornwell: Blackwell, 2005Malpas, Simon. Paul Wake. The Rouledge Companion to Critical Theory. New York: Rouledge, 2006Tyson, Lois. Critical Theory Today: A User Friendly Guide. New York: Rouledge, 2006Sudaryanto. Metode dan Aneka Teknik Analisis Bahasa: Pengantar Penelitian Wahana Kebudayaan secara Linguistis. Yogyakarta: Duta Wacana University Press, 1993Journal:Lazare S. Rukundwa & Andries G. van Aarde1. The Formation of Postcolonial Theory Research Associate: Department of New Testament Studies. Cornwell. 2007

At the present stage of development of the world community, accompanied by processes of globalization, when the world is «united», on the one hand, there is a natural strengthening of ties between the countries and peoples of the world, which is manifested in a certain degree of standardization of some cultural norms and principles perceived and used in the different countries, nations, ethnic groups etc. Instead, on the other hand, there is some increasing of the cultural differentiation and disintegration in various areas of public life, which were generated by the phenomenon of «ethnic and religious revival». This phenomenon is associated with an increase of the interest of traditional, sectional, heritable forms of identity (ethnic, religious, racial) and, accordingly, the traditional social practices.These phenomena cause frequent conflicts between different ethnic and national groups in multi-ethnic states. In the early XXI century such conflicts began to cover not only the countries and societies with the unfinished national unity, but also nation-states in Europe and America, where seemingly ethnic majority and minority groups are combined into a single nation-state «body» based on shared values, ideals and goals, but which have an inherent desire to preserve its cultural diversity.Therefore, there is so important to find and explore the new concepts and theoretical models that would allow to ensure peaceful, conflict-free co-existence of ethnic minorities within a common political space on the basis of mutual respect, respect each other's rights and cultural exchanges.Given the urgency and the need for further study of the problem, the author put a goal: 1) to identify and analyze the key concepts of co-existence of minorities in today's globalizing world; 2) to find out the advantages and disadvantages of each of the concepts, identifying the best option co-existence of minorities within a common political space.The object of the study is the national and ethnic minorities as a subject of political processes, and the subject is the modern concept of minorities' co-existence in the common political space.According to the Art. 1 of UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity, it is reflected in the uniqueness and diversity of features that are inherent in groups and communities, of which humanity is created. This phenomenon is considered to be a source of exchange, innovation and creativity, thus it is defined not less need for human existence than biodiversity for the functioning of the world of nature as a whole.However, this variety generates now some problems of co-existence of different cultures. Along with the long-standing controversies of intercultural interaction in the multi-ethnic states, which are formed on this basis, a number of new problems continues to arise. It leads to the need to seek such theoretical concepts and form a practical policies based on these concepts, that would effectively solve the existing ethno-national disputes and prevent the emergence of the some new, based on consideration of the interests of both titular nations and national minorities living within these countries.The beginning of the 70s of the XX century was a time of the emergence of fundamentally new concept of co-existence between nations and cultures within a common political space, which are known as «multiculturalism». The basis of multiculturalism was the rejection of the idea of continuous civic integration in such semantic content, in which it remained dominant until that time. Instead, the key role is assigned to the promotion and maintenance of cultural diversity, «neighborhood» of communities within a single state.In one version, the term of «multiculturalism» began to be used in academic circles from 1957 in order to determine the official policy of Switzerland, which was based on the idea of uniting the various ethnic and cultural communities into one nation. According to statements by other researchers, «multiculturalism» as a scientific concept originated in Canada in the 1960s to refer the state of Anglo-French bi-culture in terms of the threat of Quebec separatism. Multiculturalism gained the official political recognition in 1971, when it was included as one of the basic principles of the Constitution of Canada to outline the new governmental course of this country has finally admitted the defeat of assimilation policy. Among the states, which are recognized officially multiculturalism, are the USA, Australia, the United Kingdom of Great Britain, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland and others.Thus, by the beginning of 80's of the XX century the key tenets of the concept of multiculturalism reached the level of the fundamental principles of political practice of most Western countries and international organizations.There are Western scholars Ch. Taylor, W. Kymlicka, Ch. Kukatas, A. Perotti etc. among the most prominent theorists of multiculturalism. There are many critics of multiculturalism, such as representative of the British egalitarian liberalism B. Berry, A. Schlesinger-Jr., A. Bloom.As one of the founders of the concept of multiculturalism Ch. Taylor said, hat this phenomenon is a form of self-assertion. Multiculturalism is not only in the struggle for the recognition of individuals, but also the requirement to recognize their originality, identity of groups, slides to the other. According to Ch. Taylor, some cultures are independent nature; any individual can exist only