Suchergebnisse

Significant disparities in the incidence of polio existed during its eradication campaign in India. In 2006, Muslims, who comprise 16% of the population in affected states, comprised 70% of paralytic polio cases. This disparity was initially blamed on the Muslims and a rumor that the vaccination program was a plot to sterilize their children. Using the framework of structural violence, this paper describes how the socio-political and historical context of Muslim populations in India shaped the polio disparity.A qualitative study utilizing methods of rapid ethnography was conducted from May-August 2009 in Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, India. Field methods included participant observation of vaccination teams, historical document research, and 107 interviews with both Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) stakeholders and families with vaccine-eligible children. Almost all respondents agreed that Aligarh was a highly segregated city, mostly due to riots after Partition and during the 1990s. Since the formation of segregated neighborhoods, most respondents described that "Muslim areas" had been underdeveloped compared to "Hindu areas," facilitating the physical transmission of poliovirus. Distrust of the government and resistance to vaccination were linked to this disparate development and fears of sterilization influenced by the "Family Planning Program" from 1976-1977.Ethnic violence and social marginalization since the Partition and during the rise of Hindu nationalism led to distrust of the government, the formation of segregated slums, and has made Muslims victims of structural violence. This led to the creation of disease-spreading physical environments, lowered vaccine efficacy, and disproportionately higher levels of resistance to vaccination. The causes of the polio disparity found in this study elucidate the nature of possible other health disparities affecting minorities in India.This study is limited by the manual coding of the transcribed data, size, and some dialectal difficulties in translation.

At the turn of the twentieth century, numerous cities such as Cartagena (Colombia) and Khartoum (Sudan), adopted a centralized technical and administrative model for the management of drinking water. Associated since its construction to planned urban development projects, the water network constitutes a political technology and becomes a landmark of urban spatiality, for politicians as well as for technicians and urban dwellers. The compared analysis of access strategies, daily usage, and the role of water in the imagination of two populations with an ambiguous urban status – Caño de Loro (Cartagena) and Tuti (Khartoum) – allows us to approach the social complexity of contemporary cities in the South. The comparison supposes a reflexive orientation that leads us, over and beyond the socio-political dynamics of each context, to critically consider our categories of analysis. In the first part the water network is contextualized in the history of each city, where its recent apparition and setting up rests upon the reinforcement or creation of dense power relations, as well as a new conception of nature, particularly of water. Such relational and political features lead to, in the second part, an understanding of how the materiality of water and its sharing produces particular localities within the urban space. Therefore, the analysis of relations between public and private spheres through everyday water exchanges lets us discuss the relevance of the notion of "collective management" of resources in Cartagena and Khartoum. The third part considers the mechanisms draw on by different actors within the particular context of urban planning to negotiate their margin of action on land and water. It highlights the political dimension of identity categories as well as the transformative power of individual and collective actions in situations where resource management is crossed with individual, local, national, and global logics at the same time. ; A principios del siglo XX, en Jartum (Sudán) y en Cartagena (Colombia), ...

[EN] The stronghold of Argentario promontory is one of the most important in the Mediterranean Sea, in the history of coastal defenses. In the XVI and XVII centuries, it is an important stronghold of the Spanish Empire in Italy, on the shores of the Tyrrhenian Sea. The amount of historical remains that still exist is remarkable evidence of the military science. For this reason, the defensive walls, oriented towards the inland of Orbetello and reinforced by massive ramparts, represent a notorious example of the well-known method of flanking the city walls. Such fortifications are integrated by detached forts, positioned like battleships at the roadstead, in strategic points of the promontory, beyond the lagoon and looking at the sea. The entire corpus, which was built by troops and Habsburg viceroys under the scepter of Philip II, was a well-equipped arsenal, which included warehouses, doors with drawbridges, powder magazines and ammunition depots, harbors, gatehouses, barracks and housing command, covered trenches, water-filled moats, gristmills, fish and food supplies, parade grounds, artillery emplacements, observation points for sentries, anti-mine sidewalks and the governors' residences. Everything that has been mentioned before, is an urban construction set of great value, still existing and visible. It has been studied from geometric, formal, aesthetic and structural points of view. In the eyes of a twenty-first century man is like a huge motionless tank, equipped for artillery radial shooting. The historical study and recovery of these works of architecture get meaningful documentary and didactic value and have strategic relevance in the field of urban planning. Keywords: fortification, ramparts, construction, urban project. ; Broglia, F. (2015). The fortifications of the State of Presidii, Orbetello and Argentario promontory. En Defensive architecture of the mediterranean: XV to XVIII centuries. Vol. I. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València. 15-20. https://doi.org/10.4995/FORTMED2015.2015.1664 ...

