Suchergebnisse

A lo largo de la historia tenemos antecedentes de cruentas guerras donde se han cometido crímenes atroces contra la humanidad. Frente a esta realidad se hacía necesaria la creación de una Corte Penal Internacional, permanente en la búsqueda de medios alternativos a los conflictos de las naciones y el mantenimiento de la paz mundial. Sin embargo, desde su instauración, la Corte Penal Internacional (CPI) ha centrado su atención, en los casos generados en el continente africano, en detrimento de otros conflictos y vulneraciones de derechos que han tenido lugar en otras regiones del mundo. Este trabajo de titulación es un análisis de la actuación de la CPI desde su creación a la fecha, en donde se intentará dar respuesta a la pregunta de si ¿La Corte Penal Internacional, al centrar sus esfuerzos y actuaciones en los conflictos generados en África, en detrimento de otros igualmente relevantes en otros países, se mostró eficaz dentro del marco de su naturaleza, jurídica y atribuciones reguladas en el Estatuto de Roma? Si bien es cierto que es necesario dar prioridad a dicha región, por el proceso de construcción de sus democracias y los constantes conflictos que vulneran derechos humanos, la CPI fue creada con un carácter universal, por lo que al concentrar casi exclusivamente sus acciones en esta región le resta legitimidad como institución, dejando de lado denuncias y conflictos en otros lugares, que no son atendidos de manera adecuada, ofreciendo la oportunidad para que, se cometan delitos de lesa humanidad y otros que siendo de su competencia, quedarían impunes, lo que es contradictorio con su objetivo de impartir justicia universal. Finalmente, se entrevistará al vocero oficial de la CPI con la finalidad de conocer su criterio al respecto de esta problemática, así como, a la vez que se realizara un análisis de los casos a cargo de la CPI, para finalmente poner en evidencia la percepción que sobre el actuar de la corte tiene la comunidad internacional y de esta manera brindar una conclusión que responda la pregunta planteada en esta investigación. ; Throughout history we have a history of bloody wars where atrocious crimes against humanity have been committed. Faced with this reality, it was necessary to create an International Criminal Court, permanent in the search for alternative means to the conflicts of nations and the maintenance of world peace. However, since its establishment, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has focused its attention, in cases generated in the African continent, to the detriment of other conflicts and violations of rights that have taken place in other regions of the world. This titling work is an analysis of the performance of the ICC since its creation to date, where an attempt will be made to answer the question of whether the International Criminal Court, by focusing its efforts and actions on conflicts generated in Africa, to the detriment of others equally relevant in other countries, was it effective within the framework of its nature, legal and attributions regulated in the Rome Statute? While it is true that it is necessary to give priority to this region, due to the process of building its democracies and the constant conflicts that violate human rights, the ICC was created with a universal character, so by concentrating almost exclusively its actions on this The region loses legitimacy as an institution, leaving aside complaints and conflicts in other places, which are not adequately addressed, offering the opportunity for crimes against humanity to be committed and others that, being of its competence, would go unpunished, which it is contradictory with its objective of imparting universal justice. Finally, the official spokesman of the ICC will be interviewed in order to know their opinion about this problem, as well as, at the same time, an analysis of the cases in charge of the ICC will be carried out to finally bring out the perception that the international community acts on the court's actions and in this way provide a conclusion that answers the question posed in this investigation. ; Magíster en Derecho penal ; Cuenca

"For more than eighty years, Dutch security services perceived communism as the ultimate threat to national security. From its inception, the anticommunist threat perceptions contained references to foreign, possible, potential, and ideological elements of the communist threat. This put the activities of Dutch communists in a different light. Although for a long time there were well-grounded reasons to do so, the author finds that there were periods when the actual threatening character of Dutch communism decreased. However, the security services did not decrease their surveillance activities vis-a-vis this 'red menace'. To account for this discrepancy, he uses insights from securitization theory, organizational studies, and intelligence studies to deconstruct threat perceptions. The author finds that whenever actually threatening events, such as the revolutionary threat of 1918 or the World Wars, became part of a distant Aast, the security services emphasized the symbolic and potential nature of the communist threat. The symbolic character of the threat institutionalized and continually reinforced by processes of cognitive bias, thus accounted for its unchanging threatening character. Only through external intervention have these perceptions changed." (author's abstract)

