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Metadata only record ; This paper explores the connections between women, deforestation and its negative effects of emissions. If women are the majority of subsistent farmers in Africa, and deforestation produces emissions to the atmosphere, what makes women cut down trees? Kenya's shift to cash crops such as coffee, tea, sugar, flowers and cotton, left little available land for food productions. Development policies encouraged these shifts but women's movements have been fighting for a food crop centered economy. Nobel Prize winner, Wangari Maathai and The Green Belt Movement have gathered support for tree planting and for the retention of indigenous seeds and cultivation techniques. These techniques are considered to improve soil fertility and slow desertification. Tree planting was the starting point to discuss issues such as: food security, awareness of the negative impacts of agricultural petrochemical-based systems on health and the environment, genetically modified seeds, civic education and voter registration. But the movement faced resistance from government and private interests who want the land available for industrial logging, mining, plantation agriculture, ranching, real estate development, manufacturing, and private 'game parks'. To answer the initial question it is not women who cut trees for food self-sufficiency who are the problem, but the commercial logging and large scale export oriented farming that destroy the local environments.

The 1970s saw the Aboriginal people of Australia struggle for recognition of their postcolonial rights. Rural communities, where large Aboriginal populations lived, were provoked as a consequence of social fragmentation, unparalleled unemployment, and other major economic and political changes. The ensuing riots, protests, and law-and-order campaigns in New South Wales captured the tense relations that existed between indigenous people, the police, and the criminal justice system. In Protests, Land Rights, and Riots, Barry Morris shows how neoliberal policies in Australia targeted those who were least integrated socially and culturally, and who enjoyed fewer legitimate economic opportunities. Amidst intense political debate, struggle, and conflict, new forces were unleashed as a post-settler colonial state grappled with its past. Morris provides a social analysis of the ensuing effects of neoliberal policy and the way indigenous rights were subsequently undermined by this emerging new political orthodoxy in the 1990s.

An analysis of the history of Marxism-Leninism in the USSR since 1900. V. I. Lenin's rise to power is explored in conjunction with the Russian population & the underlying causes for the Russian revolution. It is argued that Russia was a semiperipheral, agriculturally strong nation, with a majority of rural workers & peasants; but its weak position industrially in comparison to the rest of Europe was the primary cause of the revolution & the rise of Lenin. The later rise of Stalinism is attributed in part to internal economic problems & the devastation of WWII. The Soviet empire was formed after 1945 due to: (1) the fear of US military intervention in both the USSR & East Germany; (2) the need for war reparations, which the USSR obtained by force; & (3) the wish to ensure communist unity, in light of possible independent, indigenous communist movements. De-Stalinization is attributed to political & economic failures & misjudgments by Nikita Khrushchev & Leonid Brezhnev, & the reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev are analyzed as an attempt by the elites to regroup after the international collapse of (Marxism-)Leninism. It is argued that Gorbachev's main problem is his lack of an alternative ideology & strategy to substitute for Marxism-Lenism. It is also proposed, however, that he has single-handedly moved the world past the Cold War era. Implications of the Soviet experience for the future of Marxist insights & values are offered. 6 References. D. Dennis

"From suffragettes to sexuality, feminist history is often told as a narrative of women united in the fight against patriarchy. But there have always been limits and fault lines in the feminist movements that centered white women's rights at the expense of all others. As scholar Kyla Schuller argues in The Trouble with White Women, white women, across political classes, have used racism and other hierarchies of power to win their own rights and expand their personal opportunities. Their white feminist politics have come at a great cost, resulting in the sustained exploitation, oppression, and silencing of women of color. The Trouble with White Women details the history of white feminist icons and their counterparts from the 1840s to the present. From Margaret Sanger, who promoted racist eugenics and was in conflict with Dr. Dorothy Ferebee, to Pauli Murray, who fought for a more radical vision of feminism against Betty Friedan's homophobic and racist ideas. Today, that tradition endures. So-called feminists continue to advocate excluding trans people from the movement and promote the Violence Against Women Act that has buttressed the greatest carceral state in the world. But as The Trouble with White Women argues, resistance to these white feminist politics has continually emerged from Black, indigenous, poor, queer, and trans women and their movements for liberation. It is only by understanding this complex legacy that feminism can build a movement that honors the radical work and lives of those who suffer most under patriarchy"--