At the turn of the twentieth century, numerous cities such as Cartagena (Colombia) and Khartoum (Sudan), adopted a centralized technical and administrative model for the management of drinking water. Associated since its construction to planned urban development projects, the water network constitutes a political technology and becomes a landmark of urban spatiality, for politicians as well as for technicians and urban dwellers. The compared analysis of access strategies, daily usage, and the role of water in the imagination of two populations with an ambiguous urban status – Caño de Loro (Cartagena) and Tuti (Khartoum) – allows us to approach the social complexity of contemporary cities in the South. The comparison supposes a reflexive orientation that leads us, over and beyond the socio-political dynamics of each context, to critically consider our categories of analysis. In the first part the water network is contextualized in the history of each city, where its recent apparition and setting up rests upon the reinforcement or creation of dense power relations, as well as a new conception of nature, particularly of water. Such relational and political features lead to, in the second part, an understanding of how the materiality of water and its sharing produces particular localities within the urban space. Therefore, the analysis of relations between public and private spheres through everyday water exchanges lets us discuss the relevance of the notion of "collective management" of resources in Cartagena and Khartoum. The third part considers the mechanisms draw on by different actors within the particular context of urban planning to negotiate their margin of action on land and water. It highlights the political dimension of identity categories as well as the transformative power of individual and collective actions in situations where resource management is crossed with individual, local, national, and global logics at the same time. ; A principios del siglo XX, en Jartum (Sudán) y en Cartagena (Colombia), ...

Ancient civilizations had agriculture production in their metropolis but modern urban planning separated agriculture from cities, such as Chandigarh by Le Corbusier. At present, FAO estimates that urban agriculture produces food for a quarter of world's population, reducing food transport, package and waste impact among others and improving food safety. Meanwhile, city governments and citizens are reinventing their roofs usage in order to take more advantage of them. Rooftop Greenhouses (RTGs) are an interesting option because they increase the scarce green area of the cities, create new agricultural spaces and promote food self-sufficiency in urban areas among other growing interests. RTGs are greenhouses located on the roof of the buildings that usually produce food using soil-less culture systems. These structures as well as the green façades called Vertical Farming (VF) are part of the "building-based Urban Agriculture (UA)". In this sense, this article presents the first results of the research project Fertilecity, which aims to analyze, from a technological and sustainability approach, a new agricultural production system for Mediterranean urban areas through the integration of greenhouses on the roof of buildings. This innovative system is an integrated RTG (i-RTG) that includes energy, water and CO2 flows in the metabolism of the building. Multidisciplinary experts participate in Fertilecity Project using multiple methods such as Life Cycle Assessment and the Integrated Value Model for Sustainable Assessment (MIVES). Their first results are: a review of the main experiences in UA; an environmental and economic life cycle analysis of implementing Rooftop Greenhouses (RTGs) in Barcelona and the construction of the ICTA Rooftop Greenhouse Lab (RTG-Lab) near Barcelona. This project aims to demonstrate the potential of i-RTGs and quantify their environmental, economic and social benefits, as well as study how they can change the image of our cities. ; Postprint (published version)

At the turn of the twentieth century, numerous cities such as Cartagena (Colombia) and Khartoum (Sudan), adopted a centralized technical and administrative model for the management of drinking water. Associated since its construction to planned urban development projects, the water network constitutes a political technology and becomes a landmark of urban spatiality, for politicians as well as for technicians and urban dwellers. The compared analysis of access strategies, daily usage, and the role of water in the imagination of two populations with an ambiguous urban status – Caño de Loro (Cartagena) and Tuti (Khartoum) – allows us to approach the social complexity of contemporary cities in the South. The comparison supposes a reflexive orientation that leads us, over and beyond the socio-political dynamics of each context, to critically consider our categories of analysis. In the first part the water network is contextualized in the history of each city, where its recent apparition and setting up rests upon the reinforcement or creation of dense power relations, as well as a new conception of nature, particularly of water. Such relational and political features lead to, in the second part, an understanding of how the materiality of water and its sharing produces particular localities within the urban space. Therefore, the analysis of relations between public and private spheres through everyday water exchanges lets us discuss the relevance of the notion of "collective management" of resources in Cartagena and Khartoum. The third part considers the mechanisms draw on by different actors within the particular context of urban planning to negotiate their margin of action on land and water. It highlights the political dimension of identity categories as well as the transformative power of individual and collective actions in situations where resource management is crossed with individual, local, national, and global logics at the same time. ; A principios del siglo XX, en Jartum (Sudán) y en Cartagena (Colombia), ...

