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Elections in Africa serve many more functions than commonly assumed. The 47 elections held in African countries between 1974 & 1978 may be divided into 5 functional types: (1) to maintain an established set of officeholders in an established system; (2) to permit a change of second-rung personnel or allow an ideological debate, with no change of government; (3) to present a real choice of officeholders; (4) to change institutions while keeping a particular set of officeholders in power; & (5) to establish a new regime by presenting the electorate with a real choice of leaders. The multiplicity of functions is expressed in the subjects of electoral debates, which range from immediate issues to basic components of the political order. The outcomes of elections bear little resemblance to these discussions, since no ballot can decide on the issues raised during election campaigns. The lack of consensus evident at election time can be rectified by providing for a truly representative type of political participation which may lead to more fruitful actions on the fundamentals of the political order. Appendix. Modified AA.

"Governance for Peace presents a comprehensive analysis of the dimensions of governance that are most likely to prevent armed conflict and foster sustainable peace. It is an accessible study written for the general reader that brings together the best empirical evidence across numerous disciplines showing how effective governance and inclusive, participatory, and accountable institutions help to reduce violence by addressing social needs and providing mechanisms for resolving disputes. This balanced and incisive book gives meaning to the term 'good governance' and identifies the specific features of political and economic institutions that are most likely to promote peace within and between states."

Abstract
Asserting that American checks and balances have broken down, Lawrence Jacobs asserts that parties must filter out dangerous candidates such as Donald Trump. To do so requires a number of reforms to undo several wrong turns in the evolution of the party system. Ambitious political elites including Jefferson, Jackson, LaFollette, and McGovern introduced changes in the name of greater equality that served their own interests but also had a number of harmful consequences. Reforms are needed to expand and reinvigorate citizen political participation along many dimensions and curb elite influence. In his book Democracy Under Fire: Donald Trump and the Breaking of American History, Lawrence Jacobs offers a robust vision of democracy and argues democracy is incompatible with entrenching minority control of electoral outcomes or political decision-making. Yet some of the failures and changes that gave rise to current threats to democracy, including authoritarian candidates, have affected other nations and have causes that go beyond remedies considered here. Some of the modest reforms proposed by Jacobs seem unlikely to achieve the purposes he envisions. However, reforms that do not require constitutional amendments and broader citizen political engagement that extends beyond election season are welcome proposals.