AbstractIn light of the current Rohingya crisis in Myanmar, this article investigates the emergence of Islamophobia in colonial Burma. Focusing on the under-examined Islamophobic riots that broke out countrywide in 1938, my research reveals that a nascent fascist movement used Muslims as a scapegoat for political and economic crisis. The colonial agribusiness economy had collapsed during the Great Depression, while the vast contract labour system of the Indian Ocean had brought millions of low-wage Indian migrants to Burma, causing a glut in the labour market. Burmese socialism provided a popular response to these issues. To compete, Burmese fascism emerged to appeal to a rising sense of nationalism, racially scapegoating Indians and the religion of Islam as the exploiters, colonizers, and invaders behind Burma's problems. Using the racialized termkalato conflate the ideas of colonizer, Indian, and Muslim, Burmese fascists inflamed hatred against Indian Muslims, Indian Hindus, and even indigenous Muslims, such as the Rohingya. By revealing the origins of this racialization, this article both deconstructs the lasting Burmese perception of the Rohingya as 'Bengali immigrants' and provides a generalizable case study into how races and racisms develop from specific historical factors and political movements. It also argues that the British amplified fascist ideas in Burma by focusing repression on movements that directly challenged their material control, such as socialism and communism. Therefore, it highlights how ruling classes often prefer nationalistic movements because they redirect popular unrest from the project of overthrowing structural factors to that of eliminating scapegoated minorities.

In the Global South, Indigenous and Native people continue to live under colonial relations within formally independent nation-states. Sebastian Garbe offers a critical perspective on contemporary expressions of international solidarity and transnational advocacy. He combines approaches from critical race and decolonial studies with an activist ethnography on networked spaces of encounters created through solidarity activism by Mapuche and non-Mapuche actors. Departing from those experiences, this book not only presents potential pitfalls of transnational advocacy but suggests new ways of understanding and practicing solidarity

"Feminist approaches to international law have been mischaracterised by the mainstream of the discipline as being a niche field that pertains only to women's lived experiences and their participation in decision-making processes. Exemplifying how feminist approaches can be used to analyse all areas of international law, this book applies posthuman feminist theory to examine the regulation of new and emerging military technologies, international environmental law and the conceptualisation of the sovereign state and other modes of legal personality in international law. Noting that most posthuman scholarship to date is primarily theoretical, this book also contributes to the field of posthumanism through its application of posthuman feminism to international law, working to bridge the theory and practice divide by using posthuman feminism to design and call for legal change. This interdisciplinary book draws on an array of fields, including philosophy, queer and feminist theories, postcolonial and critical race theories, computer science, critical disability studies, science and technology studies, marine biology, cultural and media studies, Indigenous onto-epistemologies, critical legal theory, political science and beyond to provide a holistic analysis of international law and its inclusions and exclusions. This interdisciplinary book will appeal to students and scholars with interests in legal, feminist, and posthuman theory, as well as those concerned with the contemporary challenges faced by international law"--

Intro -- Ruptures: Anti-colonial & -- Anti-racist Feminist Theorizing -- CONTENTS -- Acknowledgement -- Foreword -- Introduction -- Part One - Practicing Anti-colonial and Anti-racist Feminism in Classrooms and Communities -- Uncovering the Well: Black Feminism in Canada -- African-Canadian Black Women Leaders: Impacting Change in the Diaspora -- Using Black Canadian Feminist Thought as an Approach to Teaching Science -- Sistership: Talking Back to Feminism -- Caribbean Slave Women's Resistance as a Form of Preservation: Taking a Closer Look at Pain and Its Relevance to History and the Preservation of Self -- Ser Madre, to Be Mother in Cuba: The Life of Maria de los Reyes Castillo Bueno -- Indigenous African Knowledges and African Feminism: Resisting Eurocentric Ways of Knowing -- The Hypersexualization and Undesirability of Black/African Women -- Part Two - Theorizing Anti-racist Feminism, Complicating Narratives of Race and Gender -- African Canadian Women and the Criminal Justice System -- December 6th -- Symbolic Proximity: Rihana Face-to-Face -- Fluidity and Possibility: Imagining Woman of Colour Pedagogies -- Taking Seriously the Power of Racialized Self-misrepresentation: Authenticity, White Supremacy and Consequence -- Appetites: Destabilizing the Notion of Normalcy and Deviance Through the Black Woman's Body -- Tomee -- Part Three - Decolonizing the Heart -- The Masks We Wear as We Search for a Home: Experiences of Homelessness for Those Who Have Non-normative Sexual Orientations Within a Canadian-South Asian Community -- Complexities in the Margin: Queering Black Feminism in Canada -- Lumbah Rasta (A Long Journey): From Spirit Injury to Spirit Repair -- Imperial Imaginations & -- Decolonizing Dreams: Storying Emancipations -- Great Canadian Love Stories Brought to You by the Canadian National Railway.

