Suchergebnisse

This study assesses the electoral impact of charges of corruption on candidates in contests for the U.S. House of Representatives in five elections from 1968 to 1978. This assessment includes a consideration of the victory or defeat of alleged or convicted corrupt candidates, and an examination of the impact of corruption charges on electoral turnout and percentage of votes polled by the accused candidates. While most candidates accused of corruption are reelected, overall they appear to suffer a loss of 6–11 percent from their expected vote. The type of corruption charge is an important determinant of vote loss. Allegations of corruption appear to have little effect on the net turnout.

Purpose
This study aims to interrogate and expand on the flexible citizenship framework by illuminating students' emergent identities and imagined future mobilities in China's expanding international school sector.


Design/methodology/approach
In-depth semistructured interviews were conducted with international school students and their parents in Shenzhen, covering their motivations for overseas higher education, experience with international schooling, self-perceived identities and imagined futures.


Findings
The participants aspired to overseas higher education for both symbolic capital attainment and embodied cultural cultivation to thrive in a globalised world. They expressed confidence that international schooling experiences prepared students for mobility to Western higher education and cultivated globally-oriented identities while not undermining their Chinese roots. They imagined their futures in terms of considerable flexibility, with a rising China viewed as an attractive and feasible option for career development.


Research limitations/implications
This research provides an enriched understanding of a new generation of globally mobile Chinese students. The participants held distinctively different outlooks, aspirations and attitudes than depicted in the flexible citizenship framework, which emphasised a one-dimensional and instrumentalist portrayal of Chinese international students. This study discusses cross-generational changes in the desire for overseas education and a global-national outlook among young people in the context of significant social transformations in urban China.


Originality/value
The originality of this study is in expanding the flexible citizenship framework with reference to the emergent identities and pathways of students in the international schooling sector in China.

All people are in need of care at some point in their life. Although families and kin used to provide care in all societies, the division between family and work life have led to new care arrangements. In today's societies not only families but also the state, the market and nonprofit organisations are involved in care. The internal dynamics between these sectors are explained in certain welfare literature as a "care diamond" where local conditions determine the prominence of the different sectors in this care diamond. In addition, international bodies furthered discourses on human rights, often in the form of layered social citizenship, that include notions of care towards individuals. Welfare states in the North, the East Asian developmental states and Latin America have all followed distinct paths in trying to provide care to individuals and realise social citizenship. The social policies implemented in Africa are sometimes lead along these paths but have met with limited success. The logic of the care diamond is used in this article to focus on specific South African policy initiatives related to care and families. Such policies are often nudged in specific directions by international understandings of social citizenship. Although certain care policies are directed towards individuals regardless of family structures, specific family policy directions in South Africa are stuck in idealised family forms. Furthermore, the gender dynamics and the intersections between gender, class and race that are prominent in all care relationships are largely ignored in family and related policies on care.

This article is intended to review the political context of the Colombian school from four basic points of view: Citizenship and school (this latter understood as a citizenship construction process), revision of some imposition policies (where different factors have had an influence), a question for displacement, and recognition required by the school, its conflicts and its distortion to start a fight from the opposition. One of the conclusions of the article is the erection of citizenship from a personal standpoint and not from that of impositions. This article is presented as an interesting dis­sertation where emphasis is always made on the fact that public policies should not disregard the school function. ; En este artículo se tratará de revisar el contexto político de la escuela colombiana desde cuatro perspectivas fundamentales: la ciudadanía y la escuela, entendiendo esta como un proceso de construcción de ciudadanías; la revisión de algunas políticas de imposición, allí donde han incidido diferentes factores; una pregunta por el desplazamiento, y, por último, el reconocimiento que requiere la escuela, sus conflictos y su distorsión para iniciar una lucha desde la resistencia. Una de las conclusiones del texto será la edificación de las ciudadanías desde el criterio propio, no desde el de las imposiciones. Este texto se presenta como una disertación interesante, donde se insiste constantemente en que las políticas públicas no deben desplazar la labor de la escuela.

