Suchergebnisse

Since Hungary's accession to the European Union, the country has gotten significant encouragement from the Community Cohesive Base regarding its economic situation. The aim of our research is to introduce and evaluate the developments of The National Development Plan and the New Hungary Development Plan in the South-Transdanubian Region. The South-Transdanubian Region placed fourth on the list of state of development in 2008, furthermore, on the basis of estimated spending power parity, the GDP index was not even fifty percent of the average Union value in 2005. According to numbers from 2004, 18 out of 24 areas were underprivileged. These are the areas with significant opportunities for development. Within the frame of the research we analysed the submitted and supported applications, the number of contracted applications, the engaged amount, the required they requested and the amount they were given by the local government, the initial payments and the payment support amount. In the course of the project we compared the data of the Transdanubian Region with that of Hungary generally. We analysed the intensity of the supporting rate and that apportionment in the Operational Program. The data source for the Reporting and Query Framework was the National Development Agency JELEK. We evaluated the application funds absorption capacity of the Southern Transdanubia Municipalties, the application use efficiency in the target areas. The improvements and their key characteristics, and compared their data with that of regions at similar levels of development. Keywords: municipalities, development, competition, fund absorption

Abstract We explore the redistributive effects of taxes and benefits in the 27 member states of the European Union (EU) using EUROMOD, the tax-benefit microsimulation model for the EU. As well as describing redistributive effects in aggregate, we assess and compare the effectiveness of eight individual types of policy in reducing income disparities. We derive results for the 27 members of the EU using policies in effect in 2010 and present them for each country separately as well as for the EU as a whole. JEL codes D31, H24, I38.

The main objective of this article is to assess the empirical relevance of Latin American concerns about trade and FDI diversion possibly resulting from the EU's stronger orientation towards its Eastern neighbours. The subsequent evaluation reveals that, while such concerns are justified in principle, Latin America is rather unlikely to be affected significantly by closer integration of Central and Eastern Europe countries into the EU. (DSE/DÜI)

European Union (EU) funding for United Nations (UN) organisations has expanded significantly over the last two decades. The EU's partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is an important example of EU-UN cooperation, and UNDP was the fourth-largest UN recipient of European Commission funds in 2018. Against the backdrop of UN and EU reforms that aim to strengthen multilateralism and promote more integrated development cooperation approaches, this paper outlines priority areas in EU-UNDP cooperation and modes of cooperation. The term "added value" provides an entry point for identifying the rationales for EU funding to UNDP. In EU budgetary discussions, added value is a concept used to inform decisions such as whether to take action at the EU or member state levels or which means of implementation to select. These choices extend to the development cooperation arena, where the term relates to the division of labour agenda and features in assessments of effectiveness. The paper explores three perspectives to consider the added value of funding choices within the EU-UNDP partnership relating to the division of labour between EU institutions and member states, the characteristics of UNDP as an implementation channel and the qualities of the EU as a funder. On the first dimension, the large scale of EU funding for UNDP sets it apart from most member states, though EU funding priorities display elements of specialisation as well as similar emphases to member states. On the second dimension, UNDP's large scope of work, its implementation capacities and accountability standards are attractive to the EU, but additional criteria – including organisational cost effectiveness – can alter the perception of added value. Finally, the scale of EU funding and the possibility to engage in difficult country contexts are key elements of the added value of the EU as a funder. However, the EU's non-core funding emphasis presents a challenge for the UN resource mobilisation agenda calling for greater flexibility in organisational funding. Attention to these multiple dimensions of added value can inform future EU choices on how to orient engagement with UNDP to reinforce strengths of the organisation and enable adaptations envisaged in UN reform processes.

It is contended that the extent of economic and historical relations between Finland and Russia will engender even closer contact between both nations in the future. After providing an historical overview of Finnish-Russian relations, the nature of Finnish-Russian trade is examined; several positive developments within bilateral Finnish-Russian trade and trilateral Finnish-Russian-Swedish are highlighted, eg, Finnish corporations have demonstrated greater interest in the Russian economy and all three nations are attempting to implement innovative customs practices. The emergence of the Gulf of Finland as an important economic center within Northern Europe and the impact of European Union expansion upon Finnish-Russian relations are subsequently discussed. It is concluded that the direction of Finnish-Russian relations could impact the future development of relations between the European Union and Russia.