Background. The Site Selection Act stipulates scrutiny, learning, and extensive public involvement. During the site-selection process, psychological aspects play a decisive role in the communication between the various actors as well as in the approach to public involvement regarding how the process is perceived and how a site with the best-possible safety characteristics can be found. In this context, psychological aspects include appreciation and acknowledgement, respect, and openness. Important elements of the approach are transparency, flexibility, clear objectives, and alternatives. Furthermore, the Final Report of the Commission on the Storage of High-Level Radioactive Waste suggests inter- and transdisciplinary approaches to research. Such approaches, with involvement of actors from outside universities, are not only necessitated by the complexity and sociotechnical character of the disposal problem, but also have the potential to establish understanding and trust between science and society and thus support site-selection process. The "Ten Reflective Steps for Rendering Research Societally Relevant" constitute a systematic and reflective framework for structuring and performance of transparent research and may thus mirror the political process of site selection. Objective and target group. Adhering to selected steps of the "Ten Steps", this workshop aims to present a psychologically resilient approach to transdisciplinary communication by highlighting different aspects based on current examples from the site-selection process. An overview of how this approach can support the site-selection process is provided. The workshop is aimed equally at scientists and actors from the realm of practice, with a target group size of about 15 participants. Course contents. The workshop takes the form of a sequence of group work, plenary discussion, and short presentations. It comprises three parts of about 40 min each, and is estimated to last 2 h. Part 1 (40 min): The first step is to identify topics from the site-selection process to work with by forming small groups of 3–5 participants. These groups identify technical and non-technical topics related to disposal, i.e., also including topics related to the actual procedure. In a plenary discussion, 2–5 topics are selected for further consideration (one topic per group). The next step is to specify these topics, i.e., to formulate them as a question. These questions should be reflected upon from a scientific perspective as well as from the point of view of society. It must be asked: Which knowledge do we need to address the questions? This is followed by theoretical input on the four steps of the "Ten Steps," and evaluation of the topic selection from a communication psychology perspective. This is followed by a break. Part 2 (40 min): Now it is investigated which disciplines and further actors can make a contribution to the questions identified in Part 1. Central questions are: Who, why, how, and when? The potential expectations and interests of the involved persons (groups) are examined. Working in the same groups, the participants address these issues on the basis of the questions specified in Part 1. This part is again concluded with theoretical input on transdisciplinarity and the psychology of communication. This is followed by a break. Part 3 (40 min): The final part is about transferring the understanding gained in the first two parts of the workshop to the site-selection process. Less importance is placed on the content, with the primary focus laid on procedural and communication aspects. Relevant communication aspects for the conflict situations inherent to repository research are elaborated: How can appreciation, acknowledgement, and respect be established despite conflicting approaches to solutions? How can openness and a positive error culture be created despite possible criticism, which may be directed personally? This is followed by a conclusory discussion.

