ABSTRACTIn 1992, I sent Milton Friedman a draft of my 1993 paper "Friedman's Theory of Corporate Social Responsibility." He and I corresponded at length. My 1993 paper argues that Friedman's published formulations of his theory are not equivalent and that they prescribe different courses of action in many possible cases. In our correspondence, Friedman conceded that his two formulations of his theory are inconsistent and, at my suggestion, he endorsed a modified version of the view he presented in Capitalism and Freedom as the preferred version of his theory. This modified theory is an important formulation of his position. In one of his letters to me, Friedman writes: "I agree that corporate executives might have duties to the general public which sometimes outweigh their duties to the shareholders." I argue that this creates major problems for his theory. I also answer Friedman's published response to one of my criticisms.
AbstractWe first establish that the pursuit of corporate social responsibility (CSR) can enhance the society's welfare when both market and government imperfections occur, and demonstrate this is likely in most locales across the world. Second, we show that CSR initiatives are most likely successful and sustainable when a firm accurately identifies the benefits and costs of potential CSR initiatives and implements them consistent with its core competencies. We provide three reasons for a firm to focus CSR initiatives on core competencies: to reap economies of scale and scope in building company‐wide knowledge and skills; to promote worker productivity that is integral to the firm; and to exploit the fixed costs associated with managing workers. Each reason provides a distinct way to minimize the costs and increase the gains from pursuing CSR initiatives and provides implications for implementing CSR initiatives.
El presente artículo busca develar la primacía de la racionalidad cientificista moderna que reduce y limita la acción política pública, así como mostrar la importancia que tiene la recuperación y visibilización de aquellos saberes y/o formas de conocimiento no hegemónicos que han sido históricamente excluidos del proceso decisorio de las policies. Para ello, aborda la noción de "políticas públicas colonizadoras" a las que subyace normativamente una idea hegemónica de desarrollo, y plausibiliza la idea de "descolonización de las políticas públicas" a través de la recuperación y visibilización de formas de conocimiento que incluyen realidades suprimidas, marginadas y/o excluidas. Asimismo, releva el aporte que el pensamiento latinoamericano puede tener para este proceso de descolonización e identifica algunos desafíos concretos que emergen para el Trabajo Social desde su vinculación con la perspectiva descolonizadora en las políticas públicas.
As 1991, once economic reforms unambiguously obtain place in India as a result of opening-up of the economy with an analysis to incorporate itself with the global economy, they require to assist international deal both during policy and procedure reform has become the base one of India's trade and fiscal policies.Electronic commerce (e-commerce) as part of the information technology insurrection became broadly use in the world deal in general and Indian economy in exacting.The Paper discovers the economic and social impact of e-commerce. E-commerce is currently rising at 30% .shopping site eBay Inc. is growing at 60%. The number of customers of the company has augmented from one million users to 2.5 million in India in the last four years. Some of the popular imported items imported by Indians include home decor, branded and unbranded apparel, accessories, and technology products like laptops.
Nepotism is widespread in organizations in developing countries but has so far received scant attention in cross-cultural management research. The paper seeks to contribute to the underdeveloped research topic suggesting an anthropological explanation of nepotism. It is argued that nepotism reflects the presence of tribal and peasant social morals in organizations where they replace norms and principles typical of industrial society. Examples from African and Latin American organizations show how nepotism works, and drawing on quantitative data it is suggested that nepotism is relatively common in countries at the earlier stages of industrial development. Four managerial approaches to nepotism are outlined: managers can accept nepotistic ambiguity; they can attempt to strengthen the modern organization; they can use the tribal and peasant norms underlying nepotism as the basic principle of the organization; or they can codify the pre-industrial norms and make them part of the formal organization.
The objective of this article is to examine whether China has a viable macro social structure of accumulation (SSA) for capitalist long-wave upswing into the early decades of the twenty-first century. The article commences with the SSA index of performance and potentiality (IPP) through which phases of capitalist development can be scrutinized. The rest of the article details the components of the IPP, first the more technical institutional factors and then broader indicators of development. The article concludes that China is currently an emerging capitalist economy and that it is likely to continue through long-wave upswing through core industrialization during the next fifteen years. There are critical limits to capitalist development in China—including problems associated with capital productivity, innovation, pollution, and rural-urban dynamics—and these are likely to restrict long-term performance by about 2020.