En este artículo se tratará de revisar el contexto político de la escuela colombiana desde cuatro perspectivas fundamentales: la ciudadanía y la escuela, entendiendo esta como un proceso de construcción de ciudadanías; la revisión de algunas políticas de imposición, allí donde han incidido diferentes factores; una pregunta por el desplazamiento, y, por último, el reconocimiento que requiere la escuela, sus conflictos y su distorsión para iniciar una lucha desde la resistencia. Una de las conclusiones del texto será la edificación de las ciudadanías desde el criterio propio, no desde el de las imposiciones. Este texto se presenta como una disertación interesante, donde se insiste constantemente en que las políticas públicas no deben desplazar la labor de la escuela. ; This article is intended to review the political context of the Colombian school from four basic points of view: Citizenship and school (this latter understood as a citizenship construction process), revision of some imposition policies (where different factors have had an influence), a question for displacement, and recognition required by the school, its conflicts and its distortion to start a fight from the opposition. One of the conclusions of the article is the erection of citizenship from a personal standpoint and not from that of impositions. This article is presented as an interesting dis­sertation where emphasis is always made on the fact that public policies should not disregard the school function.

Este artículo reflexiona sobre el ejercicio de la ciudadanía como consecuencia de la migración internacional, aplicado al caso de los latinoamericanos residentes en Portugal. Para ello adoptamos el concepto de ciudadanía transnacional por su maleabilidad, ya que permite considerar la perspectiva conjunta de los países de origen y de destino, así como también la influencia de las relaciones binacionales e internacionales. Nos preguntamos cómo se ejerce la ciudadanía transnacional en los espacios iberoamericano, europeo comunitario y, concretamente, portugués, y si la crisis económica que afecta a Europa y, en particular, a Portugal ha tenido alguna influencia en la forma de ejercer la ciudadanía transnacional. Para ello se analizan los casos particulares de los argentinos, brasileños y uruguayos en este país. ; This article is a reflection upon the exercising of transnational citizenship as a consequence of international migration, applied to Latin Americans resident in Portugal. In order to do this we have adopted the concept of transnational citizenship, as its malleability allows us to consider the whole concept of countries of origin and destination and the influence of bilateral and international relations. We ask how transnational citizenship is exercised in the European Union, Ibero-American and, particularly, Portuguese spaces, and whether it is affected by the economic crisis in Europe and, in particular, Portugal, by analysing the cases of Argentines, Brazilians and Uruguayans living in Portugal.

(1) Ist es normativ gefordert, ein Immigrationsrecht einzuführen, das "freiwilligen" Migranten den Erwerb der Staatsbürgerschaft ermöglicht? (2) Wenn ja, welchen normativen Standards und Einschränkungen soll es genügen? Die erste These beantwortet Frage (1) aus menschenrechtlicher Perspektive positiv. Die zweite These kritisiert je ein Argument von J. Carens und R. Goodin, die für uneingeschränkt "offene" Grenzen plädieren, und verteidigt demgegenüber die Auffassung, dass Inklusions- und Exklusionsstandards für citizenship normativen Restriktionen unterliegen, dass aber die zulässigen Kombinationen verschiedener Kriterien normativ unterbestimmt sind. Die dritte These stellt zwei Immigrationsbedingungen zur Diskussion, die sich aus einer normativen Auffassung der Demokratie ergeben, und argumentiert, dass die Respektierung des Prinzips der Volkssouveränität die Entscheidung, welche der gerechtfertigten Kombinationen im Einzelnen gewählt werden soll, über ein demokratisches Verfahren getroffen werden sollte. ; (1) Is it normatively demanded to implement immigration laws that allow "voluntary" migrants acquisition of citizenship? (2) If the answer to that question is yes, then which normative standards and restricts should the law follow? Following a human rights perspective, the first thesis of this essay gives a positive answer to question (1). The second thesis on the one hand criticises an argument of J. Carens and R. Goodin, who plead in favour of unrestricted "open" borders, and on the other hand defends the view that inclusion and exclusion standards for citizenship are governed by normative restrictions, while the legitimate combinations of different criteria are normatively determined. The third thesis discusses two requirements for immigrations, which follow from a normative perspective on democracy. It further argues that in respecting the principle of popular sovereignty, the decision which one of the legitimate combinations should be chosen in particular cases, should be chosen by the a democratic process.