[EN] Trying to observe the changes that have occurred in territorial morphology; and how this is an input for urban planners, this research thinks about the forces, pressures, characteristics and consequences that were generated in the period 1992-2002 at the Metropolitan Area of Santiago de Chile (AMS), which underwent a similar process to phenomenon called counter-urbanization, which occurred in metropolitan areas of the post-industrialized countries. For this, first part of the research focuses on characterizing the recent past of urban transformations, particularly that referred to rural and urban space; the metropolitan area concept, describing the main models of urban development, particularly in United States and Europe, as well as its structure and main features in the Latin American context. Consequently, it is important to clearly define what is meant by the city and its different types through history, how have been migration processes that have transformed the way of inhabiting their setting through the years as a mixture of economic and social processes, etc. Various concepts used in the international literature on the idea of Counter-urbanization are analyzed in depth, in order to delve into the trends and emphasis has been given through the texts in time, as well as from different points of view of these: urban, social and economic, contributing to knowledge from a literal meaning to a translation in contemporary realities. In summary, was studied and characterized the Metropolitan Area of Santiago de Chile (AMS), since its foundation, crossing periods of Industrialization and neoliberal age, until the return to democracy, and how over time have been going deep transformations in its urban area and its rural environment. Straightaway, as now, with the different tools developed territorial planning, with increased infrastructure and economic improvement, have been changing travelling modes and affecting the environment. Finally it's concluded through a census analysis oriented research objectives, ...

More than half of the global population now live in urban settings. Urbanization can and should be beneficial for health. In general, nations with high life expectancies and low infant mortality rates are those where city governments address the key social determinants of health. Better housing and living conditions, access to safe water and good sanitation, efficient waste management systems, safer working environments and neighbourhoods, food security and access to services such as education, health, welfare, public transportation and child care are examples of social determinants of health that can be addressed through good urban governance. Failure of governance in today's cities has resulted in the growth of informal settlements and slums that constitute unhealthy living and working environments for one billion people. A credible health agenda is one that benefits all people in cities, especially the urban poor who live in informal settlements. International agreements calling for urgent action to reduce poverty, such as the Millennium Development Goals, can only be met through national strategies that include both urban and rural commitments and involve local governments and the poor themselves. Health inequalities in urban areas need to be addressed in countries at all income levels. Urban development and town planning are key to creating supportive social and physical environments for health and health equity. Achieving healthy urbanization in all countries is a shared global responsibility. Eliminating deprived urban living conditions will require resources - aid, loans, private investments - from more affluent countries in the order of US$ 200 billion per year, no more than 20 per cent of the annual increase in GDP in high-income countries. Creating global political support for a sustained and well-funded effort for social, economic and health equity is one of the greatest challenges of this generation.

In France, local public authorities have taken a growing interest in ecological landscape management of urban parks and gardens since the 1980's. It results in the emergence of a new landscape model that embodies the encounter between two tendencies in urban territories. First, the growing influence of biological sciences on urban planning through the "urban ecology" political horizon. Second, the enlargement of nature conservation policies, that starts to include ordinary nature and urban biodiversity. The aim of this PhD was to analyse the relations between local practices, knowledge construction and landscape production, implied by the attempt of a local public authority to reconcile urban leisure and biodiversity conservation in the same place without segregation. This work was based on an ethnographic study in the Seine-Saint-Denis district near Paris, where a local model was created to express this idea, the "harmonious management" model. It emerged after a conflict about the preservation of a marsh in a large park built in the 1960's. Today the 400 ha of the park welcome more than 2 million visitors per year. The fact that the park shelters rare birds and amphibian species, pointed at local associations, has led to the integration of this place to a Natura 2000 site. The park history is closely linked to the influence of the hygienist ideology on the urbanisation of Paris region. In contrast with this history, the redefinition of the environmental public action is associated to the implication of local public authorities in considering biodiversity as a management objective. It leads to the creation a new institutional landscape model, which management is at the confluence between horticulture and ecosystem restoration. This redefinition goes along with the reconfiguration of knowledge and practices legitimacies, where scientific approaches gain influence. The rationalisation of public action toward biodiversity conservation also goes along with the production of new constraints for city-dweller ...