Jedna od važnih pretpostavki ostvarivanja funkcionalne obrazovne politike jeste da se ključne odluke u domenu obrazovne politike donose uz konsultovanje s onima koji će te odluke neposredno sprovoditi. Cilj sprovedenog istraživanja je bio da se sagleda kako školski pedagozi opažaju učešće praktičara u procesu stvaranja i sprovođenja obrazovnih politika. Konkretnije, ispitivali smo ko je sve učestvovao u kreiranju aktuelnih reformskih rešenja u obrazovanju, kao i u kojoj meri su praktičari motivisani da se uključe u proces stvaranja i sprovođenja obrazovnih politika i zašto. Uzorak istraživanja je činilo 159 pedagoga, zaposlenih u osnovnim i srednjim školama širom teritorije Republike Srbije. Podaci, prikupljeni anketiranjem, ukazuju na to da praktičari, posmatrano iz ugla školskih pedagoga, ne učestvuju aktivno u procesu stvaranja i sprovođenja obrazovnih politika. Iskustvo neuzimanja u obzir perspektive praktičara, pa čak i izostavljanje prilike da budu pitani, doprinosi tome da se reformska rešenja opažaju kao nametnuta, nerelevantna i neprimerena lokalnom kontekstu, što potvrđuju i nalazi ovog istraživanja. Takve okolnosti nepovoljno deluju na motivisanost praktičara za sprovođenje obrazovno-političkih odluka i na suzbijanje otpora prema promenama. ; Odnim iz važnyh predvaritel'nyh uslovij v realizacii politiki funkcional'nogo obrazovaniâ âvlâetsâ to, čto klûčevye rešeniâ v oblasti obrazovatel'noj politiki dolžny prinimat'sâ v konsul'tacii s temi, kto budet neposredstvenno vypolnât' èti rešeniâ. Cel'û dannogo issledovaniâ bylo vyâsnit', kak škol'nye pedagogi vosprinimaût učastie praktikov v processe sozdaniâ i realizacii obrazovatel'noj politiki. V častnosti, bylo rassmotreno, kto vse učastvoval v razrabotke tekuŝih rešenij po reforme obrazovaniâ, a takže naskol'ko specialisty-praktiki zainteresovany v učastii v processe sozdaniâ i realizacii obrazovatel'noj politiki i počemu. Issledovanie provedeno s učastiem 159 pedagogov, rabotaûŝih v načal'nyh i srednih školah na vsej territorii Respubliki Serbiâ. Dannye, sobrannye v hode oprosa, pokazyvaût, čto praktiki s točki zreniâ škol'nyh pedagogov ne prinimaût aktivnogo učastiâ v processe sozdaniâ i realizacii obrazovatel'noj politiki. Opyt ignorirovaniâ točki zreniâ praktikov i daže upuŝenie vozmožnosti ih minimal'nogo učastiâ, sposobstvuet tomu, čto rešeniâ reform vosprinimaûtsâ kak navâzannye, nerelevantnye i neumestnye dlâ mestnogo konteksta, čto podtverždaetsâ rezul'tatami dannogo issledovaniâ. Takie obstoâtel'stva otricatel'no vliâût na motivaciû k realizacii rešenij v oblasti obrazovatel'noj politiki i podavlenie soprotivleniâ izmeneniâm. ; One of the important preconditions for the implementation of a functional education policy is that key decisions in the domain of education policy are taken following consultations with those who will be directly implementing these decisions. The aim of our research was to examine how school pedagogists perceive the participation of education practitioners in the process of creating and implementing education policies. More specifically, we sought to identify all those who participated in the creation of current reform solutions in education, and to find out to what extent education practitioners are motivated to get involved in the process of creating and implementing education policies and why. The research sample consisted of 159 pedagogists working in primary and secondary schools across the Republic of Serbia. The data, collected through a survey, indicate that practitioners, from the point of view of school pedagogists, do not take an active part in the process of shaping and implementing education policies. The experience of not taking into account the practitioners' perspective, even not giving them the opportunity to be asked for their input, contributes to reform solutions being perceived as imposed from above, non-relevant and inappropriate to the local context, which is borne out by the findings of this research. Such circumstances have a detrimental effect on education practitioners' motivation for implementing educational-political decisions and the suppression of resistance to changes.

Many contemporary democratic theorists now base their conceptions of democracy not on the value of citizen participation but on deliberation instead. This apparently slight shift in emphasis marks an important change in the critical project of democratic theory. Although participatory & deliberative democratic theory are in some ways similar, close readings of the recent work of a number of leftist deliberative democrats reveal not only fundamental criticisms of their participatory predecessors but a strikingly different assessment of the political world as well. Deliberative democrats strive to avoid the charge of utopianism so often leveled against participatory theorists; in doing so, however, they lose the power to distinguish critically between the potential for democracy & its realization. Deliberative democratic theory, therefore, should not be understood as a revision of the participatory project, but rather as an independent &, for now, underdeveloped theory of democracy. Adapted from the source document.

The Internet holds endless opportunities for exchange and dialogue and the promise of developing a better democratic model. Day-to-day politics are largely driven by economic lobbies in the interest of what Habermas calls their "generalised particularism," the threat to take jobs and tax revenues elsewhere. Citizens' influence over politicians is twofold: they are asked for their input in elections, referenda, online consultations and surveys, and citizens can initiate issues where they see political action needed. Yet these "participative forces," including NGOs, street rallies and charities, regularly fail to reach the ears of elected politicians as effectively as those of well-funded corporate lobbies. Also, this type of voluntary engagement often falls short of presenting the kind of reasoned challenges to the incumbents - by the electorate - that Habermas' communicative action aimed at. A more powerful model would therefore organise the efforts of the electorate in a way that both generates those reasoned arguments, which, as Habermas quite correctly pointed out differ from mere opinions, and delivers them to the elected politicians in a manner they can neither refuse nor ignore. This is what the Citizen Lobby intends to do.

