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Twenty years after many Western historians first turned their attention toward women, Women in the American West synthesizes the development of women's history in the region, introduces readers to current thinking on the real experiences of Western women, and explores their influence on the course of expansion and development since the 19th century. Women in the American West offers vivid portrayals of women as pioneers, prostitutes, teachers, disguised soldiers, nurses, entrepreneurs, immigrants, and ordinary citizens caught up in extraordinary times. Organized chronologically, each chapter emphasizes important themes central to gender and women's history, including women's mobility, women at home, wage labor, immigration, marriage, political participation, and involvement in wars at home and abroad. With this revealing volume, readers will see that women had a far more profound effect on the course of history in the Western United States than is commonly thought

This study investigates the interplay between democracy, development, and democratic governance gaps in Bangladesh and other developing countries. The main objectives are twofold: first, to explore how Bangladesh has achieved economic growth despite lacking democratic governance, and second, to assess the contradiction between democracy and development in developing nations. Employing a theoretical framework that views democracy and democratic governance as crucial processes of social transformation and political participation, this paper argues that structural barriers limit citizen involvement, leading to deficits in democratic governance. By analyzing secondary documents, the study reveals that Bangladesh's economic progress coexists with a shortfall in democratic governance due to insufficient social transformation. To address this issue, enhancing democratic institutions, promoting social reform, and removing structural barriers are vital. The findings hold significance for other developing countries facing similar challenges.

In recent years, struggles for justice, peace, and democracy around the world have been articulated through protests. Whether in Iran, Nigeria, Poland, Senegal, Tunisia, or the United States, this form of political participation challenges the status quo. Rising forms of autocratic rule, democratic backsliding, and right-wing populism underscore the urgency of protesters' demands. Often overlooked in mainstream accounts, however, is the role of feminists in driving forward liberatory demands for new social contracts (Sen and Durano 2014). One recent example of this is the role that the Feminist Coalition played in the Nigerian #EndSARS protests, mobilizing against years of police brutality and impunity (Nwakanma 2022). Confronted with physical harm and even death, these feminists and their fellow protesters have strategized and theorized a vision for a better world (Nazneen and Okech 2021; Tamale 2020).

In this article armed conflict in Colombia and the post-agreement period, which is still very recent, are evaluated. The armed conflict between the armed forces of the State and the FARC-EP has terminated in Colombia by making The La Havana-Bogota Peace Agreement. By the virtue of this agreement, the post-agreement period in Colombia is started. With this agreement, some other various steps have been taken to increase the political participation of the Colombian people and the democratization in Colombia. The Integrated System, containing the Commission for the Clarification of Truth, Coexistence and Non-Repetition, the Unit for the Search of Missing People Due to and in the Context of the Armed Conflict and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, was established. Colombia is a current issue for international community in the context of transitional justice period.

This paper presents a unified response to the critics of my book Epistemic Democracy and Po-litical Legitimacy. The discussion focuses on three important issues. First, I discuss advantages of a procedural (rather than substantive) interpretation of Rawls' public reason as the basis for my account of epistemic democracy. Second, I elaborate on the proper role of experts (moral and technical) in democratic decision-making and decision-authorization processes, thus sketch-ing how controversial conclusions of science can enter public deliberation and represent valid reasons for ordinary laws and policies (those that do not address constitutional essentials and matters of basic justice). Third, I focus on the transformative effect that public deliberation can (and should) have on citizens' political participation, thereby addressing some challenges to the sustainability of epistemic democracy.

This paper highlights the commitment of the academy to build knowledge in a participatory manner, integrating the actors that are proposed as the object of study. From this perspective, dialogue with the territories is a way of contributing to the construction of peace in Colombia. The notion of Peace Economies is addressed to appreciate the way in which community and associative processes that are created from the territories, starring peasant, indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities contribute to the construction of stable and lasting peace from territorialization, political participation in Territory planning and innovation in foodscapes.
This article seeks to contribute to the reflection on the role that communities can occupy in peacebuilding and the way in which humanitarian engineering can offer solutions to everyday problems of grassroots organizations that seek to innovate from the territories in the food landscapes.

This article explores the corporeal and testimonial memories of a group of female indigenous ex-combatants and victims in the Colombian Caribbean and Amazon. Although these groups have often been analyzed in the transitional justice literature, our primary objective is to analyze two local processes for retrieving indigenous women's memories and possible feminist participatory action research methodologies in the Colombian postconflict context. We examined empowering intercultural and intersectional methodologies to promote the political participation of indigenous women - both 'victims' and 'perpetrators' - in the Colombian Truth Commission implemented after the peace agreement was enacted. We explain how participatory action research should be used, including techniques such as indigenous women's body mapping, creating testimonial spaces and conducting ethnographic observations. The article is based on a transitional justice 'from below' perspective as well as local transitional justice practices. © 2020 The Author(s).

