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This paper reviews a range of approaches to the analysis of government termination, by any account a very important substantive concern for political science. One essential preliminary matter is the distinction between government duration & government durability -- the former an essentially empirical concept, the latter essentially theoretical. It is also important to note that empirical research into government termination is heavily conditioned by the precise definition of what marks the end of one government & the beginning of the next. Approaches to analyzing government termination can be divided into those that are fundamentally empirical & those based on a priori modeling. Both research traditions are reviewed. The empiricist approach has evolved into a body of work that applies increasingly sophisticated event-history models to a dataset that has become to a large extent common within the profession. The a priori approach has developed within the traditions of noncooperative game theory to model the responses of key actors to new information, for example, about the likely results of an election that might be called if the government were to fall. There is clearly unfulfilled potential to merge these two research traditions into a single more comprehensive account of government termination. 41 References. Adapted from the source document.

"E-Government" published on by Oxford University Press.

The Government's main role is to serve the public and ensure the fulfilment of social needs. Public facilities are essential to support the national prosperity and development. Capital expenditure becomes one of the financial instruments that can be allocated to build infrastructures as the part of public service. The research aim to figure out the performance of central and local government in spending the income to public investment. The study conducts ten years analysis to financial report of local government in West Java Province-Indonesia. There are 30 data sample from Bogor, Depok and Bekasi City, that proceeded into statistical analysis using multiple regressions. The result shows that both central and local government have optimize their income capacity especially in dedicated funds and budget surplus toward capital expenditure. The regression remains a significant influence from independent variable to dependent variable. The research contributes to the completion of previous study in the government investment especially the relation of central and local government.

Revisionist accounts conclude that divided and unified government do not differ significantly in the production of "important" public policy. I argue instead that when one theoretically reclaims the concerns about party responsiveness and institutional features of American politics that have animated party government scholars, unified government is significantly more productive than divided government. Employing a range of measures of important legislative enactments in the postwar period, I find that unified government produces greater quantities of significant enactments and is more responsive to the public mood than is divided government. The evidence suggests that parties do, as party government theorists maintain, generate incentives to cooperation that help transcend some of the policymaking gaps created by the Constitution.

Written for Cornhusker Boys' and Girls' County Government. ; Mode of access: Internet.

An article on the granting of responsible government in Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) by the British Imperial Government in 1923. ; The granting of Responsible Government to Southern Rhodesia in 1923 was perhaps one of the most extraordinary acts of the Imperial Government in the twentieth century. Winston Churchill, who had been Secretary of State for the Colonies at the crucial point in the negotiations, remarked in 1927 to a future Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia, Godfrey Huggins, 'You had — how many did you say? — only 30 000 Europeans when I gave you your constitution; I still don't know why I did it.'* If Churchill was retrospectively surprised, the Colonial Office had been even more doubtful at the prospect of handing over almost a million Blacks to thirty thousand Whites. As Sir Henry Lambert had minuted in 1919: 'To give responsible government to 30 000 whites ruling a million blacks is not only without precedent, but the example of Natal. right up to 1910 shows how great the difficulties would be.'* The question why the Colonial Office, on the eve of the Devonshire Declaration, was prepared to abdicate its responsibilities in this way is one that has never been adequately answered.