Background. The Site Selection Act stipulates scrutiny, learning, and extensive public involvement. During the site-selection process, psychological aspects play a decisive role in the communication between the various actors as well as in the approach to public involvement regarding how the process is perceived and how a site with the best-possible safety characteristics can be found. In this context, psychological aspects include appreciation and acknowledgement, respect, and openness. Important elements of the approach are transparency, flexibility, clear objectives, and alternatives. Furthermore, the Final Report of the Commission on the Storage of High-Level Radioactive Waste suggests inter- and transdisciplinary approaches to research. Such approaches, with involvement of actors from outside universities, are not only necessitated by the complexity and sociotechnical character of the disposal problem, but also have the potential to establish understanding and trust between science and society and thus support site-selection process. The "Ten Reflective Steps for Rendering Research Societally Relevant" constitute a systematic and reflective framework for structuring and performance of transparent research and may thus mirror the political process of site selection. Objective and target group. Adhering to selected steps of the "Ten Steps", this workshop aims to present a psychologically resilient approach to transdisciplinary communication by highlighting different aspects based on current examples from the site-selection process. An overview of how this approach can support the site-selection process is provided. The workshop is aimed equally at scientists and actors from the realm of practice, with a target group size of about 15 participants. Course contents. The workshop takes the form of a sequence of group work, plenary discussion, and short presentations. It comprises three parts of about 40 min each, and is estimated to last 2 h. Part 1 (40 min): The first step is to identify topics from the site-selection process to work with by forming small groups of 3–5 participants. These groups identify technical and non-technical topics related to disposal, i.e., also including topics related to the actual procedure. In a plenary discussion, 2–5 topics are selected for further consideration (one topic per group). The next step is to specify these topics, i.e., to formulate them as a question. These questions should be reflected upon from a scientific perspective as well as from the point of view of society. It must be asked: Which knowledge do we need to address the questions? This is followed by theoretical input on the four steps of the "Ten Steps," and evaluation of the topic selection from a communication psychology perspective. This is followed by a break. Part 2 (40 min): Now it is investigated which disciplines and further actors can make a contribution to the questions identified in Part 1. Central questions are: Who, why, how, and when? The potential expectations and interests of the involved persons (groups) are examined. Working in the same groups, the participants address these issues on the basis of the questions specified in Part 1. This part is again concluded with theoretical input on transdisciplinarity and the psychology of communication. This is followed by a break. Part 3 (40 min): The final part is about transferring the understanding gained in the first two parts of the workshop to the site-selection process. Less importance is placed on the content, with the primary focus laid on procedural and communication aspects. Relevant communication aspects for the conflict situations inherent to repository research are elaborated: How can appreciation, acknowledgement, and respect be established despite conflicting approaches to solutions? How can openness and a positive error culture be created despite possible criticism, which may be directed personally? This is followed by a conclusory discussion.

There has for many years been legal recognition of Traditional Leaders in South African laws, such as the Black Administration Act 38 of 1927 and regulations and proclamations issued in terms of other legislation. Recently legal recognition was confirmed in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996. Additional recognition of Traditional Leaders and the institution of Traditional Leadership is found in the various provincial legislation providing for Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders and the establishment and functioning of the National Council of Traditional Leaders. Yet the institution of Traditional Leadership has over the past few years given rise to much controversy. There are those who argue that the institution is outdated and others who regard Traditional Leaders as custodians of customary values and the only leaders who are truly responsible for the well being of communities historically and religiously entrusted to them. Traditional leaders fulfil a variety of functions in rural society, including that of presiding officer in customary courts, mediator of disputes, advisor in agricultural and family matters, guardian of young, old, infirm and abandoned. They perform legislative, executive and judicial functions according to the wish of the majority of the members of the tribe. It became apparent, that de facto Traditional Authorities are the only existing form of local government in rural areas in South Africa. It seems unlikely that, in the foreseeable future, it will be financially, politically or practically possible to replace this form of rural government with a comprehensive and sustainable alternative. The future role of Traditional Leadership in the development process is significant in that in addition to the recognition afforded by the Constitution and other legislation, the development law, unfolding in modern day South Africa under a new development paradigm, distinctly provides for Traditional Leaders to play a significant role in rural development and development planning at local government level in rural areas. The role and function of the Traditional Leaders of South Africa in the rural development process unfolds as the Integrated planning process comes into operation as envisaged in section 10 of the Local Government Transition Act 209 of 1993 read with the .principles contained in the Development Facilitation Act 67 of 1995. The development principles and the regulations prescribing the process of formulating land development objectives, provides for an inclusive process in which all role players and stakeholders are to be involved. In practice this means that communities, community organizations and institutions, as concerned role players in civil society, are also the concerned and key role players in the development planning and development process at local level. No plan and development strategy will therefore meet the prescribed legal requirements of acceptable development planning standards, if the rural communities and their leaders are not directly and actively involved. Much of the confusion and conflict between Traditional Leadership and Customary Law Councilors on the one hand and elected Local Government Councilors on the other, arose as a result of a misunderstanding of the valuable support role which Traditional Leaders can play in the development process. The difference in the nature and scope of the tasks of elected and traditional community leaders provide a rich multi-facet basis on which a successful local governance system can be developed within the context of the current constitutional-legal framework in South Africa. In many other countries in Africa it was only realized after repeated failures of rural development experiments, that Traditional Leaders and Traditional Authorities constitute a most valuable asset in the rural development process.