At the turn of the twentieth century, numerous cities such as Cartagena (Colombia) and Khartoum (Sudan), adopted a centralized technical and administrative model for the management of drinking water. Associated since its construction to planned urban development projects, the water network constitutes a political technology and becomes a landmark of urban spatiality, for politicians as well as for technicians and urban dwellers. The compared analysis of access strategies, daily usage, and the role of water in the imagination of two populations with an ambiguous urban status – Caño de Loro (Cartagena) and Tuti (Khartoum) – allows us to approach the social complexity of contemporary cities in the South. The comparison supposes a reflexive orientation that leads us, over and beyond the socio-political dynamics of each context, to critically consider our categories of analysis. In the first part the water network is contextualized in the history of each city, where its recent apparition and setting up rests upon the reinforcement or creation of dense power relations, as well as a new conception of nature, particularly of water. Such relational and political features lead to, in the second part, an understanding of how the materiality of water and its sharing produces particular localities within the urban space. Therefore, the analysis of relations between public and private spheres through everyday water exchanges lets us discuss the relevance of the notion of "collective management" of resources in Cartagena and Khartoum. The third part considers the mechanisms draw on by different actors within the particular context of urban planning to negotiate their margin of action on land and water. It highlights the political dimension of identity categories as well as the transformative power of individual and collective actions in situations where resource management is crossed with individual, local, national, and global logics at the same time. ; A principios del siglo XX, en Jartum (Sudán) y en Cartagena (Colombia), ...

Why a proposal such as cities or RED model with no scientific basis in any area of knowledge, does cause a constitutional amendment? Because in Honduran society prevailing political demagoguery, ideological dogmatism, magical thinking, religious and institutional weaknesses, especially the rule of law. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the importance of scientific knowledge in the field of regional development, through theories such as watershed planning, nodule / central, growth poles, location theory, etc.; Governance models, models of economic development, public policy, etc.; in addressing the national, regional or local. Otherwise happen what happened: the ideology of development, eg model city or special development regions (RED). As a professional in the area of development and through this article attempt help enrich the analysis of the problem in mention. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/rct.v0i7.1805 Revista Ciencia y Tecnología No. 7, diciembre 2010: 74-95 ; ¿Por qué una propuesta como la ciudades modelo o RED, sin ningún fundamento científico en ninguna área del conocimiento,logra causar una reforma constitucional? Porque en la sociedad hondureña prevalece la demagogia política, el dogmatismo ideológico, el pensamiento mágico-religioso y la debilidad institucional, especialmente del Estado de derecho. La finalidad del presente artículo es demostrar la importancia del conocimiento científicos en el campo del desarrollo regional, mediante teorías como: planificación por cuencas hidrográficas, nódulo/lugar central, polos de crecimiento, teoría de la localización, etc.; modelos de gestión pública, modelos de desarrollo económico, políticas públicas, etc. en el abordaje del desarrollo nacional, regional o local. Caso contrario ocurrirá lo que ha ocurrido: la ideologización y politización partidaria de desarrollo, ejemplo: ciudad modelo o regiones especiales de desarrollo (RED). Como profesional del área del desarrollo y mediante este artículo se intenta contribuir a enriquecer el abordaje de la problemática en cuestión. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/rct.v0i7.1805 Revista Ciencia y Tecnología No. 7, diciembre 2010: 74-95

In France, local public authorities have taken a growing interest in ecological landscape management of urban parks and gardens since the 1980's. It results in the emergence of a new landscape model that embodies the encounter between two tendencies in urban territories. First, the growing influence of biological sciences on urban planning through the "urban ecology" political horizon. Second, the enlargement of nature conservation policies, that starts to include ordinary nature and urban biodiversity. The aim of this PhD was to analyse the relations between local practices, knowledge construction and landscape production, implied by the attempt of a local public authority to reconcile urban leisure and biodiversity conservation in the same place without segregation. This work was based on an ethnographic study in the Seine-Saint-Denis district near Paris, where a local model was created to express this idea, the "harmonious management" model. It emerged after a conflict about the preservation of a marsh in a large park built in the 1960's. Today the 400 ha of the park welcome more than 2 million visitors per year. The fact that the park shelters rare birds and amphibian species, pointed at local associations, has led to the integration of this place to a Natura 2000 site. The park history is closely linked to the influence of the hygienist ideology on the urbanisation of Paris region. In contrast with this history, the redefinition of the environmental public action is associated to the implication of local public authorities in considering biodiversity as a management objective. It leads to the creation a new institutional landscape model, which management is at the confluence between horticulture and ecosystem restoration. This redefinition goes along with the reconfiguration of knowledge and practices legitimacies, where scientific approaches gain influence. The rationalisation of public action toward biodiversity conservation also goes along with the production of new constraints for city-dweller ...

