Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- About the Author -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Part I Introducing the Problem -- 1 Introduction -- The Innovation: European Defense Cooperation as a Regime Complex -- Researching the CSDP-Filling the Gaps -- Broadening the Perspective, Sharpening the Focus -- The Theoretical Argument in Brief -- Types of Interinstitutional Relations -- Causal Pathways to Authority Distributions -- The Empirical Findings in Brief -- Integration: The WEAG/WEAO and the EDA -- Marginalization: The EDA and OCCAR -- Fragmentation: PESCO and Regional Defense Cooperation -- Resilience: PESCO Withstanding Competition -- Confronting Alternative Explanations -- Plan of the Book -- References -- Part II Concepts and Theory -- 2 Authority Relations in Regime Complexes -- The Emergence and Consequences of Regime Complexes -- What Is a Regime Complex? -- How Do Regime Complexes Emerge? -- What Are the Consequences of Regime Complexity? -- Reducing Complexity: A Typology of Authority Distributions -- A Typology of Interinstitutional Relationships -- Summary -- References -- 3 Struggling for Authority in Regime Complexes -- Sources of Dissatisfaction -- Contestation and Power -- Condition I-Go-It-Alone Power -- Condition II-Membership Preference -- Explaining Authority Distributions -- Summary -- References -- Part III Explaining Authority Distributions in the European Defense Complex -- 4 European Defense Cooperation and Member State Preferences -- Research Design and Case Selection -- Member State Preferences on European Defense Cooperation -- References -- 5 Integrating the WEAO into the EDA: Toward a European Armaments Agency? -- Stagnation in Armaments Cooperation -- Dissatisfaction: The Principle of "juste retour" -- Reform Attempts Blocked-OCCAR and the LoI.

As globalisation of the economy proceeds apace, it is essential for trade unions to co-operate on a transnational basis if global capitalism is to be civilised. This contribution argues that problems with global trade union co-operation stem from the fact that people's social interests differ greatly according to the different stages of economic development reached in the First World, the newly industrialised countries, the transition economies and the countries of the Third World. It suggests that global co-operation amongst trade unions can only be achieved by doing away with protectionism and dumping. In the interest of the economic development of other groups of countries, the highly developed states have to abolish sectoral subsidies and protectionist measures. In return, the trade unions in the First World can expect the basic social rights laid down in ILO conventions to be made universally binding. Only then will it be possible to break out of the damaging spiral of global dumping and ensure that living conditions for all concerned are able to keep pace with economic progress. In those countries of Europe which are members of the EU, the conditions for transnational trade union co-operation are entirely different. A unified economic and monetary area has already been created, and what is needed now is for a transnational social area to be developed as well. There is scope here for the trade unions to build on the social standards that have already been set on a EU-wide basis. Despite the enormous challenges resulting from the far-reaching social changes taking place, trade unions in Europe have a real opportunity to establish a social model that can serve as a benchmark for unions in other parts of the world.

"European Political Cooperation (EPC)" published on by Oxford University Press.

Gender equality is firmly established on the European Union development policy agenda. However, a series of interrelated crises, including migration, security and climate change, are becoming more prominent in European Union development policy. This article asks whether development objectives have been subsumed under these crisis-driven European Union priorities, whether this is compatible with efforts to achieve gender equality and women's empowerment through development cooperation and whether it will affect the ability to keep gender equality high on the European Union's development policy agenda. The theoretical framework draws on horizontal policy coordination and nexuses. The analysis of European Union development policy documents shows how migration, security and climate change are constructed as crises, how they intersect in various nexuses and how gender intersects with each of these nexuses. This research finds that gender equality is absent from the migration–security–climate nexuses, which are increasingly driving development policy priorities. The article argues that it is quite straightforward to keep gender equality on the development policy agenda, but it is difficult to retain a focus on gender equality when multiple policy areas intersect. The research suggests that the discourse of crisis has blocked the way, and this will have an impact on the European Union's internal and external activities.

The role and impact of institutions on policy-making have been receiving a lot of attention in the academic literature on the European Union (EU). The current special issue aims to contribute to this broader institutionalist debate in the EU literature by paying attention to institutional dynamics within and across EU institutions and different levels of governance. In this quest, it feeds into the broader political and academic debate on (changing) institutional balance and policy coherence. The contributions to this special issue reflect that a wide range of institutional mechanisms for intra-and inter-institutional cooperation have been developed. Most importantly, the contributions allow us to get a better insight into the factors that explain the success or failure of the cooperation. This introduction to the special issue provides the backdrop for the contributions and an overview of the individual articles.

In the conditions of normality 2.0, cardinal technological transformations taking place in the world economy under the influence of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, the deepening of international cooperation that will promote sustainable development of countries becomes a priority. At the heart of Ukraine's strategic foreign policy course is the European integration, which involves the development of relations with the European Union and its member states in many areas of common interest. One of these areas is science and technology and innovation, which is key in terms of ensuring the competitiveness and technological security of countries in the long run. The peculiarities of the EU's innovation policy in the context of the implementation of its new strategic course on building a climate-neutral, greener, digital, resilient and democratic Europe are studied. The approaches that are the basis of modern EU innovation policy are identified: the approach of smart specialization and the approach to mission-oriented innovation. Particular attention is paid to the latter, the essence of missions and mission-oriented innovation policy is highlighted, their role in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals is shown. Strategic priority areas of scientific-technological and innovation cooperation between Ukraine and the EU are identified, taking into account national and global challenges, potentials and achievements of domestic science, new strategic goals of the European Union and features of European innovation policy. The expediency and prospects of cooperation between the parties in four of the selected areas, which provide for the development of cooperation in the following areas: first, security, defense-technical and defense-industrial cooperation; second, health and pharmacology, biotechnology and genomics; third, agriculture and the food industry, in particular organic farming and precision farming; fourth, digitization and development of digital technologies. The institutional principles of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in these areas are summarized and proposals are provided to strengthen the scientific, technological and innovation-industrial potential of Ukraine as a prerequisite for its effective integration into the European Research Area.