There has for many years been legal recognition of Traditional Leaders in South African laws, such as the Black Administration Act 38 of 1927 and regulations and proclamations issued in terms of other legislation. Recently legal recognition was confirmed in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996. Additional recognition of Traditional Leaders and the institution of Traditional Leadership is found in the various provincial legislation providing for Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders and the establishment and functioning of the National Council of Traditional Leaders. Yet the institution of Traditional Leadership has over the past few years given rise to much controversy. There are those who argue that the institution is outdated and others who regard Traditional Leaders as custodians of customary values and the only leaders who are truly responsible for the well being of communities historically and religiously entrusted to them. Traditional leaders fulfil a variety of functions in rural society, including that of presiding officer in customary courts, mediator of disputes, advisor in agricultural and family matters, guardian of young, old, infirm and abandoned. They perform legislative, executive and judicial functions according to the wish of the majority of the members of the tribe. It became apparent, that de facto Traditional Authorities are the only existing form of local government in rural areas in South Africa. It seems unlikely that, in the foreseeable future, it will be financially, politically or practically possible to replace this form of rural government with a comprehensive and sustainable alternative. The future role of Traditional Leadership in the development process is significant in that in addition to the recognition afforded by the Constitution and other legislation, the development law, unfolding in modern day South Africa under a new development paradigm, distinctly provides for Traditional Leaders to play a significant role in rural development and development planning at local government level in rural areas. The role and function of the Traditional Leaders of South Africa in the rural development process unfolds as the Integrated planning process comes into operation as envisaged in section 10 of the Local Government Transition Act 209 of 1993 read with the .principles contained in the Development Facilitation Act 67 of 1995. The development principles and the regulations prescribing the process of formulating land development objectives, provides for an inclusive process in which all role players and stakeholders are to be involved. In practice this means that communities, community organizations and institutions, as concerned role players in civil society, are also the concerned and key role players in the development planning and development process at local level. No plan and development strategy will therefore meet the prescribed legal requirements of acceptable development planning standards, if the rural communities and their leaders are not directly and actively involved. Much of the confusion and conflict between Traditional Leadership and Customary Law Councilors on the one hand and elected Local Government Councilors on the other, arose as a result of a misunderstanding of the valuable support role which Traditional Leaders can play in the development process. The difference in the nature and scope of the tasks of elected and traditional community leaders provide a rich multi-facet basis on which a successful local governance system can be developed within the context of the current constitutional-legal framework in South Africa. In many other countries in Africa it was only realized after repeated failures of rural development experiments, that Traditional Leaders and Traditional Authorities constitute a most valuable asset in the rural development process.