In France, local public authorities have taken a growing interest in ecological landscape management of urban parks and gardens since the 1980's. It results in the emergence of a new landscape model that embodies the encounter between two tendencies in urban territories. First, the growing influence of biological sciences on urban planning through the "urban ecology" political horizon. Second, the enlargement of nature conservation policies, that starts to include ordinary nature and urban biodiversity. The aim of this PhD was to analyse the relations between local practices, knowledge construction and landscape production, implied by the attempt of a local public authority to reconcile urban leisure and biodiversity conservation in the same place without segregation. This work was based on an ethnographic study in the Seine-Saint-Denis district near Paris, where a local model was created to express this idea, the "harmonious management" model. It emerged after a conflict about the preservation of a marsh in a large park built in the 1960's. Today the 400 ha of the park welcome more than 2 million visitors per year. The fact that the park shelters rare birds and amphibian species, pointed at local associations, has led to the integration of this place to a Natura 2000 site. The park history is closely linked to the influence of the hygienist ideology on the urbanisation of Paris region. In contrast with this history, the redefinition of the environmental public action is associated to the implication of local public authorities in considering biodiversity as a management objective. It leads to the creation a new institutional landscape model, which management is at the confluence between horticulture and ecosystem restoration. This redefinition goes along with the reconfiguration of knowledge and practices legitimacies, where scientific approaches gain influence. The rationalisation of public action toward biodiversity conservation also goes along with the production of new constraints for city-dweller ...

Las políticas de regeneración urbana se han dado en varias ciudades de Ecuador como respuesta a los problemas que se venían arrastrando desde hacía décadas (invasiones, falta de servicios, ausencia de planificación). Algunas ciudades, como Guayaquil o Machala, han hecho de ésas su seña de identidad, identificando un modelo político determinado con estas intervenciones. Pese a que resulta innegable el cambio logrado en el aspecto de la ciudad, la eficacia –e incluso la atención prestada– a problemas sociales enquistados en estos espacios resulta cuestionable. Desde este punto de partida, el presente artículo indaga sobre la eficacia del proceso de regeneración urbana en Machala para mejorar la calidad de vida de la población más allá de la mejora del entorno urbano. Para esto, se utiliza una metodología que combina la revisión bibliográfica con el uso de estadísticas y encuestas en profundidad a determinados actores conocedores de estos procesos. ; The urban regeneration policies have taken place in several cities in Ecuador in response to problems that had been dragging for decades (land invasions, lack of services, the absence of planning). Some cities like Guayaquil or Machala, have made their hallmark from urban regeneration, identifying a particular political model with these interventions. Although it is undeniable the change achieved in the appearance of the city, the effectiveness and even the attention to social problems in these areas is questionable. From this starting point, this paper investigates the effectiveness of the process of urban regeneration in Machala to improve the quality of life of the population beyond improving the urban environment. For this, a methodology that combines literature review with the use of statistics and in depth-surveys to some actors who know how these processes have taken place is used. ; Cuenca ; no. 58

Ancient civilizations had agriculture production in their metropolis but modern urban planning separated agriculture from cities, such as Chandigarh by Le Corbusier. At present, FAO estimates that urban agriculture produces food for a quarter of world's population, reducing food transport, package and waste impact among others and improving food safety. Meanwhile, city governments and citizens are reinventing their roofs usage in order to take more advantage of them. Rooftop Greenhouses (RTGs) are an interesting option because they increase the scarce green area of the cities, create new agricultural spaces and promote food self-sufficiency in urban areas among other growing interests. RTGs are greenhouses located on the roof of the buildings that usually produce food using soil-less culture systems. These structures as well as the green façades called Vertical Farming (VF) are part of the "building-based Urban Agriculture (UA)". In this sense, this article presents the first results of the research project Fertilecity, which aims to analyze, from a technological and sustainability approach, a new agricultural production system for Mediterranean urban areas through the integration of greenhouses on the roof of buildings. This innovative system is an integrated RTG (i-RTG) that includes energy, water and CO2 flows in the metabolism of the building. Multidisciplinary experts participate in Fertilecity Project using multiple methods such as Life Cycle Assessment and the Integrated Value Model for Sustainable Assessment (MIVES). Their first results are: a review of the main experiences in UA; an environmental and economic life cycle analysis of implementing Rooftop Greenhouses (RTGs) in Barcelona and the construction of the ICTA Rooftop Greenhouse Lab (RTG-Lab) near Barcelona. This project aims to demonstrate the potential of i-RTGs and quantify their environmental, economic and social benefits, as well as study how they can change the image of our cities. ; Postprint (published version)