"This book analyses the power that religion wields upon the minds of individuals and communities and explores the predominance of language in the actual practice of religion. Through an investigation of the diverse forms of religious language available oral traditions, sacred texts, evangelical prose and national rhetoric used by faith-insiders such as missionaries, priests or religious leaders who play the communicators role between the sacred and the secular the essays in the volume reveal the dependence of religion upon language, demonstrating how religion draws strength from a past that is embedded in narratives, infusing the sacred language with political power. The book combines broad theoretical and normative reflections in contexts of original, detailed and closely examined empirical case-studies. Drawing upon resources across disciplines, the book?will be of interest to scholars of religion and religious studies, linguistics, politics, cultural studies, history,?sociology?and social anthropology."--Provided by publisher

As part of the problems, the attempt of the analysis of the basic philosophical ideas of goodness in a historic transformation of the value of charity paradigm. The article is devoted to defining the basic philosophical ideas of goodness in terms of historical value Flexible paradigm of charity. Part provides an overview of features of the philosophical understanding of the problem of charity in line with classical and postmodern philosophy. On the basis of the philosophical analysis shows vector intentions of changing values guiding the transition of society model welfare state to the model of participation societу. Analyzes the transformation of charity in the spectral plane between samooriyentovanym and vzayemooriyentovanym good at domination are essential variation observed phenomenon.The authors attempt to find out rational and irrational component in moral goodness. A separate analysis focuses on the nature of moral charity constants from the standpoint of rational egoism and objectivism.It is shown that the process of globalization, socio-economic, political and territorial transformations of the second half of the XX–XXI century essentially shaken the position of the welfare state, and the wreckage of the welfare state, globalization steadily reduces participation society, which should limit the distribution of alms and to increase the responsibility of citizens for their own welfare.Proved that charity as a social institution and the phenomenon is able to become the communication channel that is not permeated with pragmatism, thirst for power and consumer ideology (as opposed to policy) is publicly available in its creation (unlike many forms of art) dominates dogmatically over man (religion), but at the same time, charity aimed at human consciousness. This social effect of charity is possible in conditions of transformational change its value paradigm that has to be permeated maxims partnership, cooperation, security and comfort, interdependence and commitment at all levels of relations benefactor, benifitsiariya and society. ; В рамках проблематики, осуществлен попытка анализа основных философских идей благодеяния в условиях исторической трансформации ценностной парадигмы благотворительности. Статья посвящена определению основных философских идей благодеяния в условиях исторической трансформации ценностной парадигмы благодияльности. Тезисно представлен обзор особенностей философского осмысления проблемы благотворительности в русле классической и постмодернистской философии. На основе проведенного философского анализа показан вектор изменения ценностных указателей при переходе общества с модели «государства всеобщего благосостояния» (welfare state) к модели «общества активного участия» (participation society). ; В межах проблематики, здійснено фрагментарну спробу проаналізувати основніфілософські ідеї благодіяння в умовах історичної трансформаці ціннісної парадигми благодіяльності. Тезисно представлено огляд особливостей філософського осмислення проблеми благодійності у руслі класичної та постмодерної філософії. На основі здійсненого філософського аналізу показано вектор інтенцій зміни ціннісних дороговказів при переході суспільства із моделі «держави загального добробуту» (welfare state) до моделі «суспільства активної участі» (participation society).

This article critically examines the policy capacity crisis in post- 1997 Hong Kong. In particular, it provides a framework that allows for a more sophisticated analysis of new social movements (NSMs) and their role in challenging the government in policy making and implementation. A number of studies examining recent campaigns conducted by NSMs reveal that the social activists involved have distinctive goals, organizational structures, and political styles, and that the distinctiveness of NSMs has challenged the traditional ways in which public policy has been made, which emphasized rationality, scientific analysis, and policy coherence. However, this article argues that the policy capacity crisis cannot be explained purely in terms of the rise of NSMs. The form and strength of their challenge to policy capacity can only be fully understood in relation to the prevailing political structures which define the connected set of political opportunities/constraints facing the protest groups. In particular MSMs only become relevant in mobilizing and intensifying antagonistic forces when their values and actions are mediated by the structure of political opportunities. Moreover, any effect on government policy derived from confrontational action also has to be mediated by the political structures. In short, the structural opportunities/constraints enshrined in particular policy areas are equally, if not more, significant than the internal dynamics of NSMs in understanding the impact of such movements on public policy. Hence, there is no real reason to assert that the rise of NSMs necessarily poses a considerable challenge to the policy capacity of the Hong Kong government. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