The current debate on agonism has become fixed in an institutional approach: How can an agonistic design institutionally become a tool against forms of domination? An agonistic space needs decisions that do not silence dissensual voices with a finite decision. This paper suggests that this agonistic approach needs de-cisions or simply put, temporary decisions drawn from seeing a decision as a solution for now. A de-cision is not a no-decision, but a decision recognised as temporary. The paper proposes 'the sketch' as an appropriate mode for working de-cisionally and unfinished. By having a sketch and working de-cisionally, planners are able to invite agonistic positions to ongoing talks and to act progressively, adaptably, or rationally in the face of emerging circumstances and uncertainty. To work unfinished from a sketch transforms the planning process from being a matter of reaching a finite decision to a strife about how to understand the present and which temporary contours and directions to move on from. The paper as such thus deals with difficult praxis questions, for instance: How is it possible to allow dissent to inform planning praxis in praxis? How can quarrelling and working unfinished empower planning democracy?

China has been much more involved in Africa's economy and trade than in its security. However, over the past decade or so, China has increased its participation in the United Nation's Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKOs), particularly in Africa. It has also taken steps to better protect its overseas nationals and, in 2017, established a naval base in Djibouti. This article focuses on the participation of China's People's Liberation Army in the United Nation's Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) since 2013. It aims to unpack the diplomatic process that led China to take part in this mission and to analyse the form of this participation. Mali was the second time (the first being in South Sudan in 2012) that China opted to deploy combat troops under the UN banner, underscoring a deepening involvement in PKOs and an increasing readiness to face risks. Finally, this article explores the implications of China's participation in the MINUSMA for its foreign and security posture as a whole. Often perceived as a realist rising power, by more actively participating in UN PKOs China is trying to demonstrate that it is a responsible and "integrationist" great power, ready to play the game according to the commonly approved international norms. Is this really the case? (China Q/GIGA)

Acknowledgements -- Glossary of terms -- On studying Hamas -- Origins and evolution -- Hamas' political philosophy -- Authority within Hamas -- Hamas in domestic politics -- Hamas and the peace process -- Democratisation and Hamas -- Concluding thoughts

Выделяются и описываются характерные особенности реализации принципа разделения властей в советском государстве. Рассматриваются ключевые этапы формирования политической системы с 1990 по 1999 гг. Утверждается, что меры по инкорпорированию в ее содержание и конфигурацию элементов принципа разделения властей привели к противоречиям в политических, экономических и социальных сферах функционирования советского государства. Прослеживается процесс конституционной реформы в условиях недостаточных полномочий Конституционного суда, обусловленных кризисом власти. Анализируется политическая ситуация, сложившаяся в результате конфликта исполнительной и законодательной ветвей власти в 1993 г. Показывается роль новой Конституции в закреплении полномочий каждой из ветвей власти. Делается вывод об отсутствии равенства ветвей власти перед законом и гражданским обществом и опасности монополизации власти со стороны исполнительных органов. ; The author distinguished and described the characteristics of separation of powers' principle implementation in Soviet state, considered key stages of political structure formation from 1990 till 1999. He did state that measures for elements of separation of powers' principle incorporation into its content and configuration led to contradictions in political, economic and social spheres of Soviet state functioning. The author did trace the constitutional reform process under the conditions of Constitutional Court's lack of mandate due to power crisis; did analyze the political situation created in 1993 by the executive branch and juridical branch conflict. The author has demonstrated the role of new Constitution in formalizing the full powers of each branch of government, has drawn the conclusion about lack of branches of government equality before the law and the civil society and about danger of monopolization on the part of executive bodies.

Why do religious politics thrive in some societies but not others? This paper explores the institutional foundations of this process in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim democracy. We show that a major Islamic institution, the waqf, fostered the entrenchment of political Islam at a critical historical juncture. In the early 1960s, rural elites transferred large amounts of land into waqf—a type of inalienable charitable trust—to avoid expropriation by the government as part of a major land reform effort. Although the land reform was later undone, the waqf properties remained. We show that greater intensity of the planned reform led to more prevalent waqf land and Islamic institutions endowed as such, including religious schools, which are strongholds of the Islamist movement. We identify lasting effects of the reform on electoral support for Islamist parties, preferences for religious candidates, and the adoption of Islamic legal regulations (sharia). Overall, the land reform contributed to the resilience and eventual rise of political Islam by helping to spread religious institutions, thereby solidifying the alliance between local elites and Islamist groups. These findings shed new light on how religious institutions may shape politics in modern democracies.