This panel was made possible by the collaborative efforts of editors of Junctions and an intern from Transmission in Motion, both spaces being initiatives by Utrecht University. While emerging from independent curiosities around decolonial thought and practice, specifically related to the movement in the educational sector (more commonly recognised as Decolonizing the Curriculum, a subset of Decolonizing the University movement) this collaborative panel aims to have as starting point the ideology, better articulated Walter D. Mignolo and Catherine E. Walsh, as a relational practise which requires the recognition of one's position as their entry point. In their words (2018), decolonial thinking and practice embodies (or should embody) situatedness, "…the ways that different local histories and embodied conceptions and practices of decoloniality, including our own, can enter into conversations and build understandings that both cross geopolitical locations and colonial differences and contest the totalizing claims and political-epistemic violence of modernity" (Walsh and Mignolo 2018, 1). We understand this as a way to contextualise decolonial theory and practice within educational spaces in the Netherlands, so as not to risk transforming it into an empty metaphor. To contextualise theory and practice also requires an understanding of how Decolonial Work is spoken about and practised in specific institutional spaces. With that in mind, we invited Layal Ftouni, Toni Pape and Rolando Vazquez Melken to discuss the limits of what we allow ourselves to think, talk, imagine, make and do in relation to the discourse of decolonization.

Proem : Archipelagoes of Pan Pacific Ethnographies / Robert E. Rinehart and elke emerald -- Ethnographic Writing in the Age of Facebook / Ruth Behar -- Performing "SHOT" : Personalizing North Philly, Poverty and Performance Poetry / Kimmika L. H. Williams-Witherspoon -- Activist Ethnography : Becoming the "Toilet Lady", Navigating Roles in the Field / Keely Kidner -- Autoperformance Ethnography as an Act of Movement from Trauma and Loss to Memory and Redress in Chilean Victims of the Pinochet Regime / Pamela Zapata-Sepúlveda -- Indigenous Research : Practice and Advocacy / Rogelia Pe-Pua -- Cultural Consideration and Mixed Methods for Psychological Research : A Sri Lankan Perspective / Shemana Cassim, Darrin Hodgetts and Ottilie Stolte -- Research with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Students in New South Wales, Australia: Ethical and Methodological Positioning / Katie Wilson and Judith Wilks -- Whanaungatanga is Not an Option : An Autoethnography in Two Voices / Jacquie Kidd -- White Lines : Racist Graffiti, Skinhead Youth and Violence in the English Suburbs / Anoop Nayak -- Accompanied by Suspicion : An Ethnographic Account of Negotiating Gender Tensions and Positioning in Counselling Practice and Researching Child Sexuality / Paul Flanagan -- Stories That Challenge Dominant Discourses / Judy Hunter -- Performing Humour and Irony in Forming Ethical Subjectivities : The Cases of Ultimate Frisbee and Contemporary Academia / Hamish Crocket, Kathie Crocket and Elmarie Kotze -- Ko te tangata ka whai i te matauranga ka whai i te maramatanga : The Journey of Knowledge is a Journey of Enlightenment Indigenous Methodologies / Rangi Matamua and Hemi Whaanga -- Matauranga Maori and the "Creative Potential" of Maori Communities / Te Ahukaramu Charles Royal -- Hoatu ki te riri tu ngutu!/Go Forth into Battle! / Rangi Matamua -- Te wawao i te matauranga Maori : Indigenous Knowledge in a Digital Age : Issues and Ethics of Knowledge Management and Knowledge Exchange in Aotearoa/New Zealand / Hemi Whaanga and Priscilla Wehi -- Te Pa Harakeke : Whanau as a Site of Wellbeing / Leonie Pihama, Jenny Lee, Rihi Te Nana, Donna Campbell, Hinemoanaiti Greensill and Tammy Tauroa -- Postscrip t: Maintaining Balance in Research Climates for Indigenous Academics / Paul Whitinui, Rogelia Pe-Pua, Anoop Nayak, Ruth Behar, Ngahuia Te Awekotuku and Linda Waimarie Nikora