THIS ARTICLE IS A FEATURE REVIEW OF A BOOK WRITTEN BY MELVYN LEFFLER. IN HIS MASSIVE STUDY OF THE FOREIGN POLICY OF THE TRUMAN ADMINISTRATION, LEFFLER HAS SOUGHT TO DO TWO THINGS. THE FIRST IS TO DEMONSTRATE THE RANGE AND COHESIVENESS OF THAT POLICY AND DEVELOPMENT THROUGH TIME. HE ACCOMPLISHES THIS GOAL BRILLIANTLY. THE SECOND IS TO EVALUATE THE MERITS OF THAT POLICY, AND HERE HIS RESULTS ARE FAR MORE MIXED. LEFFLER CARRIES US WELL BEYOND A PREOCCUPATION WITH MILITARY ALIGNMENTS, HOWEVER, IN HIS EMPHASIS ON THE ECONOMIC BASES OF TRUMAN'S SECURITY STRATEGY. ALONG WITH HIS ASSIDUOUS PRESENTATION OF THE COURSE OF TRUMAN'S FOREIGN POLICY, LEFFLER GIVES US A RATHER AMBIGUOUS EVALUATION OF IT. THE MAIN WEAKNESSES OF LEFFLER'S BOOK LIE IN HIS ASSESSMENT OF THE SOVIET SIDE OF THIS RELATIONSHIP. ALTHOUGH HE CONTENDS THAT HIS ANALYSIS IS IN ACCORD WITH THAT OF WILLIAM TAUBMAN, IT ACTUALLY DIVERGES SIGNIFICANTLY FROM IT--AND NOT TO THE ADVANTAGE OF LEFFLER. WERE LEFFLER TO BRING TO HIS ASSESSMENT OF SOVIET POLICY THE SAME RIGOR AND INSIGHT THAT HE HAS BROUGHT TO HIS ASSESSMENT OF AMERICAN, HE COULD WRITE THE DEFINITIVE WORK IN THE FIELD.

The image of a political leader is considered as a discursive phenomenon, structured by a set of practices. Two practices bring together the images of Stalin and Putin: 1) use of specific nominations of a leader; 2) reproduction of laudatory slogans addressed to a leader. The gatekeeping practices and the content of leaders' images in considered discourses are fundamentally different. The modern Russian media select the most spectacular breaking news with the participation of Putin and construct the star image, well sold to the Russian consumer. Soviet media refuse any sensationalism, covering only official and routine events with the participation of Stalin. So the contradiction is revealed between the ordinary actions of the leader and the endless praise for Stalin as a deified father. © 2020 University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn. All rights reserved.

Las forma diversas que adquiere la participación de los colectivos humanos en la construcción de un proyecto de sociedad son las que definen e instituyen una cultura política concebida como forma histórica y sistémica de tramar los intercambios materiales, simbólicos y prácticos entre los diversos grupos y colectividades que habitan un territorio y un tiempo común. América Latina está en la posibilidad y en la obligación de ofrecer una nueva y amplia gama de perspectivas vitales que se definen en la cultura. El artículo problematiza la participación como construcción colectiva de una polis, en el campo cultural, con el fin de contribuir a la profundización del proceso de democratización cultural en las sociedades latinoamericanas. ; The diverse forms that acquire the participation of a collectivity of individuals in the construction of a social project are what define the political culture, conceived as a historical and systemic form to exchange things and symbols between the divers groups and collective individuals that inhabitant a territory in a given time. Latin America has the chance and the obligation to offer ample forms of perspectives to define culture. The goal is to get deep in the process of cultural democratization in Latin American societies.