as part of the culture.Addressing to the problem of political equality between the minority and majority of the multi-national society, another theorist of multiculturalism W. Kymlicka focuses on the problem of the significance and status of minorities. He said that national minorities have the right to consider themselves as the cultural-distinctive communities only if they are guided by liberal principles, recognizing the rights of other communities.W. Kymlicka believes that the state cannot be separated from the problems of ethnic and ethnicity in general. He recognizes that the demands of ethnic and religious groups about financial support of some cultural activities are fair, implying those stocks that support the wealth and diversity of cultural resources. It increases the stability of society and eliminates the disparities between ethnic and religious groups. Without some financial support from the state a significant amount of national minorities may simply disappear and lose their cultural identity. The researcher supports the cultural market. However, W. Kymlicka puts on the agenda such questions: 1) the reasons why society should support cultural diversity or originality; 2) the need of researching of immigrants' and national languages; 3) the issue of citizenship, which is connected directly to the problem of tolerance.The American political scientist Ch. Kukatas, exploring multiculturalism, offers five options of the community response to cultural diversity: isolation, assimilation, soft multiculturalism, hard multiculturalism, apartheid.According to the scientist, soft multiculturalism appears as the rejection of attempts to prevent the emergence of cultural diversity through isolation. On the other hand, it is the rejection of its strengthening using a policy of assimilation of ethnic minorities. The freedom to choose the degree of assimilation according to the desires of the individual should be guaranteed in society.A common characteristic of hard multiculturalism is that society should take active steps to ensure that minorities are not only full participators in society, but also provide maximum opportunities to maintain their identity and traditions. By diversity should be treated not just tolerated, it should be consolidated, promoted and supported, not only financially, but also through the provision for cultural minorities some special rights.For Russian scientist E. Pain, who researches ethnic and cultural diversity in society, multiculturalism is a «very fresh» concept, which appeared in the scientific use until the end of 1980 and in connection with his youth has not yet severe theoretical background. But the researcher said that despite this, the popularity of multiculturalism lies in its key postulate that recognizes the value of cultural diversity of the country (region, world) and the impossibility of ranking of crops (including ethnic) on a «lower – higher», «primary – secondary» etc.The Ukrainian researcher A. Kolodiy, focusing on the study of issues of ethnicity and ethnic policy, defines multiculturalism as a principle of national ethnic, educational, cultural policy that recognizes and supports the right of citizens to preserve, promote and protect by all lawful means the (ethno)cultural features, and commitments the state to support such citizens' efforts.Given the complexity of the term of «multiculturalism» and the presence of a number of different interpretations in modern political science, the Ukrainian researcher N. Vysotska identifies five scientific approaches to understanding of multiculturalism:- demographic and descriptive: multiculturalism is as a characteristic of the state or society with cultural, ethnic, racial diversity etc.;- political program: multiculturalism is defined as a set of political programs and activities aimed at providing practical co-existence of different minorities, based on consideration of their differences and respective needs and rights with maintaining of the national unity;- ideological and normative: multiculturalism is a collection of all sorts of ideological currents, which are based on the idea of cultural diversity;- social and transformative: multiculturalism is the specific activity of governmental institutions in the country to ensure elimination of any discrimination or restriction of the rights of minorities;- historical: multiculturalism appears as a need to study the causes and conditions for the emergence of cultural diversity within a single socio-political space.Analyzing the diversity of approaches to the definition of multiculturalism, we can add to the classification of N. Vysotska some another interpretation of the term as a separate principle, which can be the basis of ethnic policy that supports diversity in society.Thus, we can define the concept of multiculturalism as an ideology and political practices of cultural inhomogeneous society to official recognition and real security of minorities' rights at the public-state level and to support the restoration and development of different cultural systems.The descriptive characteristics of multiculturalism is to recognize the possibility of co-existence in the same political space of several different cultural, ethnic or other groups that are willing and able to reproduce its identity.However, this descriptive diversity does not give the rise to characterize the society that really delivers its existence and development. It creates a need of existence of some regulatory side of multiculturalism. It lies in the use of state of specific measures to ensure the rights, dignity and welfare of its citizens regardless of their ethnicity, race, religion, language etc.However, we must admit, that in practice the policy of multiculturalism, solving some problems in the functioning of multi-ethnic states, may cause the new problems. In particular, multiculturalism, which was offered by its theorists (Ch. Taylor, W. Kymlicka, Ch. Kukatas), causes the revival of group forms of cultural identity through the inhibition