Suchergebnisse

Instances of external state involvement in seven postwar secessionist movements—those of Katanga, Biafra, the Southern Sudan, Bangladesh, Iraqi Kurdistan, Eritrea, and the Moro region of the Philippines—were analyzed to shed light on the patterns of interaction between the international system and secessionist minorities. Examined and tested were numerous assumptions of conventional wisdom on the subject, as well as a variety of other relevant questions concerning the constraints on, content of, and reasons for involvement. The results were contrary to many of the common assumptions. For example, given the international regime's norm against involvement with groups that threaten territorial integrity, external state support of these groups was more extensive than would be expected; and support was given for diverse reasons, rather than based solely on the prospects for tangible gain. Additional results of this study suggest a series of hypotheses for further examination.

Over the last decade we can observe a growing political and cultural renaissance of minority consciousness: US Blacks and now the Indians, the Kurds subdivided in three different countries, the Scots and the Welsh, but religious minority identifications as well — from Philippine Muslims to Northern Irish Catholics. Switzerland, one of the most sophisticated countries in dealing with ethnic diversity, recently had to grant another minority a new canton, the Jura, but only after years of political conflict marked by — among other things — terrorist violence. The rise of so many minorities to general socio-political consciousness tends to be accompanied by 'terrorism' as apparently the only effective way to be heard in a society of nation-states. The desperate plea of the Palestinians over the years is the most dramatically known case, recently involving political partisans within metropolitan countries in similar acts of violence and/or terrorism. Behind this phenomenon lies some thing structural which goes far beyond immediate grievances: it is a challenge to the modem nation-state and a form of mediated class consciousness which challenges social inequalities differently from in the past. We are likely to experience even more national and inter national violence/terrorism along ethnic/religious/racial lines, so long as those coincide with socio-economic inequalities and discriminations. And this in turn seems unavoidable.

It is widely held that voter turnout among immigrants and ethnic minorities is lower than among the native born. The goal of our paper is to explore the determinants of voting, comparing immigrant, minority and majority citizens in Canada. We use the 2002 wave of the Equality Security Community Survey to explore the relationship between personal characteristics (age, sex, education, and household type) work characteristics, social capital attributes (trust in government, belonging, civic awareness and interaction with others) and ethnic characteristics (ethnic origin, place of birth and religion) and voting. We find that the combination of socio-demographic and social capital attributes largely overrides the impact of immigration and ethnicity. This suggests that it is not the minority attribute that impacts voting. Rather it is age, level of schooling and level of civic engagement which effects voting, both federal and provincial.

It is widely held that voter turnout among immigrants and ethnic minorities is lower than among the native born. The goal of our paper is to explore the determinants of voting, comparing immigrant, minority and majority citizens in Canada. We use the 2002 wave of the Equality Security Community Survey to explore the relationship between personal characteristics (age, sex, education, and household type) work characteristics, social capital attributes (trust in government, belonging, civic awareness and interaction with others) and ethnic characteristics (ethnic origin, place of birth and religion) and voting. We find that the combination of socio-demographic and social capital attributes largely overrides the impact of immigration and ethnicity. This suggests that it is not the minority attribute that impacts voting. Rather it is age, level of schooling and level of civic engagement which effects voting, both federal and provincial.

This book examines the relationships between ethnic and Indigenous minorities and the media in Australia. The book places the voices of minorities at its centre, moving beyond a study of only representation and engaging with minority media producers, industries and audiences. Drawing on a diverse range of studies -- from the Indigenous media environment to grassroots production by young refugees -- the chapters within engage with the full range of media experiences and practices of marginalized Australians. Importantly, the book expands beyond the victimization of Indigenous and ethnic minorities at the hands of mainstream media, and also analyses the empowerment of communities who use media to respond to, challenge and negotiate social inequalities

Compares movements in Katanga (Shaba), Congo; Biafra, Nigeria; Southern Sudan; Bangladesh; Kurdistan, Iraq; Eritrea, Ethiopia; and the Moro region, Philippines.

National minorities are collectivities who possess the trait that is the current normative underpinning of states, ie, nationhood, but, for practical purposes, cannot enjoy outright political independence. Because national minorities bear these normatively significant characteristics, they may be deemed to have legitimate international claims to certain special rights even if these fall short of statehood. Yet, although this rationale may be logically sound & morally justified, pursuing it raises serious problems with regard to state sovereignty. Discussed here are international & European responses to national minorities & their impact on international politics in the context of a pursuit of rights. 13 References. Adapted from the source document.

Various models and theories which have been proposed to explain minority business are explored. In general they are found wanting. A more secure empirical basis would be a desideratum. (Abstract amended)

ACFC Opinions have developed various principles on intercultural dialogue, which detail, and crystallize, the responsibilities of the state parties to the FCNM in furthering intercultural dialogue and tolerance through the media. Principles developed by the ACFC relate, inter alia, to training and awareness-raising activities for journalists, collaboration with persons belonging to minorities in the development of programmes, the adoption of journalistic codes of ethics and relevant legislation, as well as media monitoring. (ECMI)