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Holy war in Bosnia and Herzegovina – origins, actors and threats
The paper discusses the problem of mujahidin's activity in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Bosnian war of 1992 to 1995. The author describes the background and the causes of the presence of holy warriors in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the forms of financial and military support offered to them by the governments of Muslim countries, especially Iran and Saudi Arabia. The article presents also the organization of mujahidin's units, their influence on the internal situation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the attitude of the Bosnian government towards the foreign warriors. According to the author, the presence of the mujahidin in the Balkans during the war was directly linked to the operation of international terrorist groups, which were given an opportunity to train and recruit volunteers for future terrorist attacks worldwide. The author also shows the role of Bosnian Muslim conservative communities in the global jihad.

ABSTRACT. This article examines attitudinal differences and similarities among ethnic groups in conflict‐affected societies. Conventional wisdom tells us that societies that have experienced violent struggles in which individuals of different ethnic groups have (been) mobilized against each other are likely to become polarized along ethnic lines. Indeed, both policy‐makers and scholars often assume that such divisions are some of the main challenges that must be overcome to restore peace after war. We comparatively examine this conventional wisdom by mapping dimensions of social distance among 4,000 survey respondents in Bosnia‐Herzegovina and the North Caucasus region of Russia. The surveys were carried out in December 2005. Using multidimensional scaling methods, we do not find patterns of clear attitudinal cleavages among members of different ethnic groups in Bosnia‐Herzegovina. Nor do we find patterns of clear ethnic division in the North Caucasus, although our social distance matrices reveal a difference between Russians and ethnic minority groups.

Discusses NATO's unique role in maintaining security and stability during the Cold War. and argues that the peace mission in Bosnia-Herzegovina represents a turning point in NATO's mission and a change in Portugal's position within NATO. Included in a collection of articles under the overall title "Os 50 anos da Aliança Atlântica". Summaries in English and French p. 253 and 255.

The contemporary Islamic landscape in Bosnia-Herzegovina is often depicted as marked by fault lines between different Muslim groups, many of which are described as products of foreign intervention. This paper argues that this image does not reflect the multiplicity of Islamic discourses and practices, and the many ways that Bosnian Muslims engage with, promote, and resist them on the ground. It explores how pious Muslim women can move between different approaches to Islam over time, engage with a range of Islamic actors simultaneously, and draw on their teachings selectively or situationally without necessarily claiming group membership. By engaging with a range of actors making competing claims to authority, women contribute to both the pluralization of Islamic authority and the continued relevance of authoritative actors. The paper argues that paying attention to pious women's practices allows us to challenge crude characterizations of the transformations of Islam in Bosnia and question the narrative of distinct Muslim groups at odds with each other.

The article addresses significant aspects of the constitution of the European Union's social basis from the broader perspective of a European space under construction. The specific point of view regards the process of Europeanization through enlargement to the post-socialist Eastern and South European countries, and conditionality as its main instrument. In the light of the five-year moratorium proposed by the Juncker Commission in 2015, the process is examined particularly from its margins by considering the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), i.e. the last country in the 'Western Balkans', together with Kosovo, that is not yet a candidate for EU membership. The analysis aims to shed light on two different and conflictual forms of agency: first, the institution building process through accession procedures; second, social dissent patterns and citizens' mobilization in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The purpose is to analyze if and how these diverse agencies cross borders and soften boundaries to constitute an emerging European society. A constant methodological concern of this study is if and how an ethnography of the process may contribute to the analysis of European integration in its complex, non-linear and often contradictory nature (Kauppi 2013)