Suchergebnisse

In March 2019, the United Nations Human Rights Council finalized its periodic review of China's human rights record just as human rights in China were under intensified attack. As during prior reviews, China was criticized for its human rights practices. And, once again, China was urged to ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which China signed over twenty years ago. It is time to reevaluate this approach. This Article argues that the international community should change tack and instead call on China to remove its signature from this foundational human rights treaty. While this would be a brash and unusual strategy, it is sound as a matter of both law and politics. The anticipated upsides of confronting China about its failure to meet even the minimal obligations as a signatory outweigh the possible downsides of scaling back from the goal of universal participation. This Article recognizes that China's signing of the ICCPR has provided a justification for domestic actors to promote human rights protective reforms. The strength of this argument has, however, faded in recent years. A better path is to pursue a forthright approach whereby the international community rebukes the Chinese leadership's retrograde motion on civil and political rights while supporting those within China who have looked to the ICCPR for inspiration.

RECENT EVIDENCE SUGGESTS THAT SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN CONSCIOUSNESS ARE OCCURING IN WESTERN DEMOCRACIES. THIS PAPER ARGUES THAT IN BRITAIN, AT LEAST, THE FULL EXTENT AND IMPORT OF THESE CHANGES CAN ONLY BE ASSESSED BY A PANEL-BASED MASS SURVEY WHICH BUILDS UPON THE 'POLITICAL ACTION' RESEARCH OF THE 1970S. SUCH A SURVEY SHOULD EXAMINE PROPOSITIONS DERIVED FROM PERSONAL RISK THEORY, SOCIAL LEARNING THEORY AND FROM A MORE DETAILED EXAMINATION OF THE INDIVIDUAL'S OBJECTIVE' ENVIRONMENT.

Objective This article explores the relationship between neighborhood economic conditions and mothers' political and civic participation, examining whether this relationship is conditioned on mothers' individual characteristics. Methods Using data from the Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study, it tests specifically whether neighborhood poverty influences mothers' voting and voluntary behavior differently depending on their income, education, race/ethnicity, and relationship status. Results The results suggest that the relationship between neighborhood poverty and voting behavior depends on mothers' education level and relationship status, whereas the relationship between neighborhood poverty and mothers' volunteer work varies by race and relationship status. Conclusions The results are in accordance with what some qualitative research has long suggested: that the relationship between neighborhood conditions and individual outcomes varies from person to person and group to group. Future research on "neighborhood effects" should continue to move beyond homogeneous explanations for how neighborhoods influence behavior and instead seek to determine the specific conditions under which neighborhoods exert influence on individual outcomes. Adapted from the source document.

Cover; Half Title; Title; Copyright; Contents; Contributor Biographies; Preface; Introduction: Rating America's Presidents: A UK Perspective; 1 The Meanings of Going First: George Washington and the Presidency; 2 John Quincy Adams: An Exceptionally Average President?; 3 A Poetic Presidency: Abraham Lincoln, Walt Whitman, and the Second American Revolution; 4 Andrew Johnson: The Wrong Man in the Wrong Place; 5 A (Near) Great President: Theodore Roosevelt as the First Modern President; 6 Reevaluating the Presidency of Warren G. Harding; 7 Simply the Best: FDR as America's Number One President.

Outlines for international researchers sources available for studying Italian foreign policy from 1860 to 1990. A comprehensive representation is not promised, but the publication can be used as a general guide for those in need of an updated directory of primary sources, including the State Central Archive, the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Armed Forces' Historical Offices, & the archives of political parties & other collections. Also provided is a listing of important memoirs, journals, & other sources applicable to the examination of Italian foreign policy. The final section lists relevant unofficial publications & important web sites. K. Larsen

The book How the Dismal Science Got its Name: Classical economics and the Ur-text of racial politics, by David M. Levy, is reviewed.

1. Introduction: Negotiating Language Regimes -- Dario Castiglione -- 2. Theoretical Foundations of European Language Debates -- Alan Patten -- 3. Language Policy of a Civic Nation-State: Constitutional Patriotism and Minority Language Rights -- Omid A Payrow Shabani -- 4. Intercultural Recognition and Linguistic Diversity in Europe -- Peter A Kraus -- 5. What is a Language? The Difficulties Inherent in Language Rights -- Sue Wright -- 6. Linguistic Diversity and the Paradox of Rights Discourse -- Reetta Toivanen -- 7. Minority Languages, Law and Politics: Tracing EC Action -- Niamh Nic Shuibhne -- 8. The Political Discourse on Multilingualism in the European Union -- Miquel Strubell -- 9. English as Lingua Franca: A Challenge to the Doctrine of Multilingualism -- Chris Longman -- 10. Europe's Linguistic Challenge -- Philippe Van Parijs -- 11. The Babel of Europe? Networks and Communicative Spaces -- Philip Schlesinger

PurposePolitical skill is measured with the political skill inventory (PSI), and the construct is composed of four distinct dimensions. Previous validation studies of the PSI found evidence in support of the four‐factor structure, but only using self‐reports. Furthermore, no efforts have been made to also identify a single, higher‐order factor solution through second‐order factor analysis. The present research aims to expand on prior work and report on a two‐study investigation of both the construct validity and antecedents and consequences of the political skill construct.Design/methodology/approachTo test construct validity, Study 1 combined self‐ and other reports of political skill from 467 employees in a confirmatory factor analysis. Study 2 used longitudinal data from 202 employees to constructively replicate Study 1 results and to test hypotheses regarding the antecedents and consequences of political skill.FindingsThe results of Study 1 confirmed both a four‐factor and a single higher‐order factor solution of the political skill construct, thus supporting our hypothesis. Study 2 constructively replicated the Study 1 factorial validity results, and supported hypotheses regarding the dispositional and developmental experience antecedents, career‐related consequences, and mediation of these antecedents and outcomes by political skill.Originality/valueThese two studies test the construct validity of political skill using both self‐ and other‐reports. Further, this is the first research to test the Ferris et al. conceptualization of political skill, by examining its antecedents, consequences, and mediation of the antecedents‐consequences relationships.