Intro -- EUROPEAN UNION: ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS -- EUROPEAN UNION: ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- THE EUROPEAN UNION: QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS -- Abstract -- What Is the European Union? -- How Does the EU Work? -- How Is the EU Governed? -- What Is the Lisbon Treaty? -- Why and How Is the EU Enlarging? -- Does the EU Have a Foreign Policy? -- Does the EU Have a Defense Policy? -- What Is the Relationship of the EU to NATO? -- What Is Justice and Home Affairs (JHA)? -- Does the EU Have a Trade Policy? -- How Do EU Countries and Citizens View the EU? -- Does the United States Have a Formal Relationship with the EU? -- Who Are U.S. Officials' Counterparts in the EU? -- How Are U.S.-EU Economic Relations Doing? -- References -- THE EUROPEAN UNION'S REFORM PROCESS: THE LISBON TREATY -- Abstract -- Background -- The Constitutional Treaty -- The Lisbon Treaty -- Key Reforms -- Implementing the Treaty -- Implications for the United States -- References -- THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT -- Abstract -- Role of the European Parliament -- Legislative Process -- Budgetary Process -- Supervision and Oversight Responsibilities -- Organization of the European Parliament -- Political Groups -- The EP President -- Committees -- Delegations -- Administration -- Location -- Languages -- Challenges -- The European Parliament and the U.S. Congress -- References -- EUROPEAN UNION ENLARGEMENT: A STATUS REPORT ON TURKEY'S ACCESSION NEGOTIATIONS -- Abstract -- The EU Accession Process [1] -- The Cyprus Dilemma [6] -- Turkey's Initial Path to European Union Accession -- Current Status of Turkey's Accession -- Possible Scenarios -- U.S. Perspectives -- Assessment -- References -- MARITIME POLICY AND ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: AN INSTITUTIONAL AND REGULATORY APPROACH -- Abstract -- 1. Introduction

As in nearly all European Union (EU) policy areas, scholars have turned to analysing the role of national parliaments, in addition to that of the European Parliament (EP), in trade politics. Yet, there is limited understanding of how the parliamentarians at the two levels interact. This article fills the gap by conceptualizing these interactions as a continuum ranging between cooperation, coexistence and competition. We use this continuum to explore multilevel party interactions in EU trade talks and show how cooperation compels politicization – national parliamentarians mainly interact with their European colleagues in salient matters. However, we argue that the impact of politicization on multilevel relations between parliamentarians in the EP and national parliaments is conditioned by party-level factors. Hence, we account for how and why politicization triggers multilevel party cooperation across parliaments in the EU through ideological orientation, government position and policy preferences and show how this takes place in the case of trade. ; Guri Rosén has received funding from the Research Council of Norway (project number 303100). Open access funding provided by the University of Vienna. ; publishedVersion

After the end of World War II leaders of the West European countries had realised the necessity to create new security frameworks, thus making the security of the continent the concern of the Europeans themselves. However, immediately after it had been formed the North Atlantic Alliance, as a trans-Atlantic defence shield against the danger from the "communist East", became the central security component in Europe. Just after the end of the Cold War and disappearance of the "danger from the East" the European leaders initiated the process of creation of the new European defence system. The system would be designed in such a way not to jeopardise the position of the NATO, improving at the same time the security and stability in the continent. In the first part of the article the author considers the course of European integration in the second half of the last century that proceeded through creation of institutions preceding the establishment of the European Union. During the period of creation of this specific form of action performed by the European states at the internal and international levels, the deficiency of integration in the military field was notable. In that regard, the author stresses the role of the Western European Union as an alliance for collective defence of West European countries. The second part of the paper discusses the shaping of the EU security component through the provisions on the Common Foreign and Security Policy, which are included in the EU agreements. The Maastricht Treaty defined the Common Foreign and Security Policy as an instrument to reach agreement by member states in the defence field. The Amsterdam Treaty confirmed the role of this mechanism expanding the authorities resulting from it. The Treaty of Nice supplements the existing mechanism by a new military and political structure that should help implement the decisions made by the European Union institutions in the military field. In the third part of the article, the author presents the facts concerning the establishment and internal organisation of the Eurocorps. The creation of this military formation took place in early 1990s and was initiated by the two states of "the old Europe" - Germany and France. The authors also emphasises that the establishment of this formation is the first step towards creation of the armed forces in Europe. The fourth part of the paper treats the Rapid Reaction Force that was established by the Helsinki Agreement (1999). It became operative in early 2003 and its basic aim is to prevent the outbreak of crises in the region and to improve stability in Europe. In spite of the opinions that the establishment of such a force is the skeleton for creation of the European armed forces, the author thinks that, at least in the near future, they will not be a rival to the NATO. In his opinion, their possible military missions will be carried out only when the alliance takes no interest in being engaged in them.