This paper is an attempt to explain how the American strategy regarding Iraq has broken up the social fabric and led to a state of disorder, which the American administration has failed to address after six months since the fall of Baghdad. The concomitant psychological disorders of children provide a reasonable example of potential reverberations that this scenario will have for years to come. This paper also underscores multiple discriminations against Iraqi women from the re- emerging tribal and religious parochialisms, which the occupation forces and the Iraqi Governing Council tolerate, thus encouraging the atmosphere of atavistic recidivism that is prevalent in neighboring Gulf States. The movement towards female emancipation, which had already receded under the Hussein regime, is being further eviscerated and replaced by the sex trade, a phenomenon typical of the record and practice of the American military forces.
RESUMO Este texto começa explorando o modelo japonês de relações e organização industrial como alternativa à crise do fordismo-taylorismo que ocorre nos países desenvolvidos do leste. Reconhece, para tanto, a importância da melhoria das relações capital-trabalho, ou seja, da participação dos trabalhadores nas definições e nos benefícios de objetivos comuns que resultem, por exemplo, em melhor distribuição de renda. Tomando o caso brasileiro, diagnostica-se que o atual modelo de "desenvolvimento" está levando o país ao caos. Mudanças econômicas, sociais e políticas radicais são necessárias para recriar um modelo contemporâneo de desenvolvimento capitalista baseado nas especificidades brasileiras. Nesse modelo, o bem-estar social é uma de suas principais forças econômicas, uma genuína competitividade internacional resultará naturalmente do fortalecimento do mercado interno e o trabalho não é considerado apenas um custo de produção, mas um importante recurso para a construção de vantagens comparativas dinâmicas.
When a young peasant in early nineteenth-century Russia was conscripted into the army from the taxpaying population, he underwent a fundamental change in juridical status: born into serfdom, he became a "free" man (vol'nyi chelovek) with a civic identity. He also entered a world of bureaucratic regulation that governed his daily routine and formalized his social relationships. While the master had unlimited control over his peasants, who were in fact his personal property, governmental regulation to some extent mediated relations between military commanders and their subordinates. In military society the state sought to legislate those paternalistic values that customarily defined relations between landlord and serf, relations conceived in the image of a father supervising his child. Theoretically this relationship combined paternal concern for the welfare of the soldiers with strict discipline and punishment. Like the biblical God, commanders were supposed to be both merciful and "terrible."
European social movements have been central to European history, politics, society and culture, and have had a global reach and impact. Yet they have rarely been taken on their own terms in the English-language literature, considered rather as counterpoints to the US experience. This has been exacerbated by the failure of Anglophone social movement theorists to pay attention to the substantial literatures in languages such as French, German, Spanish or Italian - and by the increasing global dominance of English in the production of news and other forms of media.This book sets
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
BACKGROUND: The health crisis caused by COVID-19 has led many countries to opt for social quarantine of the population. During this quarantine, communication systems have been characterized by disintermediation, the acceleration of digitization and an infodemic (excess and saturation of information). The following debate arises: Do the levels related to the psychotic phenotype and pseudoscientific beliefs related to the interpretation of information vary before and after social quarantine? OBJECTIVES: This research aims to examine the psychological effects of social quarantine on the psychotic phenotype and pseudoscientific beliefs-experiences of the general nonclinical population. The following hypothesis was posed: social quarantine alters the levels of magical thinking, pseudoscientific beliefs and anomalous perceptions due to quarantine. METHODS: A pre- and posttest analysis design was applied based on the difference in means, and complementary Bayesian estimation was performed. A total of 174 Spanish subjects responded to different questionnaires that evaluated psychopathological risks based on psychotic phenotypes, pseudoscientific beliefs and experiences before and after quarantine. RESULTS: Significant differences were obtained for the variables positive psychotic symptoms, depressive symptoms, and certain perceptual alterations (e.g., cenesthetic perceptions), and a significant increase in pseudoscientific beliefs was also observed. The perceptual disturbances that increased the most after quarantine were those related to derealization and depersonalization. However, paranoid perceptions showed the highest increase, doubling the initial standard deviation. These high increases could be related to the delimitation of physical space during social quarantine and distrust towards information communicated by the government to the population. Is it possible that social alarmism generated by the excess of information and pseudoscientific information has increased paranoid perceptual alterations? CONCLUSIONS: ...