Why do religious politics thrive in some societies but not others? This paper explores the institutional foundations of this process in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim democracy. We show that a major Islamic institution, the waqf, fostered the entrenchment of political Islam at a critical historical juncture. In the early 1960s, rural elites transferred large amounts of land into waqf—a type of inalienable charitable trust—to avoid expropriation by the government as part of a major land reform effort. Although the land reform was later undone, the waqf properties remained. We show that greater intensity of the planned reform led to more prevalent waqf land and Islamic institutions endowed as such, including religious schools, which are strongholds of the Islamist movement. We identify lasting effects of the reform on electoral support for Islamist parties, preferences for religious candidates, and the adoption of Islamic legal regulations (sharia). Overall, the land reform contributed to the resilience and eventual rise of political Islam by helping to spread religious institutions, thereby solidifying the alliance between local elites and Islamist groups. These findings shed new light on how religious institutions may shape politics in modern democracies.

How does sourcing affect which events are included in international relations datasets? The increasing number of machinecoded datasets offers the promise of coding a larger corpus of documents more quickly, but existing automated processes rely exclusively on databases of news reports for coverage. We exploit source variation in the UCDP GED dataset, which includes events from media reports and non-media sources, to explore the bias introduced by including only media reports in international relations datasets. Unlike previous studies, our approach allows us to compare subnational and cross-national determinants of bias. We find that media sources severely underreport events in African countries, and coverage is also associated with country-level factors like international trade and subnational factors like access to communication technology. Non-media sources cover a significant number of events not included in media sources; their inclusion can expand coverage and reduce bias in datasets. ; ¿Cómo la causa afecta los acontecimientos que se incluyen en los conjuntos de datos de relaciones internacionales? La creciente cantidad de conjuntos de datos codificados por máquinas garantiza la codificación de un mayor corpus de documentos con mayor rapidez, pero los procesos automatizados existentes dependen exclusivamente de bases de datos de noticias para la cobertura. Utilizamos la variación de la fuente en el conjunto de datos de acontecimientos georreferenciados (Georeferenced Event Dataset, GED) del Programa de Datos sobre Conflictos de Uppsala (Uppsala Conflict Data Program, UCDP), que incluye acontecimientos de los informes de los medios de comunicación y fuentes que no pertenecen a los medios de comunicación, para analizar el sesgo que surge al incluir solo los informes de los medios de comunicación en los conjuntos de datos de relaciones internacionales. A diferencia de estudios anteriores, nuestro enfoque nos permite comparar los determinantes de sesgo a nivel subnacional y transnacional. Las fuentes de los medios de comunicación informan muy poco sobre los acontecimientos en los países africanos, y la cobertura también está asociada a factores nacionales, como el comercio internacional y factores subnacionales, como el acceso a la tecnología de la comunicación. Las fuentes que no pertenecen a los medios de comunicación cubren un número significativo de acontecimientos que no se incluyen en las fuentes de los medios de comunicación; su inclusión puede ampliar la cobertura y reducir el sesgo en los conjuntos de datos. ; Comment le sourçage affecte-t-il les événements inclus dans les jeux de données portant sur les relations internationales ? Le nombre croissant de jeux de données codés par machine offre la promesse de coder plus rapidement un plus grand corpus documentaire, mais les processus automatisés existants s'appuient exclusivement leur couverture sur des bases de données de reportages d'actualité. Nous exploitons la variation des sources du jeu de données GED de l'UCDP, qui comprend des événements provenant de reportages des médias et de sources non médiatiques, afin d'explorer le biais introduit en n'incluant que les reportages des médias dans les jeux de données portant sur les relations internationales. Contrairement aux études précédentes, notre approche nous permet de comparer les déterminants infranationaux et transnationaux du biais. Nous constatons que les sources médiatiques ne couvrent pas suffisamment les événements intervenant dans les pays africains et que cette couverture est également associée à des facteurs nationaux comme le commerce international et à des facteurs infranationaux comme l'accès aux technologies de communication. Les sources non médiatiques couvrent un nombre important d'événements non inclus dans les sources médiatiques, et leur inclusion peut élargir la couverture et réduire la partialité des jeux de données.

