Suchergebnisse

New York State provides institutional aid to nonpublic institutions of higher learning within the context of its constitutional prohibitions against aid to denominational institutions. To qualify for state aid, New York's private colleges and universities must prove they are constitutionally eligible, a process which has prompted extensive self-evaiuation and frequently some changes by many of those institutions with traditional religious affiliation. State aid administrators have chosen to restrict their constitutional approach to state standards and ignore the United States Supreme Court's tripartite standards articulated inLemonv.Kurtzman, as modified by theTilton-Hunt-Roemerdecisions. The state law has been cautiously and diplomatically administered, but the possibility of future state "entanglement" with church-related institutions remains.

The American people have set important social goals to improve the quality of American life. Although there is some evidence of progress toward these goals, there are few accurate indicators of the changes actually taking place and the problems encountered along the road to attainment. The development of statistics and other pertinent information is essential because of the rapid and reverberating changes that are taking place. Significant changes are being generated in the American educational system in terms of people, expendi tures, activities, and innovations. The educational indicators that are developed must take into account the variety of goals, as well as the changes in definitions and emphases of the goals. There is a need for both quantitative and qualitative data. Although some quantitative indicators exist, the data disclose little about the quality of the educational system or its products. New indicators relating to educational oppor tunities, the quality of education, fundamental human behav ior, and political and economic behavior are needed. The responsibility for developing these indicators must be shared by public and private interests—government, business, edu cators, labor unions, and civic and community groups.

In this article I will first set out to problematise our common sense assumptions about the notion of "ability", on which subsequent defmitions of "achievement" at school are based. I will argue that this kind of critical reflection on the submerged theories we operate with is crucial, for it is through a better understanding of what we are about in schools and classrooms that we can best serve the interests of those entrusted in our care. The categorisation of pupils as "high achievers", "low achievers" , and "under achievers" depends on particular views of intelligence and ability, which have developed over time and which conceal political and economic ideologies that are often not immediately available to us for critique. Nevertheless, these views of the world, of the place of the school within thls world, and of the relative worth of different groups of children therein, have an extraordinarily powerful influence on the way we think and act, and therefore need to be unpacked. Otherwise, we risk perpetrating injustices on those we claim to represent. Having delved into the political etymology of the concept "ability", we will then explore what it is that can be done to interact more effectively with those who do not fulfill their potential in the school context. ; peer-reviewed