Este artículo reflexiona sobre el ejercicio de la ciudadanía como consecuencia de la migración internacional, aplicado al caso de los latinoamericanos residentes en Portugal. Para ello adoptamos el concepto de ciudadanía transnacional por su maleabilidad, ya que permite considerar la perspectiva conjunta de los países de origen y de destino, así como también la influencia de las relaciones binacionales e internacionales. Nos preguntamos cómo se ejerce la ciudadanía transnacional en los espacios iberoamericano, europeo comunitario y, concretamente, portugués, y si la crisis económica que afecta a Europa y, en particular, a Portugal ha tenido alguna influencia en la forma de ejercer la ciudadanía transnacional. Para ello se analizan los casos particulares de los argentinos, brasileños y uruguayos en este país. ; This article is a reflection upon the exercising of transnational citizenship as a consequence of international migration, applied to Latin Americans resident in Portugal. In order to do this we have adopted the concept of transnational citizenship, as its malleability allows us to consider the whole concept of countries of origin and destination and the influence of bilateral and international relations. We ask how transnational citizenship is exercised in the European Union, Ibero-American and, particularly, Portuguese spaces, and whether it is affected by the economic crisis in Europe and, in particular, Portugal, by analysing the cases of Argentines, Brazilians and Uruguayans living in ...

The character of civics education is dependent on the worldview in which it is embedded. Thus, citizenship education that is not explicitly committed to a vision of democratic citizenship will be shaped by the dominant ideology of our times: neo‐ liberalism. After contrasting neo‐liberal and radical democratic perspectives on civics education, we examine Australia's new civics initiative as an example of how citizenship education becomes embroiled in the broader didactic politics of neo‐ liberalism, thus undermining the democratic values of civics education. We conclude with a call for civics education that is politically committed to the values of radical democracy. Key words: democracy, new civics, neo‐liberalism, Discovering Democracy La nature de l'éducation à la citoyenneté dépend de la vision du monde dans laquelle elle s'insère. L'éducation à la citoyenneté non explicitement vouée à une vision de la citoyenneté démocratique sera donc façonnée par l'idéologie dominante de notre époque : le néolibéralisme. Après avoir comparé les points de vue opposés du néolibéralisme et de la démocratie radicale sur l'éducation à la citoyenneté, les auteurs présentent une nouvelle initiative australienne qui illustre comment l'éducation à la citoyenneté se trouve prise dans l'engrenage de la vaste politique didactique du néolibéralisme et porte ainsi atteinte aux valeurs démocratiques de l'éducation à la citoyenneté. Ils concluent en prônant une éducation à la citoyenneté qui adhère aux valeurs de la démocratie radicale. Mots clés: démocratie, nouvelle éducation à la citoyenneté, néolibéralisme, Discovering Democracy

This article examines the relations between citizenship status and military service asthey have affected the social standing of African Americans, women, and conscientiousobjectors in the United States. One purpose is to review evidence for the claim that there isa close connection between one's willingness to perform military service and one's accep-tance as a citizen. Ironically, while the military has become a more inclusive institution forminorities since the end of World War II, the political community has become less insistentin its demand that citizens ought to perform military service. A second purpose is to correct(somewhat) the frequent preoccupation with economic and political inequality in the studyof citizenship. I show that apart from and before the question of one's place in a hierarchyof possession, there is the question of whether one is recognized and respected as a memberin good standing of the political community. Despite obvious differences, minority groupsand conscientious objectors are alike in their desire to protect their social standing ascitizens. In their different responses to military service, both seek to avoid becoming exilesin their own land. Studying this matter historically allows us to see why the relationshipbetween citizenship status and military service has relaxed since the end of World War 11.Unexpectedly perhaps, with an all-volunteer force, this relaxation enhances the prospectsfor the political and social inclusion of minorities more than it does for conscientious objectors.

Historical encounters -- The enchantment of place -- Unrequited reciprocity -- Sorcery and the mine -- Mythical encounters -- Divining violence -- Loss and the future imagined