The main purpose of this discussion paper is to present a general view of the consequences of Plan Colombia for the Colombian conflict during the last 15 years. During that period, the governments of the United States and Colombia have worked together to fight the most significant challenge for security at the turn of the 21st century. The goals of Plan Colombia of reducing the cultivation, production, and distribution of illegal narcotics –being the cultivation of coca the main target– were not achieved. In addition, with Plan Colombia illegal mining grew and became an important income for Colombian narco-terrorist groups. However, with this strategy Colombia has achieved significant goals such as the strengthening of Colombian institutions and the consolidation of government presence in all regions of the national territory. Such a strategy has also contributed to restructuring the political and legal systems, the strengthening of the economy, the professionalization of the Armed Forces, and has made possible the beginning of processes that aimed at obtaining a negotiated peace agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), and the National Liberation Army (ELN). ; La idea básica de este escrito es presentar una visión amplia de las implicaciones del Plan Colombia sobre el conflicto colombiano en la ultima década y media. Durante el curso de estos 15 años, los gobernantes de Estados Unidos y de Colombia han estado trabajando juntos para enfrentar el reto a la seguridad más importante de los inicios del siglo XXI. Los objetivos del Plan Colombia (reducir el cultivo, procesamiento y distribución ilegal de narcóticos, con el cultivo de coca como objetivo) no se han alcanzado. Adicionalmente, con el Plan Colombia la minería ilegal comenzó a prosperar y se convirtió en una importante fuente de ingresos para los grupos narcoterroristas colombianos. No obstante, con esta estrategia Colombia ha alcanzado importantes metas como la recuperación de la institucionalidad colombiana y consolidar la presencia del Gobierno en todas las áreas del territorio nacional. Al mismo tiempo, se ha conseguido la reestructuración de sus sistemas políticos y legales, el fortalecimiento de su economía, la profesionalización de las Fuerzas Armadas y la posibilidad de iniciar un proceso de negociación que permita obtener un acuerdo de paz negociado con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) y el Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN). ; A ideia básica deste escrito é apresentar uma visão abrangente das implicações do Plano Colômbia no conflito armado colombiano nos últimos 15 anos. No decurso destes 15 anos, os governantes dos Estados Unidos e da Colômbia têm trabalhado em conjunto para enfrentar o desafio mais importante para a segurança do início do século XXI. Os objetivos do Plano Colômbia (reduzir o cultivo, processamento e distribuição ilegal de narcóticos, considerando como alvo o cultivo de coca) não foram ainda alcançados. Além disso, com o Plano Colômbia, a mineração ilegal começou a prosperar, e tornou- se uma importante fonte de recursos para os grupos narco-terroristas colombianos. No entanto, com esta estratégia a Colômbia atingiu importantes objetivos como a recuperação da institucionalidade colombiana e a consolidação da presença do governo em todo o território nacional. Ao mesmo tempo, se conseguiu a reestruturação dos seus sistemas políticos e legais, o fortalecimento da sua economia, a profissionalização das Forças Armadas e a possibilidade de iniciar um processo de negociação com as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC) e o Exército de Libertação Nacional (ELN).