CURIOUSLY, FEW STUDIES OF THE LATIN AMERICAN CHIEF EXECUTIVE LEND SHAPE TO THE CORPUS OF SCHOLARLY JOURNALS. WHAT DOES EXIST CONCERNING THE PRESIDENCY IN LATIN AMERICA CONSISTS LARGELY OF CHAPTERS IN COUNTRY STUDIES COVERING FORMAL-LEGAL ASPECTS OF PRESIDENTIAL POWER. MISSING ARE EXAMINATIONS OF THE PHILOSOPHICAL, INTELLECTUAL, CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL BASES OF PRESIDENTIAL POWER. THE PAUCITY OF RESEARCH CONCERNING THE EXECUTIVE AS IT RELATES TO THE INTELLECTUAL HISTORY AND CULTURAL MILIEU OF LATIN AMERICA IS MORE CONFOUNDING WHEN IT IS READILY APPARENT THAT LATIN AMERICAN PENSADORES HAVE THOUGHT AND WRITTEN EXTENSIVELY ABOUT THE PRESIDENCY. INTELLECTUAL ELITES HAVE PLAYED A MAJOR ROLE AS THE VANGUARD OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN LATIN AMERICA. THIS SURVEY EXPLICATES AND ANALYZES THE INTELLECTUAL AND CULTURAL ROOTS OF PRESIDENTIAL POWER IN LATIN AMERICA IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND THE INSTITUTION'S AUTHORITARIAN PROPENSITIES.

The article has devoted the analysis of dynamics of the institute of political leadership in the second half of XX – beginning of XXI centuries. The author examines the main conflict line in the triangle: leader–elite–people. At the same time, he comes to a conclusion about the purposeful policy of the elites of the leading countries of the world to weaken the "personal" component in political systems. The first stage of the struggle of the "ruling class" against the leaders was associated with the erosion of powers and functionality of the latter, as well as the creation of a dense functionary "shell" around them to prevent the populist course of the leaders. The second stage was characterized by the restructuration of the power space under the format of "joint-stock company", where the leaders had only a "blocking", but not a "controlling" block of shares. Finally, the third stage, which began recently, is marked by the "de-sacralisation" of the institute of leadership and moreover the transformation of political leaders into the fake and grotesque person. It indicates, at least, a temporary victory of the elites over their main competitor. Noteworthy, this process affects both the leading Western States (France, Great Britain) and some post-Soviet countries (Ukraine, Armenia). ; Статья посвящена анализу динамики института политического лидерства во второй половине ХХ — начале XXI в. Автор рассматривает основные конфликтные линии в "треугольнике" лидер–элита–народ. При этом он приходит к выводу о целенаправленной политике элит ведущих стран мира по ослаблению "персональной" составляющей в политических системах. Первый этап борьбы "правящего класса" против лидеров был связан с размыванием полномочий и функционала последних, а также созданием вокруг них плотной аппаратной "оболочки" для предотвращения популистского курса лидеров. Второй этап характеризовался перестройкой властного пространства под формат "акционерного общества", в котором лидеры обладали лишь "блокирующим", но не "контрольным" пакетом акций. Наконец, третий этап, который начался совсем недавно, ознаменован "десакрализацией" института лидерства и, более того, превращением политических лидеров в фейковые и гротескные персоны, что свидетельствует, как минимум, о временной победе элит над своим главным конкурентом. Примечательно, что этот процесс затронул как ведущие западные государства (Франция, Великобритания), так и некоторые постсоветские страны (Украина, Армения).

Previous research indicated that corrective information can sometimes provoke a so-called "backfire effect" in which respondents more strongly endorsed a misperception about a controversial political or scientific issue when their beliefs or predispositions were challenged. I show how subsequent research and media coverage seized on this finding, distorting its generality and exaggerating its role relative to other factors in explaining the durability of political misperceptions. To the contrary, an emerging research consensus finds that corrective information is typically at least somewhat effective at increasing belief accuracy when received by respondents. However, the research that I review suggests that the accuracy-increasing effects of corrective information like fact checks often do not last or accumulate; instead, they frequently seem to decay or be overwhelmed by cues from elites and the media promoting more congenial but less accurate claims. As a result, misperceptions typically persist in public opinion for years after they have been debunked. Given these realities, the primary challenge for scientific communication is not to prevent backfire effects but instead, to understand how to target corrective information better and to make it more effective. Ultimately, however, the best approach is to disrupt the formation of linkages between group identities and false claims and to reduce the flow of cues reinforcing those claims from elites and the media. Doing so will require a shift from a strategy focused on providing information to the public to one that considers the roles of intermediaries in forming and maintaining belief systems.