Indo-Fijians make up about 37 per cent of Fiji's current population and have a unique language and culture, which evolved since Indians fist arrived into Fiji as indentured labourers on board the ship Leonidas in 1879. Since their arrival in the British colony as sugar plantation labourers, Indo-Fijian activists led counter hegemonic movements against the colonial government during and after indenture in 1920-21, 1943 and 1960. Indo-Fijian activists demanded political equality with Europeans and constantly agitated for better wages and living conditions through disruptive strikes and boycotts. After independence, the focus of Indo-Fijians shifted to political equality with indigenous Fijians and access to land leases from indigenous landowners on reasonable terms; and these were ongoing themes in the 1972, 1977 and 1982 elections. However, Indo-Fijian counter hegemony took a new form in 1987 with the formation of the multiracial Fiji Labour Party and National Federation Party coalition government but indigenous Fijian nationalists and the military deposed the government and established discriminatory policies against Indo-Fijians which were dismantled by the Fiji Labour Party-led coalition government in 1999. However, indigenous nationalists regrouped and deposed the government in 2000, prompting another round of protests and resistance from Indo-Fijians. Using Gramscian conceptualisation of counter hegemony as disruptive protest, resistance and dissent, I argue that political mobilisation of indentured labourers and their descendants was aimed at restoring political rights, honour, self-respect and dignity lost during colonial and post-colonial periods in Fiji. In this article, I argue that Indo-Fijian counter hegemony was in the form of mobilisation, based on assembling alternative ideas to create a culture of disruptive protests and rebellion against hegemonic social forces. Indo-Fijian dissent aimed at elevating the voices of the exploited, marginalised, discriminated against and disenfranchised in a society preoccupied with ethnicity and race. In this regard, the history of Indo-Fijian counter hegemony in Fiji is narrated within the historical structure of protests, boycotts and strikes and constant political agitation.

Considerando que el campo educativo es un ámbito privilegiado para estudiar el ejercicio del poder, el artículo analiza la manera cómo opera el poder disciplinar -que se ejerce sobre los cuerpos de los individuos y destinados a vigilarlos, controlarlos y adiestrarlos con el objeto de hacerlos dóciles y útiles- y el biopoder -que se ejerce en el cuerpo colectivo de la población y se alimenta de los saberes que se engendran a partir de la propia población-. Y la manera como estas formas de poder en el campo educativo monocultural fue cuestionada y sismada por la educación intercultural bilingüe: primero, porque la institucionalidad intercultural emerge en oposición a la educación hegemónica y como una bandera de lucha política, epistémica del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano. Segundo, porque se constituye en la insurrección y retorno de saber sometido. Aunque la educación intercultural bilingüe, en ocasiones también continúa reproduciendo las mismas formas de constitución de sujetos a través de un determinado número de prácticas de saber-poder. ; Whereas Education is a prime area to study the exercise of power, the article analyzes the way power operates discipline which is exercised over the bodies of individuals and intended to watch them, control them and train them in order to make them docile and useful- and biopower which is exercised in the collective body of the people and feeds on the knowledge that are generated from the population itself. And the way how are you forms of power in the monocultural educational field was challenged and sismada for bilingual intercultural education: first, because the intercultural institutions emerges in opposition to the hegemonic education and as a banner of political struggle, epistemic Ecuadorian indigenous movement. Second, because it is in the insurrection and return knowing subject. Although intercultural bilingual education, sometimes also continues to play the same forms of constitution of subjects through a number of practices of knowledge-power. ; Considerando-se que o campo educativo é uma área privilegiada para estudar o exercício do poder, o artigo analisa a maneira como opera o poder disciplinar –que se exerce sobre os corpos dos indivíduos, destinados a vigiá-los, controlá-los e adestrá-los com o objetivo de fazê-los dóceis e úteis- e o biopoder – que se exerce sobre o corpo coletivo da população e se alimenta dos saberes que se elaboram a partir da própria população-. E, à medida em que estas formas de poder no campo educativo monocultural passaram a ser questionadas e criticadas pela educação intercultural bilíngue, ocorreram consequências: primeiro, porque a institucionalidade intercultural emerge em oposição à educação hegemônica e como uma bandeira de luta política e epistêmica do movimento indígena equatoriano. Segundo, porque é constituído na insurreição ao retorno do conhecimento submisso. Embora a educação intercultural bilíngue intercultural, às vezes também continua a reproduzir as mesmas formas de constituição de sujeitos através de um certo número de práticas de conhecimento-poder.