Stemming from an observation that global power is shifting from North to South, this research project is a critical inquiry of the global power shift through climate negotiation. Climate negotiation has been selected as a case study because of its multinational dimension. Climate negotiation is a multinational process and it requires multinational cooperation. At present, it occupies a central position in International Relations (IR). It is one of the most influential topics of IR and global politics. Climate negotiation helps us to understand current characteristics, changes and transformations in global politics. It has influenced the development narrative. In the main, climate change has made global politics more convoluted. Co-operation is necessary at the international level to cut emissions. These cuts require systemic change in global climate governance. These two issues have brought climate politics to the centre of IR. Conflict and co-operation define climate negotiations, which have been influenced by the response to climate change issues by the actors. The conflict and co-operation game provides a new position to the actors. This dissertation puts forth the hypothesis that climate negotiations are redistributing power and helping actors form new identities in power shifting process. In this power redistribution and group reconstruction process, climate politics and negotiations have indicated the appearance of a new global political order led by China and other advanced developing countries. The central aim of this research has been to develop analytical tools to observe the power shifting process and make the appearance of new global order more visible. In order to conduct this research, this dissertation integrated the idea of Samuels Barkin's constructivist realism and power theory and developed its own typology to examine power redistribution and the process of reconstruction. This dissertation conceives the idea that global politics is anarchic, actors struggle for power for developing the self-help system. Therefore, the typology considers power as controlling the agenda, limiting alternatives to opponent and wining negotiations to improve the self-help system. Based on the analytical tool, this dissertation applied qualitative research methodology to collect data and analysis. Mainly, the foreign policy of actors in climate negotiations has been closely observed based on the statements, proposal and argument in different session in conferences as well as domestic policy document of actors. An intensive semi-structured qualitative interview survey has also been conducted among the negotiators from different sections such as government delegations, NGO activists, or epistemic communities. Climate negotiations are very complicated and many domestic and global issues are connected to the negotiations, therefore, this dissertation follows Sil and Katzenstein's "analytic eclecticism" to analyze collected data. Analytic eclecticism helps us construct new knowledge by combining different approaches in complicated situation. The research findings show that power is indeed shifting. Firstly, power is shifting between different state actors. For example BASIC countries have emerged as a connecting hub among the members of the United Nation Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) between developed and developing countries. For instance, China is the leader of advanced developing countries by initiating many groups such as BASIC, LMDC, G77, and China. At the same time China has made many joint announcements with USA on climate negotiations as well. China, India, Brazil and South Africa, known as BASIC countries are playing a key role as the main opposition to the developed world in the negotiation process. China has been accepted as leader of negotiating countries and China also shares the power of allied countries in its network, in particular with BASIC members. These countries are interlinked to each other and their leadership has been institutionalized by accepting proposals in decision-making process in many climate conferences. BASIC countries constitute a parallel hegemony against the US-EU hegemony on global politics. A second finding is the emergence of knowledge based non-state actors, for example NGOs, CSOs and the epistemic community. The research project shows that power is not only shifting from state to state actors, but also from state actors to non-state actors as well. Member of NGOs, CSOs and the epistemic community are included in negotiations process and they have influence on decision-making process. According to the research findings, this dissertation stresses two changes in global political structure. First, there is a clear indication of economic and geo-political power shift from north to south or from developed industrialized countries to developing countries and emergence of non-state actors as separate identity in global negotiations. Till the end of the 80s of the last century, world political groups were previously divided into two groups. One side was led by the USA and the other by the former Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics, USSR. However, after the fall of the USSR, global politics reshaped into a unipolar system under US leadership and hegemonic structure. Research findings show that the global power structure is gradually restructuring by forming a multi-polar system. China, India, Brazil, and many more players are more active and making the new leadership in the global political landscape along with non-state actors. This dissertation has mainly examined the strategy and position of state actors. It has a small section regarding non-state actors in the climate negotiations. The concluding remarks of this dissertation address the pressing need to begin serious discussion to redefine the role of non-state actors in global politics, particularly for constructivist and realist scholarships. To that end, further study and research is required in order to figure out the role and implication of non-state actors in anarchic global politics.