of individual cultural diversity. For example, Western countries, which were actively implementing in practice the policy of multiculturalism, witnessed the fact that citizens who because of certain objective or subjective circumstances have lost their group (ethnic, religious, racial etc.) identity, returned to it influenced by multiculturalism. It was due to the fact that the privileges granted by governments to support and develop of cultural and ethnic uniqueness concerned the groups rather than individuals. In similar cases found the expression such defect of multiculturalism as a tendency to increase the isolation of ethnic communities and the creation of artificial boundaries between them.A. Schlesinger-Jr. defines multiculturalism on this occasion as an ideological concept that leads by its nature to the replacement of social ideals: «from assimilation to fragmentary, from integration to separatism». The same view is held by A. Bloom, who insists that fragmentation and separatism are alarming in multiculturalism, and the concept of multiculturalism leads to neglect of personal rights of the individuals.The Russian scientist A. Borisov understands multiculturalism as a phenomenon of ethnic and cultural fragmentation of society that opposes culture as a national movement.Therefore, we can agree with E. Pain, who identifies the following defects of the political practices of multiculturalism:- multiculturalism as an official policy actually addresses the state support to the specific groups representing the national and ethno-cultural minority in the state. In this regard, using the benefits these groups wrongly assume the role of representing the interests of their ethnic group or all religions;- stimulating the state support of groups and communities, multiculturalism promotes the community identity by suppressing of the individual identity. A similar policy deprives a person of the possibility to choose, consolidating the power of the group to which it belongs over this person;- multiculturalism creates obstacles for individual integration of different minorities to civil society;- the policy of multiculturalism creates an artificial segregation of groups, forming «a kind of voluntarily ghetto».Not only the majority of scientists and experts in the field of national and ethno-cultural policy are agree with this claim, but also the broad political circles. For example, the evidence of this fact is that in 2009 the Council of Europe issued «The White Book of Intercultural Dialogue» in which critically assessed the concept of cultural assimilation and the theory and practice of multiculturalism.As a result, in the early ХХІ century even those states, where multiculturalism was enshrined at the constitutional level, began to refuse from its use. Therefore it was necessary to find a fundamentally new concept and a political practice that takes into account the defects of previous concepts and would allow solving the problem of co-existence of different cultural and ethnic communities in the political space. One such attempt was the strategy of division of the sphere of culture. It says that in public sphere the maintenance of cultural homogeneity of representatives of all ethnic, religious, racial and other groups is encouraged. It based on the recognition and observance of formal rules that are common for all citizens of the state, and the principles of implementation, controlled by civil society. In the private sector, on the contrary, this concept gives the preference to cultural diversity. The ideological inspirers of the strategy of division of the sphere of culture emphasize that this model can be considered a compromise, because it creates the opportunities for the rights and freedoms of the individual regardless of cultural, ethnic, national, racial identity, on the one hand, and will provide unity and integrity of contemporary multicultural, multi-ethnic society, on the other hand.However, we must admit that this model of co-existence generates a question: is it possible and how to draw a line in real social life between the public and private sectors? In practice we see that the distinction between these spheres of human life and society is quite thin, because they are intertwined with each other. For example, if members of certain ethnic groups will to dress up in traditional clothing, it is an expression of his individual rights, freedom of choice with regard to the private sector. It generates a question: do they have the right to appear in this form in the streets within the state of their residence, where the titular nation is different from other by traditions in dress? It can apply to using of the language of community: does the model of division of the sphere of culture mean that minorities have the right to use their own language only at home, but in public places they must use only official language of the state in which they live? Or, for example, members of religion groups have a personal, «private» right to practice their faith and religious worship. But do they have the right to build their own churches in their places of residence, where they constitute an ethnic or religious minority? In this case, their freedom to practice their religion will go from the private sphere into the public sector, where the different doctrine can be declared as the official religion.Thus, the continuity of the public and private spheres of life points to the most obvious defect of the model of division of the sphere of culture. This defect is embedded in the title of concept. It generates the impossibility of its realization in practice and the need to find the new strategies of ethno-national cultural policy.One such model is the concept of individual freedom and cultural choice proposed by the famous philosopher and scientist, Nobel Prize in Economics A. Sen. Its main idea is the gradual weakening of group forms of identification and moving to individual choice. «Cultural liberty» is giving to individuals the right to live and exist