O presente artigo visa trazer reflexões a respeito da dimensão pedagógica do/a assistente social na superação dos estigmas em drogas trazendo como contribuição a Política Nacional de Educação Permanente como mecanismo de desconstrução desses estigmas. Para tanto, esse artigo se pautará em uma análise crítica a respeito da atual conjuntura sofrida pela Política de Saúde Mental e na Atenção a álcool e outras drogas, levando em consideração diversos desafios para os/as assistentes sociais com relação aos estigmas. Dessa forma, o artigo ser pautará em uma revisão bibliográfica a respeito dessa temática dentro da perspectiva teórico crítico marxista.
The aim of this study is to explore the impact of the crisis and crisis-induced policies on incomes, inequality and poverty in Greece, to detect the types of adjustment and to show why prevailing perceptions and attitudes caused a heavy economic, social and political cost. Based on extensive income and tax data it investigates the changing relationship between labour, capital and pension income, changes in direct, indirect and property taxation, and their incidence on pre- and post-tax inequality and competitiveness between 2008 and 2012-13. It examines also the losers and the winners and the resulting social reclassifications within the Greek society, the multifaceted types of poverty and inequality and the changing relations between the haves and the haves-not. The analysis distinguishes property and income by main sources at the deciles level, and for the top 1% and 0.1% of the income distribution, at the household and individual level. It covers the period 2008-2015, depending on the available data. It is shown that many economic and social outcomes were the result of deficient approaches and ideological inflexibilities coupled to established political interests, making the exit from the crisis more complicated and painful. A first version of this study was published in March 2015 (Giannitsis and Zografakis 2015). The present edition comprises a deeper and more synthetic analysis and some completely new topics: privileged tax exemptions, structure and taxing of realestate, contribution of female employment on household's income, changes in employment patterns, evolution of the top incomes, effects of low-cost loans before the crisis and their impact on incomes and the banking sector after 2010. ; Die Studie untersucht den Einfluss der Krise und der getroffenen Maßnahmen auf die Einkommen, die Einkommensverteilung und Armut in Griechenland. Sie zeigt, wie die gewählten Anpassungen mit hohen ökonomischen, sozialen und politischen Kosten verbunden waren. Basierend auf detaillierten Einkommens- und Steuerdaten werden die Veränderungen der Einkommen, der direkten und indirekten Steuern und der Vermögensbesteuerung zwischen 2008 und 2012-13 untersucht und in ihren Wirkungen auf die Einkommensverteilung und die sozialen Veränderungen in der griechischen Gesellschaft analysiert. Die Studie unterscheidet die Einkommen nach Einkommensart, untergliedert nach Dezilen für die Haushalte und die individuellen Einkommen. Zusätzlich werden auch die Hocheinkommensgruppen weiter differenziert. Dabei werden auch die Veränderungen in den Untergruppen der "gleichen Haushalte" und bei den "gleichen Individuen" untersucht. Weiterhin werden Arbeitslosen- und Einkommensdaten kombiniert und ein "Index der Verzweiflung" erstellt, der den Druck auf die Haushalte deutlich machen soll, die sowohl von abnehmenden Einkommen als auch von Arbeitslosigkeit betroffen sind. Letztlich zeigen die Ergebnisse aber auch ein sehr differenziertes Bild. Auf der einen Seite sind große Teile der Gesellschaft wirtschaftlich verarmt. In allen Einkommensklassen gab es neben den Verlierern aber auch Gewinner. Von den Politikmaßnahmen waren verschiedene Gruppen sehr unterschiedlich betroffen. Letztlich zeigen viele makroökonomischen und sozialen Indikatoren, dass aufgrund des schlechten Krisenmanagements und aus ideologischen Gründen, verbunden mit den vorherrschenden politischen Interessen, der Ausweg aus der Krise komplizierter und schmerzhafter geriet als notwendig. Eine erste Version dieser Studie wurde im März 2015 veröffentlicht (Giannitsis und Zografakis 2015). Die aktualisierte Version enthält nun eine tiefergehende Analyse und beleuchtet einige völlig neue Aspekte: privilegierte Steuerbefreiungen, Struktur und Besteuerung von Immobilienvermögen, Beitrag von Frauen zum Haushaltseinkommen, Veränderungen in der Beschäftigungsstruktur, Entwicklung der sehr hohen Einkommen, Entwicklung der subventionierten Kredite vor der Krise und ihr Einfluss auf die Einkommen und den Bankensektor seit 2010.