This article concerns the role that international cooperation in research, technology, and innovation plays in ensuring innovative development and producing an innovative model of the Russian economy. One of the key objectives of the country's integration into international research, technological, and innovative space is the development of Russia-EU cooperation in the Baltic region. It is established that, with the development of integration connections and regionalization processes, interorganizational networking takes on special importance in the organization and development of the innovative space. The authors analyze the existing typologies of forms of cooperation in the field of research, technology, and innovation, within which cases of networking are identified. The article gives a definition of interorganizational networks in view of the spatial and structural components of networking. The authors introduce the notion of international interorganizational networks as a special form of international cooperation. A study into the spatial form of interorganizational networks helps explain the effect of different levels and types of economic integration. Key areas of research on international interorganizational networks are identified in view of the features of integration processes in the development of network processes and in the framework of network approach in general.

"Serbia and the European Union" published on by Oxford University Press.

Jointly the EU Member States and the European Union provide more than half of all development assistance in the world. The European Union's development cooperation policy was first launched with the Treaty of Rome in 1957, but only in 1992 were specific provisions on EU development cooperation introduced at Treaty level. With the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, most of these provisions were carried over in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The Lisbon Treaty has, however, introduced a number of both minor and major novelties, and certain parts of the provisions have been re-arranged. Moreover, the Lisbon Treaty proposes to introduce a higher degree of consistency in the European Union's external relations - including also its actions in the field of development cooperation. This article sets out to provide a brief but systematic examination of the extent to which the substantive provisions of the Lisbon Treaty will affect the direction of the Union's development cooperation policy. To this end, it first provides an outline of how this policy has developed from the Union's inception until the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. It then goes on to identify the changes brought about by the Lisbon Treaty before finally providing an evaluation of the changes.

The relations between Cuba and the European Union are studied taking into consideration their asymmetries of power. Bilateral relations between the European Economic Community (EEC) and Cuba were formalized in 1988. Since its inception, the policy of the European Union (EU) towards Cuba was an example of the absence of its own and independent policy, since for the EU its top diplomatic priority has been transatlantic relations. However, the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement refl ects the expansion and excellent level of EU-Cuba relations, at the time of its signing, based on the important advances that have taken place since the political dialogue and cooperation in the 2008, which off ered perspectives for both Havana and Brussels to develop stable, respectful and mutually benefi cial relationships with their counterparts. ; Se enfocan las relaciones de Cuba y la Unión Europea teniendo en consideración sus asimetrías de poder. Las relaciones bilaterales entre la Comunidad Económica Europea (CEE) y Cuba se formalizaron en 1988. Desde su surgimiento, la política de la Unión Europea (UE) hacia Cuba fue un ejemplo de la ausencia de una política propia e independiente, pues para la UE su máxima prioridad diplomática han sido las relaciones trasatlánticas. Sin embargo, el Acuerdo de Diálogo Político y Cooperación refl eja la expansión y el excelente estado de las relaciones Cuba-UE en el momento de su fi rma, a partir de los importantes avances acontecidos desde que se reinició el diálogo político y la cooperación en el 2008, lo cual ofreció perspectivas para que tanto La Habana como Bruselas desarrollaran relaciones estables, respetuosas y mutuamente benefi ciosas con su contraparte.

This volume contains the contributions of a conference dealing with the consequences of the European Monetary Union for the macroeconometric modelling of the Euro area, which took place in Essen in 2000. At the end of the conference the participants were convinced that the discussions including a great variety of theoretical, methodical and factual aspects from the producers' as well as the consumers' perspective will not fail to have a certain impact on the future development of macroeconometric modelling in the Euro area. Once more it became clear, however, that an ideal way to a solution of the problems is still not in sight. The future development will be characterized by a plurality of approaches and models. Thus trends continue which have had a more or less strong, durable or temporary influence on the model landscape since the emergence of the monetarist revolution, the "rational expectations" or the "real business cycle"-models. We are still at the beginning of the theoretical and empirical exploration of the macroeconomic development of the Euro area, it is not always clearly perceptible what is transitory and what is permanent, and this openness should facilitate the reception of the experiences and results which have been presented. The idea for this event was developed in the course of the Project LINK. One of the highlights of the conference was the participation of the nobel prize winner Professor Dr. Lawrence Klein - pioneer and Nestor of macroeconometric modelling - who, as his contribution shows, is following up the creation of the European Monetary Union with critical interest.