Considerando que el campo educativo es un ámbito privilegiado para estudiar el ejercicio del poder, el artículo analiza la manera cómo opera el poder disciplinar -que se ejerce sobre los cuerpos de los individuos y destinados a vigilarlos, controlarlos y adiestrarlos con el objeto de hacerlos dóciles y útiles- y el biopoder -que se ejerce en el cuerpo colectivo de la población y se alimenta de los saberes que se engendran a partir de la propia población-. Y la manera como estas formas de poder en el campo educativo monocultural fue cuestionada y sismada por la educación intercultural bilingüe: primero, porque la institucionalidad intercultural emerge en oposición a la educación hegemónica y como una bandera de lucha política, epistémica del movimiento indígena ecuatoriano. Segundo, porque se constituye en la insurrección y retorno de saber sometido. Aunque la educación intercultural bilingüe, en ocasiones también continúa reproduciendo las mismas formas de constitución de sujetos a través de un determinado número de prácticas de saber-poder. ; Whereas Education is a prime area to study the exercise of power, the article analyzes the way power operates discipline which is exercised over the bodies of individuals and intended to watch them, control them and train them in order to make them docile and useful- and biopower which is exercised in the collective body of the people and feeds on the knowledge that are generated from the population itself. And the way how are you forms of power in the monocultural educational field was challenged and sismada for bilingual intercultural education: first, because the intercultural institutions emerges in opposition to the hegemonic education and as a banner of political struggle, epistemic Ecuadorian indigenous movement. Second, because it is in the insurrection and return knowing subject. Although intercultural bilingual education, sometimes also continues to play the same forms of constitution of subjects through a number of practices of knowledge-power. ; Considerando-se que o campo educativo é uma área privilegiada para estudar o exercício do poder, o artigo analisa a maneira como opera o poder disciplinar –que se exerce sobre os corpos dos indivíduos, destinados a vigiá-los, controlá-los e adestrá-los com o objetivo de fazê-los dóceis e úteis- e o biopoder – que se exerce sobre o corpo coletivo da população e se alimenta dos saberes que se elaboram a partir da própria população-. E, à medida em que estas formas de poder no campo educativo monocultural passaram a ser questionadas e criticadas pela educação intercultural bilíngue, ocorreram consequências: primeiro, porque a institucionalidade intercultural emerge em oposição à educação hegemônica e como uma bandeira de luta política e epistêmica do movimento indígena equatoriano. Segundo, porque é constituído na insurreição ao retorno do conhecimento submisso. Embora a educação intercultural bilíngue intercultural, às vezes também continua a reproduzir as mesmas formas de constituição de sujeitos através de um certo número de práticas de conhecimento-poder.

1. Introduction: Social capital and collective action - theory and practice -- Part 1. Inducing collective action -- 2. Local support organizations: an exit strategy for rural development NGOs -- 3. A community development exit strategy: Women excelling and filling vacated spaces -- 4. Induced collective action to deliver rural water supply -- Part 2. Spontaneous collective action for indigenous rights -- 5. Anatomy of a peoples' rights movement: a case study of the Sarhad Awami Forestry Ittehad (SAFI) -- 6. Advocacy for justice: the Pakistan Fisher folk Forum (PFF) -- 7. The military and land rights: stealing land from the commons -- 8.Coping with natural hazards: Assessing the disconnect between autonomous social capital and spontaneous collective action -- 9. Conclusion: Strengthening the community-government interface. .