according to their own choice, with a real opportunity to evaluate other options. A. Sen emphasizes that «the large number of existing injustices in the world remains and thrives because they turn their victims into allies, depriving them of the possibility to choose a different life and preventing their learning about the existence of another life». That's ethnic, religious and other cultural traditions of groups are not willingly, they are prescribed from birth. Therefore, the main objective of the policy of promoting cultural liberty is the weakening of traditions. The concept considers the cultural diversity as a tool for implementing of cultural freedom when «due to it the cultural range of social life and possibility of choosing are expanding». But the concept of cultural freedom hasn't become the norm in Western countries because there is a difficulty with the development of mechanisms for public policy which can break the power of traditions, customs, attitudes, mentality etc.The modern theorists and practitioners offer to combine all advantages of multiculturalism and the concept of individual freedom and cultural choice in the model of interkulturalism. Interkulturalism based on the idea of cultural diversity in the world and countries, but in contrast to multiculturalism, which offers the neighborliness between communities and cultures, it focused on the finding some ways of interaction of these different communities as members of different cultural systems. Interkulturalism requires a common interest of different nationalities and religions shared by a common sense of public responsibility for their country.Thus, we can admit multiculturalism, the concept of division of the sphere of culture, the model of individual freedom and cultural choices and interkulturalism are the key modern concepts of co-existence of ethnic and national minorities in the political space. These theories are based on the recognition and consideration of the fact of multiculturalism of globalizing world, separate states and societies. The differences between them lie mainly in the mechanisms proposed for use to assist the maintenance and development of different national, ethnic, religious, linguistic, racial and other minorities. Multiculturalism offers a policy of «neighborhood» of minorities on the principles of mutual recognition and tolerance. But it contributes to the strengthening of group and the suppression of individual identification of a person, leading sometimes to the increasing of segregation, intergroup hostility through the using of state measures to promote some individual communities. The model of division of the sphere of culture has a disadvantage: it proposes the distribution of culture to private and public sector, but doesn't include the fact that they are inseparable in real life. Hence its principles lose the ability to be realized in social and political life. The concept of individual freedom and cultural choice advocates the promoting to overcome the certainty of norms and values for members of communities, urging them to make independent choices, but does not offer some specific mechanisms to overcome the force of customs, traditions and mentality. Interkulturalism is the most optimal concept that favors to find some ways of interaction between different communities and different cultures. The common interests of citizens of different nationalities and religions are one of these ways. All citizens are united by common sense of public responsibility for their own state. ; Статья посвящена анализу современных концепций сосуществования национально-этнических меньшинств в пределах общего политического пространства. Сделана попытка определить преимущества и недостатки каждой из них, а также сделать вывод о наиболее оптимальной модели сосуществования меньшинств сегодня в глобализирующемся мире. ; Статтю присвячено аналізові сучасних концепцій співіснування національно-етнічних меншин у межах спільного політичного простору. Зроблено спробу окреслити переваги та недоліки кожної з них, а також зробити висновок про найбільш оптимальну модель співіснування меншин на сьогодні у світі, що глобалізується.

The essential resource on strategy and the making of the modern worldThe New Makers of Modern Strategy is the next generation of the definitive work on strategy and the key figures who have shaped the theory and practice of war and statecraft throughout the centuries. Featuring entirely new entries by a who's who of world-class scholars, this new edition provides global, comparative perspectives on strategic thought from antiquity to today, surveying both classical and current themes of strategy while devoting greater attention to the Cold War and post-9/11 eras. The contributors evaluate the timeless requirements of effective strategy while tracing the revolutionary changes that challenge the makers of strategy in the contemporary world. Amid intensifying global disorder, the study of strategy and its history has never been more relevant. The New Makers of Modern Strategy draws vital lessons from history's most influential strategists, from Thucydides and Sun Zi to Clausewitz, Napoleon, Churchill, Mao, Ben-Gurion, Andrew Marshall, Xi Jinping, and Qassem Soleimani.With contributions by Dmitry Adamsky, John Bew, Tami Biddle, Hal Brands, Antulio J. Echevarria II, Elizabeth Economy, Charles Edel, Eric S. Edelman, Andrew Ehrhardt, Lawrence Freedman, John Lewis Gaddis, Francis J. Gavin, Christopher J. Griffin, Ahmed S. Hashim, Eric Helleiner, Wayne Wei-siang Hsieh, Seth G. Jones, Robert Kagan, Jonathan Kirshner, Matthew Kroenig, James Lacey, Guy Laron, Michael V. Leggiere, Margaret MacMillan, Tanvi Madan, Thomas G. Mahnken, Carter Malkasian, Daniel Marston, John H. Maurer, Walter Russell Mead, Michael Cotey Morgan, Mark Moyar, Williamson Murray, S.C.M. Paine, Sergey Radchenko, Iskander Rehman, Thomas Rid, Joshua Rovner, Priya Satia, Kori Schake, Matt J. Schumann, Brendan Simms, Jason K. Stearns, Hew Strachan, Sue Mi Terry, and Toshi Yoshihara