In the thesis the author gives the analysis of OBOR influence on EU-GCC relations, in which China seems to overtake the leadership and transform the initiative into a debt-making project for the countries involved, while China could possible gain profit out of it. The debates are open between two main camps: liberalists as supporters of OBOR and realists as opposition. The author's main claim is that both liberals and realists who have common strategic views on OBOR at the present stage will undoubtedly be able to come to a consensus and formulate a common position on the "Belt and Road". The sub claim is aimed towards specifics of approaches created by liberalists and realists. The author argues that cooperation between the PRC and the GCC in the framework of the "One Belt, One Road" project is in the national interest of both parties and is based on a solid political foundation of bilateral cooperation, which has reached the level of strategic partnership. While remaining strategically important hydrocarbon suppliers and holders of capital investment resources, the GCC countries are most strongly involved in relations with Europe and Asia. The leadership of monarchies has a significant interest in maintaining economic ties with the European Union (EU), but the developing countries of Asia (except Japan), including China, are replacing the main trade partner of the GCC. Asia has become the largest importer of products of the Arabian monarchies, both oil and petrochemical products, while the share of imports of the European Union countries from the GCC in total EU imports has declined markedly. European countries remain an important supplier of various products for the GCC countries, primarily machinery and equipment, although the share of Asian countries, as an exporter in the GCC, is closer to the share of the European Union. The author's conclusion is that the multilateral cooperation of the People's Republic of China with various international organizations and participation in the integration processes are considered as evidence of changes in the foreign policy course of this state at the present stage. They reflect China's aspiration to establish stable relations with the countries on which its economic and political growth depends, in particular, on the Gulf states. GCC plays an important role in deepening and diversifying the forms of strategic partnership between China and the Gulf states, while giving a chance to EU to join the globalization processes and strengthen the ties between the countries, sharing peace and prosperity rather than war and misunderstandings. ; Baigiamajame darbe aptariamas ES ir GCC politinis bei ekonominis bendradarbiavimas pagal OBOR. Autorius analizuoja OBOR įtaką ES ir GCC santykiams, kuriuose Kinija užima lyderio poziciją per skleidžiamą iniciatyvą į įeinančių šalių skolos formavimo projektą tokiu būdu, kad Kinijai būtų pelninga. Diskusijos vyksta tarp dviejų pagrindinių stovyklų: liberalistų, kurie palaiko OBOR, ir opozicijos, tai yra realistų. Autoriaus pagrindinis teiginys yra toks, kad liberalai ir realistai, turintys šiuo metu bendrą strateginį požiūrį į OBOR, neabejotinai sugebės susitarti ir suformuluoti bendrą poziciją dėl "juostos ir kelio". Teiginys nukreiptas į liberalistų ir realistų požiūrių specifiką. Autorius teigia, kad bendradarbiavimas tarp KLR ir GCC pagal "vienos juostos, vieno kelio" projektą yra abiejų šalių nacionalinis interesas ir grindžiamas tvirtu politiniu dvišalio bendradarbiavimo pagrindu, kuris pasiekė strateginės partnerystės lygį. GCC šalys, kurios yra strategiškai svarbios angliavandenilių tiekėjos ir kapitalo investicinių išteklių turėtojos, aktyviausiai įsitraukė į santykius su Europa ir Azija. Monarchijos yra labai susidomėjusios ekonominių ryšių su Europos Sąjunga (ES) palaikymu. Besivystančios Azijos šalys, išskyrus Japoniją, bet įskaitant Kiniją, keičia pagrindinį GCC prekybos partnerį. Azija tapo didžiausiu arabų monarchinių valstybių naftos bei naftos produktų importuotoju, kai Europos Sąjungos šalių importo iš GCC dalis tarp bendro ES importo žymiai sumažėjo. Nepaisant, kad Azijos šalių, kaip GCC eksportuotojų dalis yra arčiau Europos Sąjungos dalies, tačiau Europos šalys išlieka svarbiu įvairių produktų tiekėju GCC šalims, pirmiausia technikos ir įrangos. Autorius priėjo išvados, kad daugiašalis Kinijos Liaudies Respublikos bendradarbiavimas su įvairiomis tarptautinėmis organizacijomis ir dalyvavimas integracijos procesuose šiuo metu yra laikomi šios valstybės užsienio politikos pokyčių įrodymu. Jie atspindi Kinijos siekį užmegzti stabilius santykius su šalimis, nuo kurių priklauso jos ekonominis ir politinis augimas, ypač nuo Persijos įlankos valstybių. GCC atlieka svarbų vaidmenį gilinant ir įvairinant Kinijos ir Persijos įlankos valstybių strateginės partnerystės formas, suteikiant ES galimybę prisijungti prie globalizacijos procesų ir stiprinti šalių ryšius, skatinti taiką ir klestėjimą ir išvengti karų bei konfliktų. ; Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakultetas ; Politologijos katedra