Digital networks in China, especially the microblogging site Weibo, have provided a rarespace for political participation. China has been strengthening its monopoly of public opinions on the internet in recent years. Consequently, increasing grassroots public opinion leaders have left popular digital networks. However, activists striving for womens rights are stillpopular on Weibo. How do Chinese feminists use digital networks to serve their goal? Whatdoes the increasingly strict internet control mean to them? This paper takes the perspectivesof individual feminist microbloggers on Weibo, using qualitative interview as the researchmethod, to deepen the understanding of digitally networked feminist activism in an authoritarian context and feminists use of digital networks. It focuses on the following aspects:Chinas digital feminists relationship with the digital networks that they use, their digitalfeminist identity and their experiences with the authoritarian system. ; Refereed/Peer-reviewed ; (VLID)5205551

This essay, which is derived from a doctoral dissertation on digital culture and communication, outlines conceptual boundaries that are related to politics, focusing on two prefixes: cyber and techno, determining the area of action in following with terminological refinements. It then delves into a discussion on how labels determine the scope of comprehension relating to political participation, impact, and democracy in an online environment. ; Este ensayo, que proviene de una tesis doctoral sobre cultura digital y comunicación, establece delimitaciones conceptuales relacionadas con la política en el marco de los prefijos ciber y tecno, determinando el campo de acción de acuerdo con precisiones terminológicas, por lo que abre una discusión sobre cómo las etiquetas determinan los horizontes de comprensión de la participación política, la incidencia y la democracia en el entorno online.

Zusammenfassung Der Artikel präsentiert ausgewählte Ergebnisse aus dem quantitativen Teil eines Forschungsprojekts zur Haltung zur Demokratie und zur Zufriedenheit mit deren aktueller Umsetzung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland sowie zur sozialen und politischen Beteiligung der Bevölkerung des Berliner Stadtteils Marzahn-Hellersdorf. Die meisten der 363 Befragten befürworten das Ideal der Demokratie (76,2%), aber nur etwa ein Drittel (36,1%) sieht dieses Demokratie­ideal gut umgesetzt. Eine Typologie (vier Typen) hinsichtlich der Haltung zur Demokratie wird vorgestellt. Abstract: Selected Findings of the Quantitative Part of a Research Project Regarding Attitudes Towards Democracy The article presents selected findings of the quantitative part of a research project regarding attitudes towards democracy, current implementation of democracy in the Federal Republic of Germany and social and political participation of the inhabitants of Marzahn-Hellersdorf, a district of Berlin. Most of the 363 surveyed people endorse the ideal of democracy (76,2%) but only one third 36,1% agree that it is well implemented. A typology (four types) of attitudes towards democracy will be explained.

This paper investigates a women's self-help group program with more than 1.5 million participants in one of the poorest rural areas of Northern India. The program has four streams of activity in micro-savings, agricultural enterprise training, health and nutrition education, and political participation. The paper considers whether there is any evidence that program membership is associated with quality of life improvement. Using new data on a variety of self-reported capability indicators from members and non-members, the paper estimates propensity score matching models and reports evidence of differences in some dimensions as well as significant benefits to those from the most disadvantaged groups—scheduled castes and tribes. The paper considers robustness and concludes that for some dimensions, there is evidence that the program has contributed to sustainable development through improvements in the quality of life.

In June 2013, protesters took to the streets of hundreds of Brazilian cities. The mobilizing factor was the rising fares of public transportation, which precipitated a wave of discontentment characterized by a mix of demands for better public services and changes in the discredited democratic institutions. This article discusses the role of social media in the protests and how such use configures a paradigmatic example of how communication occurs in network societies. To frame the discussion, we examine social media appropriation for the purposes of political participation through a survey applied online in 17 countries and an in-depth analysis of protests in Brazil. Looking at the Brazilian protests, the ways in which the appropriation of social media occurred and institutional responses to demonstrations developed, we argue that in the network society, the people, and no longer the media, are the message. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This paper investigates a women's self-help group program with more than 1.5 million participants in one of the poorest rural areas of Northern India. The program has four streams of activity in micro-savings, agricultural enterprise training, health and nutrition education, and political participation. The paper considers whether there is any evidence that program membership is associated with quality of life improvement. Using new data on a variety of self-reported capability indicators from members and non-members, the paper estimates propensity score matching models and reports evidence of differences in some dimensions as well as significant benefits to those from the most disadvantaged groups—scheduled castes and tribes. The paper considers robustness and concludes that for some dimensions, there is evidence that the program has contributed to sustainable development through improvements in the quality of life.

The agreement between the Colombian government and FARC-EP insurgency is an important milestone towards the resolution of one of the longest civil conflicts in history. However, there are several issues that have not been completely addressed: disarmament, reinsertion of former combatants, political participation and justice. Taking into account these needs, South-South Cooperation (SSC) becomes relevant, especially as it targets technical and participatory assistance rather than just direct money transfers. In this context, the article has three purposes: firstly, it analyzes the post-conflict policies implemented up-to-date. Secondly, it investigates specific policies coming from SSC sources. And finally, it extrapolates SSC initiatives from other Latin American countries that have endured similar conflicts. It is concluded that, though SSC is inspiring post-conflict policies in Colombia, there are some other unexplored prospects that could be useful.

The impact of infra-national dynamics on party membership has been understudied so far. This is rather surprising as recent studies have shown the importance of local and regional context for political participation and party competition (Remmer, 2009; Müller, 2013; Oliver, 2014). This paper suggests to explore this issue by testing the differentiated effect of electoral district size, national and regional election cycles on party membership fluctuations in the Belgian multilevel system. Based on a subset of MAPP data on Belgian party members disaggregated at the electoral district level over a period from 1990 to 2004, this paper shows that fluctuations of party membership ratios are linked to party level factors and to regional context. It also shows a differentiated impact of national and regional elections as mobilization factors. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished