Suchergebnisse

Introducción: El principal reservorio del Staphylococcus aureus son las fosas nasales humanas. Se conoce que los portadores nasales de Staphylococcus aureus tienen un riesgo de 3 a 6 veces mayor de sufrir infecciones por este germen. En su variedad meticilino resistente se presenta como uno de los patógenos hospitalarios más importantes. Objetivo: Determinar la prevalencia de portadores nasales de Staphylococcus aureus en el personal del Hospital Vicente Corral Moscoso y Hospital Militar. Patrón de sensibilidad antimicrobiana. Cuenca 2010. Método: Es un diseño de corte transversal, realizado en los Hospitales Vicente Corral Moscoso y de División III Ejército Tarqui. La población estudiada estuvo conformado por 150 personas que laboran en las áreas de cuidados intensivos, neonatología y quirófano. Las muestras se recolectaron por hisopado nasal, fueron transportados en medio de Stuart, cultivándose en agar sangre y agar manitol. Se realizó la tinción de Gram, prueba de catalasa, coagulasa, DNasa y se efectuó la prueba de sensibilidad antimicrobiana mediante el método de difusión en disco. Se ejecutó el análisis estadístico descriptivo para una mejor comprensión e interpretación de los datos. Resultados: De los cultivos analizados se aislaron 55 cepas de Staphylococcus aureus. La prevalencia fue de 37%. El personal más colonizado fue el de neonatología con 39%. La mayor portación se observó en el personal médico 50%. Fueron sensibles a trimetropim sulfametoxazol, vancomicina 100%; cefoxitin 94,55; gentamicina 90,9%; clindamicina 89%, tetraciclina 87,3%; eritomicina 49,1%; penicilina 18,2%. Conclusión: El 37% del personal hospitalario es portador nasal del S. aureus, siendo potencial diseminador. La sensibilidad antimicrobiana de este microorganismo se encuentra disminuida frente a la meticilina. ; Introduction: The main reservoir of Staphylococcus aureus is human nostrils. It is known that nasal carriers of Staphylococcus aureus are at increased risk of 3-6 fold greater risk to get infections from this germ. In its variety methicillin resistant shows itself as one of the most important hospital pathogens. Objective: To determine the prevalence of nasal carriage of Staphylococcus aureus in hospital personnel and their antimicrobial susceptibility pattern. Cuenca 2010. Method: It is a cross-sectional design carried out in Vicente Corral Moscoso Hospital and División III Ejército Tarqui. The studied population was composed by 150 people who work in intensive care units, neonatology wards and operation rooms. Samples were collected by nasal swab, transported in Stuart's medium, cultivated on blood agar and mannitol agar. We performed Gram stain, catalase test, coagulase, DNase and it was performed antimicrobial susceptibility testing by the disc diffusion method. We made a descriptive statistical analysis for a better understanding and interpretation of the data. Results: 55 strains of Staphylococcus aureus were isolated from the tested crops. The prevalence was 37%. The most colonized personnel was the neonatology staff with 39%. Most carrying was observed in medical personnel with 50%.They were susceptible to trimethoprim-sulfamethoxazole, and vancomycin 100%; cefoxitin 94,55; gentamicin 90,9%; clindamycin 89%; tetracycline 87,3%; erythromycin 49,1%; 18,2% penicillin. Conclusion: 37% of hospital staff was nasal carriers of S. aureus, being potential spreader. The antimicrobial susceptibility of this microorganisms decreased compared to methicillin. ; Cuenca

Dottorato di ricerca in Storia d'Europa: società, istituzioni e sistemi politici europei,19.-20. secolo ; La tesi ripercorre le vicende dell'associazionismo internazionale delle donne dalla sua nascita - negli anni Ottanta dell'Ottocento- fino alla vigilia del Secondo conflitto mondiale. In particolare, la ricerca si sofferma sulle tre maggiori organizzazioni l' International Women's Council, l'International Woman Alliance, la Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, sulle politiche da esse perseguite, sulle loro differenze e i loro conflitti. Una parte specifica è dedicata al caso italiano. Al centro vi è l'ipotesi dell'esistenza di una cultura politica prodotta dai movimenti delle donne ed intesa come espressione di un soggetto sociale e politico autonomo. Elaborata dalle generazioni femminili del mondo occidentale, appartenenti alle classi medie e medio-alte, per superare le asimmetrie nelle relazioni tra i sessi e costruire una diversa rappresentazione del femminile, questa cultura si è misurata con le grandi questioni che hanno attraversato la storia dei primi decenni del nuovo secolo: patriottismo e pacifismo di fronte alla prima guerra mondiale; organizzazione istituzionale di una convivenza pacifica tra gli anni Venti e gli anni Trenta; infine il confronto tra democrazia e totalitarismi nella crisi degli anni Trenta. Nel corso della tesi ne sono state delineate le caratteristiche, le continuità e i mutamenti intercorsi nei primi decenni del XX secolo, con un'attenzione particolare al rapporto tra democrazie e diritti delle donne, all'internazionalismo e transnazionalismo femminile, alle politiche di pace e al dilemma tra pacifismo assoluto e accettazione di una nuova guerra nel cuore dell'Europa in difesa della democrazia. Alla base del lavoro vi sono una serie di importanti corpus documentari consistenti per la maggior parte di fonti a stampa e di fonti archivistiche conservate nei principali archivi e biblioteche specializzate presenti in Europa e negli Stati Uniti. ; The thesis explores the history of the international women's associations from their birth - in the eighties of the Nineteenth- up on the eve of the Second World War. In particular, the research focuses on the three main international organizations: International Women's Council, International Woman Alliance, Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, their politics, conflicts, and differences. A specific part is devoted to the Italian case. The central hypothesis of the research is the existence of a political culture produced by the women's movements as the expression of an autonomous political and social subject. Developed by female generations in the Western world, belonging to middle and upper middle classes, to overcome the asymmetries in gender relations, this culture challenged the great issues that have permeated the history of the first decades of the century: patriotism and pacifism in the face of World War I; institutional organization of peaceful coexistence; the confrontation between democracy and totalitarianism in the crisis of the Thirties. The thesis outlines the features, the continuities and changes , with specific attention to the relationship between democracy and women's rights, internationalism and transnationalism, peace policies and the dilemma between absolute pacifism and acceptance of a new war in the heart of Europe in defence of democracy. The work is based on a rich body of sources held in the main archives and specialized libraries in Europe and the United States.

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 국제학과(국제협력전공), 2012. 2. 신성호. ; 과거 대북 문제에 대한 한미 사이의 정책 공조 및 안보 협력에 대한 연구들은 냉전 종식 이후 국제 체제의 구조 변화와 비대칭적인 동맹국간의 힘의 균형으로 인한 변화를 중심으로 분석되어왔다. 특히 한미간의 안보협력을 결정하는 요인으로 한국과 미국의 국력 대비가 크게 부각된바 있다. 이 가운데 본 연구는 지도자들의 북한에 대한 인식 공유라는 변수가 한미간 대북 공조의 정도에 영향을 미친다고 보고 있다. 기존 연구에서는 다루어지지 않은 지도자의 인식 변수에 초점을 두고 있는 이유는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 한국과 미국은 모두 대통령제를 따르는 국가들로써 대통령의 인식이 국가안보와 외교정책에 지대한 영향을 미친다는 사실은 모두가 인정하나 이를 자세히 연구한 논문은 드물다. 많은 연구들이 한미 관계에서 드러나는 국제 구조의 변화나 힘의 대칭성의 변화 등에 초점을 맞추어 한국과 미국간 공조 정도의 변화를 연구하려 한다. 둘째, 최근 노무현 정부와 이명박 정부 사이의 한미간 공조 정도의 변화를 단순한 정권의 차이, 한국 내 반미감정 등에 초점을 맞추어 연구하는 경향이 있다. 하지만 한국 내 반미감정이나 정권의 차이는 한미 공조의 단계적인 변화를 설명하는데 부족하다는 것을 이 연구는 보여주고 있으며 기존 연구의 한계점을 보완하고자 한다. 특히 한미 관계가 과거의 비대칭적 관계에서 벗어나는 양상을 보이면서 나타나는 동반자적 한미 관계의 현실을 반영한 연구가 필요하다. 이와 같은 문제의식을 토대로 본 연구는 한미간의 대북 공조의 양상이 양국 지도자들의 북한에 대한 인식의 공유 정도에 따라 어떻게 영향을 받았는지 지도자들의 연설문 분석을 통해 알아보고자 한다. 이러한 목표 하에 본 연구는 한국과 미국의 지도자들이 북한을 위협 요인으로 일치하게 인식하고 세계 질서 속에서 북한 문제를 보는 시각이 일치할 때, 보다 높은 수준의 한미 공조가 이루어질 수 있다는 점을 증명하고자 한다. 반대로 한국과 미국의 지도자가 북한 문제를 보는 시각을 공유하지 않을 경우 대북 정책을 향한 한미 공조에 악영향을 끼친다는 분석을 내리고 있다. 구체적으로 이를 증명하기 위해 한미간의 대북 공조가 원활이 이루어지지 않았던 노무현-부시 행정부 당시의 북한에 대한 지도자들의 인식과 정책을 분석하고 한미 공조가 원활히 이루어졌던 이명박-오바마 행정부 하의 대북 인식을 비교하고자 한다. ; This article examines the feasibility of using political leaders' perceptions of policies in North Korea as an independent variable to explain the different levels of ROK-U.S. policy coordination toward North Korea. Focusing on the responses of the Korean and U.S. governments to North Korea's nuclear tests in 2006 and 2009, this article correlates articulations of perceptions about the policy shared between Korean and U.S. decision-makers with the level of ROK-U.S. security cooperation. This article firstly examines existing theories, which aptly explain past ROK-U.S. fluctuations; however, these theories have limitations when it comes to explaining recent cases. In this thesis, therefore, I argue that differing perceptions among policymakers of the Republic of Korea and the United States regarding common threats, North Korea's provocations lead to friction in the alliance between South Korea and the United States. I found two specific cases that clearly illustrated the importance of sharing leaders' perceptions about issues in North Korea: the Roh, Moo-Hyun administration and the Lee, Myung-bak administration. This thesis focuses on how important it is that leaders share their perceptions of policies in North Korea, and the great effect this sharing has on the degree of ROK-U.S. policy coordination. ; Master

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 외교학과, 2012. 2. 신욱희. ; 본 연구는 구조적 환경과 행위자의 선택, 그리고 구조와 선택을 매개한 정책결정자의 인식의 상호작용을 통해 1960년대 중반 북한 자주외교노선의 결정요인을 분석하고자 한다. 정권수립 이후 북한은 동아시아에 형성된 냉전 구조 속에서 사회주의 대국이었던 소련과 중국에게 편승함으로써 상대적으로 "밖"의 문제보다 "안"의 문제에 집중할 수 있었다. 김일성은 경쟁세력을 차례로 숙청하며 권력을 집중화할 수 있었고, 단일지도체제를 구축할 수 있었다. 하지만 김일성은 1956년 소련공산당 제20차 대회 이후 전개된 흐루시초프의 신노선에 소극적으로 대응하였고, 이에 정권의 중심에서 밀려나 있던 소련파와 연안파의 불만을 촉진시켰다. 김일성에 대한 개인숭배 심화와 당 지도부의 경제, 인사 정책에 불만을 가졌던 경쟁 세력은 외부의 힘을 이용하여 당의 노선 변화를 도모하고자 하였고, 이러한 계획은 1956년 8월 전원회의를 통해 현실화되었다. 하지만 사전에 계획을 인지하고 있었던 김일성의 방해로 인해 연안파와 소련파의 계획은 실패하였고, 주도자들은 종파주의자로 낙인 찍혀 대규모 숙청의 대상이 되었다. 하지만 김일성의 과도한 권력집중을 일탈로 우려한 소련과 중국은 미코얀과 펑더화이를 파견하여 북한의 내정에 간섭하였다. 이로써 김일성의 반(反)대국주의 의식은 심화되었고, 이후 중소분쟁이 본격적으로 시작하면서 국내정치에서 외부의 힘을 제거하고 단일지도체제를 구축하였다. 1960년대가 시작되면서 중국과 소련의 갈등은 이념적 차원을 넘어 정책적 차원으로 확대되었으며 북한은 국내외의 문제에 사로잡힌 양국의 관심에서 벗어나 본격적으로 대외관계를 주도할 수 있었다. 이전까지 북한의 대외관계는 소련과 중국의 압도적인 영향력 아래 있었지만 상호방위조약을 통해 양국과 대등한 관계를 형성함은 물론 제3세계 국가들과의 대외관계를 적극적으로 확대하면서 자주외교노선의 기틀을 마련하였다. 소련공산당 20차 대회와 중소분쟁으로 이어지는 사회주의 진영의 구조적 환경의 변화 속에서 김일성을 비롯한 당 지도부는 역사적으로 형성된 반(反)대국주의 인식으로 인해 어느 한 국가에 대한 일방적인 편승을 배제한 채 1960년대 중반 대외적으로 자주외교노선을 공식화할 수 있었다. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyse North Korea's foreign policy, called the self-reliance foreign policy, which was implemented in the mid-1960s. Among the various factors that can influence foreign policy, this paper concentrates on the interaction of structure, decision maker's intention, and perception or values according to Carlsnaes' dynamic model of analysing foreign policy change. After nation building, there have been two critical structural diversions in the Communist bloc—the Twentieth Party Congress of the CPUS in February 1956 and the Sino-Soviet conflict that began in the late 1950s. In each event, Kim Il-sung attempted to increase DPRK's policy-making autonomy and exclude the political leverage of two brotherhood countries, Soviet and China, in the domestic politics. Kim's strong anti-great power chauvinism was strengthened from his past experiences, and it was reinforced by two countries' intervention in 1956. These two primary elements had influenced Kim Il-sung's foreign policy decision making during his reign. In the late 1950s, Kim and his partisans concluded the intra-party conflict with two rival groups, the Soviet Korean and Yan'an groups. These events completely monopolized power in domestic politics. As the dispute between China and Soviet aggravated in the 1960s, North Korea could secure its policy-making autonomy from these two countries. It had become more equal that North Korea extended its diplomatic relations to the Third World nations in this period. On the basis of the consecutive policies, North Korea could implement the self-reliance foreign policy in around 1965. ; Master

Many cities in developing countries are confronted with many problems regarding their physical structures. The efforts to overcome these difficulties arose from the political, economic and cultural structural factors that preside over those countries. Iranian cities also follow this pattern of development. However, many of these cities lack the necessary research and scientific knowledge to determine a suitable path for development and planning. Furthermore, policymaking does not rest on a basis of suitable fundamentals and information. Many plans in these cities have therefore led to unsuitable results and, rather than moving existing aims forward, have created new difficulties. Mashad, as the second-largest metropolis of Iran after Tehran and the third-most important religious city of the Islamic world, has a great development potential that should be correctly and properly applied. Essential to this goal is the availability of necessary information about the history and regional and local characteristics of the city and, on the other hand, having enough knowledge about other developing countries' experiences. Using this information and these analyses and tested theories, one can work towards a suitable development program for this unique city. Under this assumption, this dissertation has two main aims. First, the gathering of documentary evidence and categorization of historic information about Mashad, especially in the physical field, and second, the production of a pattern for evaluating the degree of influence of factors that affect the physical evolution of cities and their comparison with each other. This would be effective in discovering the reciprocal relationship of these factors and could pave the way for applying urban experiments in similar future analyses. With these aims, Mashad is used as the case study and Iranian and European cities as the general comparative grounds for this study. Initial results show that effective factors on the physical evolution in Mashad have not only had very different conditions from European cities but also with other cities in Iran. For example, the main influence of political factors on the development of Mashad in all of historic periods and the gradual growth of this effect in Iranian cities versus the decreasing in this effect on the physical development of European cities is significant. At the same time, while social factors (with an emphasis on public participation) have continually grown in their effect on European cities, these show a significant decrease in Iranian cities and especially Mashad over the course of history. This phenomenon can be seen in the lack of urban public spaces for social interactions within the core of the city. These different features fundamentally emphasize a need for new development planning specifically for this city. The presented pattern for estimating the state of a city or cities in various historic and chronological periods and the comparative tables in this pattern prepare the grounds for analysis and produce several results, which are shown in detail in the dissertation. Without exaggerating, the lack of information about Mashad and the need for completing this work before producing schedules, diagrams and analytic and comparative tables have made this dissertation the equivalent of two theses in the frame of one research project; I hope this will be considered.

На основе ранее не привлекавшихся к исследованию исторических источников из Государственного архива Томской области на примере Томска освещено одно из ключевых событий Революции 1917 г. подготовка и проведение выборов депутатов Всероссийского учредительного собрания; показаны избирательные технологии, выработанные в ходе избирательной кампании; подведены итоги томских выборов. Осмысление этого опыта позволяет расширить исторические представления о политической жизни России начала ХХ в. и, возможно, по-новому взглянуть на современность. ; The article highlights the significance of the Сonstituent Assembly in political self-determination of Russia during the Revolution of 1917. It states that the Provisional Government had created a Special meeting to make the election voting regulations for deputies of the Constituent Assembly. A prominent Russian lawyer F.F. Kokoshkin headed it. As a result of the hard work of the Special meeting the Election Regulations were published in the Bulletin of Provisional Government (Vestnik Vremennogo Pravitelstva). It provided a legislative framework for the preparation and holding of the first All-Russia election that was scheduled for November 12, 1917. Using a complex of original documents, preserved in the State archives of Tomsk region, the author of this paper observes the organization of the general election of the Constituent Assembly in such a large Siberian city as Tomsk. The formation of election commissions and their organizational work are outlined. The chairman of the city election commission, N.V. Smirnov, became a member of the Tomsk district court in accordance with the Election Regulations. Details are described of voting technologies, especially making and checking of voters lists, as well as special procedures of receiving complaints from city residents, whose names were ignored or distorted in the electoral lists. At the same time lists of candidates for the Constituent Assembly were made and published. An important component of election technologies was the preparation of places for voting, delivering of identification documents and ballot-papers to voters. Ballot-papers were produced in Tomsk in accordance with the samples, published in the Bulletin of Provisional Government. The candidate lists printed on hard paper were used as ballots. The Tomsk Archive has a rather rare document, a protocol of Tomsk election commission, which allows reproducing the process of voting during November 12-18, 1917. The study of this protocol gives good knowledge of the counting of votes and complying strictly with the rules prescribed by law. Now it is obvious that at first Tomsk citizens took a great interest in the election, but by the end of October and beginning of November 1917 they lost their activity. As a matter of fact, no more than 47 percent of Tomsk voters took place in the election of deputies of the Constituent Assembly. It was less than the national average. The experience of the election campaign of 1917 received no further spread. Nevertheless, the study of it makes it possible to extend knowledge of the political life of Russia in the early 20th century and gives a fresh look at the attitude of Russian people to major political events like elections.

Abstract: Society and culture at the planetary level suffered major transformations during the twentieth century, particularly in the second half, largely because of the impressive degree of scientific and technological development. Forms of economic production also experienced profound changes, so much so that the greatest wealth, from an economic standpoint, now is generated by so-called knowledge-based production systems. The concept of a knowledge society has been forged to refer to these phenomena. Nevertheless, it is a fact that science and technology have brought about major changes, thereby making it urgent to develop strategies to strengthen the culture of science and technology throughout Latin Amerca. The aforementioned concepts are discussed in this paper, along with possible strategies for bolstering the culture of science and technology. The authors also contend that a suitable model for a knowledge society in the Latin American countries should consider their broad and rich cultural diversity, which poses additional challenges. ; DOI:10.5294/pecu.2012.15.1.1Resumen: durante el siglo XX, particularmente en la segunda mitad, la sociedad y la cultura a nivel planetario sufrieron importantes transformaciones, en gran medida como resultado del impresionantedesarrollo científico y tecnológico. Las formas de producción económica también se transformaron profundamente, al grado que la mayor riqueza, desde el punto de vista económico, es ahora generada por sistemas de producción que, se dice, están "basados en conocimiento". Parareferirse a estos fenómenos se ha forjado el concepto de "sociedad del conocimiento". Sin embargo, es un hecho que la ciencia y la tecnología han provocado grandes transformaciones, por lo cual es urgente desarrollar estrategias para fortalecer la cultura científica y tecnológica en los países latinoamericanos. En este texto se discutirán los conceptos aludidos, así como posibles estrategias para fortalecer la cultura científica y tecnológica. Pero se sostendrá, más aún, que un modelo de sociedaddel conocimiento adecuado para nuestros países debe considerar su amplia y rica diversidad cultural, lo cual plantea dificultades adicionales. DOI:10.5294/pecu.2012.15.1.1 ; Résumé: Durant le XXe siècle, notamment lors de la seconde moitié, la société et la culture au niveau planétaire ont connu d'importantes transformations, en grande partie dues à l'impressionnant développement scientifique et technologique. Les formes de production économique ont profondément changé à tel point que la plus grande richesse, d'un point de vue économique, est désormais produite par des systèmes de production qui, dit-on, sont "basés sur la connaissance". Pour se référer à ces phénomènes, le concept de "société de la connaissance" s'est forgé. Cependant, c'est un fait que la science et la technologie ont provoqué de grandes transformations; il est donc urgent de développer des stratégies pour consolider la culture scientifique et technologique des pays latinoaméricains. Dans ce texte, on discutera des concepts antérieurement mentionnés ainsi que des possibles stratégies afin de renforcer la culture scientifique et technologique. Mais, on soutiendra, encore plus, qu'un modèle de société de la connaissance adéquat pour nos pays doit tenir compte de sa diversité culturelle riche et ample, ce qui engendre des difficultés additionnelles.

Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, Boliviens Entwicklung bezüglich der Reduktion von Armut unter einerseits dem ?Washington Consensus? des Internationalen Währungsfonds und andererseits den ?alternativen? Reformstrategien Evo Morales zu betrachten. Um diese Untersuchung durchführen zu können, werden die theoretischen Hintergründe beider Herangehensweisen vorgestellt. Die theoretische Basis des IWF bildet der ?Washington Consensus?, welcher auf den Theorien des Solow-Wachstumsmodell, der Kuznets Hypothese und der Konvergenztheorie beruht. Durch die Kritik am ?Washington Consensus? entwickelten sich die ?alternativen? Reformansätze. Grundsätzlich unterscheiden jene sich von den marktorientierten Strategien des IWF der 1980er und 1990er Jahre in der Behandlung von Problemen wie steigender Ungleichheit, Instabilität und der Reduzierung der Rolle des Staates. Die sogenannte ?New Political Economy? Stiglitzs, die ?Neue Wachstumsstrategie? Rodriks und die ?Poverty-Traps-Theory? Azariadis/Stachurski entwickelten sich und werden in dieser Arbeit vorgestellt. Im empirischen Abschnitt wird versucht, die aus der Theorie gezogenen Schlussfolgerungen der jeweiligen Strategien mit dem Ziel der Armutsreduzierung zu vergleichen. Dabei wird die Entwicklung Boliviens in die Phase vor den IWF-Interventionen (1952-1984), die Reformen der I. Generation (1985-1990), die Reformen der II. Generation (1990-2003) und die Ära Evo Morales (seit 2006) eingeteilt. Die Schlussfolgerung dieser Untersuchung (Daten der Weltbank) zeigt eindeutig, dass durch die Interventionen des IWF (1984-2003) keine Reduktion der Armut erzeugt werden konnte, auch die Ungleichverteilung nahm stark zu. Wohingegen die Maßnahmen der Regierung Morales äußerst vielversprechende Mittel darstellen, um das Land aus der Armutsfalle zu führen. Obwohl sich schon Tendenzen in Richtung der Reduktion von Armut und Erzeugung eines gerechter verteilten Vermögens abzeichnen, werden sich die tatsächlichen Auswirkungen erst in Zukunft zeigen. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyse Bolivias development regarding the reduction of poverty. This is done on the one hand under the Washington Consensus, the policy strategy of the IMF (1984-2003), and on the other hand under the governance of Evo Morales (since 2006).First of all the theoretical background of the two strategies are presented. That is the market orientated setting of the IMFs Washington Consensus, namely the Solow growth model, the Kuznets hypothesis and the convergence theory. Out of this neoliberal strategies objected by the IMF a great deal of critique developed, this could be summarized as the ?alternative? approach to reforms. In this paper the ?New Political Economy? by Joseph Stiglitz, the ?New Growth Strategie? by Dani Rodrik and the ?Poverty Traps Theory? by C. Azariadis /J. Stachurski are mentioned, which could be seen as ?alternative? poverty reduction strategies. These two approaches differ essentially in dealing with problems of increasing inequality, volatility and the role of the state as an economic actor.The empirical part of this paper tries to point out the impact of the two highly differential methods on the objective of poverty reduction in Bolivia. This is done by dividing Bolivias development in the ?Pre-Reform-Period? (1952-1984), the 1st Generation of Reform (1985-1990), the 2nd Generation of Reform (1990-2003) and the age of the governance of Evo Morales (since 2006). The conclusion of this investigation, which is based on data of the World Bank, is clear: The measures taken by the IMF failed to decrease poverty, contrariwise the poverty situation got worse and the division of assets got more unequal than ever. While the measures which so far have been taken by the Morales government seem quite auspicious. Although there is a positive tendency, a slightly decrease in poverty, the future will show the impact on the social wealth of Bolivia. ; Lisbeth Keplinger ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2011 ; (VLID)216817

Este trabajo tiene como objeto dar a conocer la Ley 41/2010, de 29 de diciembre, de Protección del Medio Marino, fruto de la transposición de la Directiva Marco sobre la Estrategia Marina, que ha sido, además, aprobada en calidad de legislación básica en el Estado español en materia ambiental. Dicha Ley viene a dotar al espacio marino español de un marco regulador integrador muy ambicioso, pues, por una parte, persigue la gestión de todos los sectores marítimos respetando el ecosistema marino donde se desarrollan —lo que se conoce como enfoque ecosistémico—, y, por otra, persigue la protección del medio marino en su totalidad, es decir, tanto el volumen acuático marino como su biodiversidad. Y para lograr tal ambicioso objetivo, la Ley se ha dotado de unas herramientas muy eficientes como son, fundamentalmente, las llamadas ―estrategias marinas‖, escenario esencial de la planificación espacial y temporal, y la ―Red de Áreas Marinas Protegidas‖, que, sin duda, potenciará el gran valor ambiental per se de las áreas marinas protegidas. ; Aquest treball té com objecte donar a conèixer la "Llei 41/2010, de 29 de desembre, de protecció del medi marí‖, fruit de la transposició de la Directiva marc sobre l'estratègia marina, que ha estat, a més a més, aprovada en qualitat de legislació bàsica a l'Estat espanyol en matèria ambiental. Aquesta Llei dóna a l'espai marí espanyol d'un marc regulador integrador molt ambiciós, doncs d'una banda, persegueix la gestió de tots els sectors marítims respectant l'ecosistema marí on es desenvolupen — el que es coneix com enfocament ecosistèmic—, i d'altra banda, persegueix la protecció del medi marí en la seva totalitat, és a dir, tant el volum aquàtic marí com la seva biodiversitat. I per a aconseguir tal ambiciós objectiu la Llei s'ha dotada d'unes eines molt eficients com són, fonamentalment, les anomenades ―estratègies marines‖, escenari essencial de la planificació espacial i temporal, i la ―xarxa d'àrees marines protegides, que, sens dubte, potenciarà el gran valor ambiental per se de les àrees marines protegides. ; This study has as object ―the protection of the marine environment Act 2010, in application of marine strategy framework Directive, which has been, in addition, approved as basic legislation in the Spanish State in environmental matter. The above mentioned Law comes to provide to the marine Spanish space of a regulatory of integration very ambitious frame, so on the one hand, chases the management of all the maritime sectors respecting the aquatic ecosystem where they develop —that is known as ecosystem approach—, and on the other hand, the protection of the marine environment chases in its entirety, that is to say, both the aquatic marine volume and his biological diversity. And to achieve such an objective self-seeker the Law it has been provided with a few very efficient tools since it are, fundamentally, the so called ―marine strategies‖, essential scene of the spatial and temporary planning, and the ―network of marine protected areas‖, which, undoubtedly, will promote the great environmental value per se of the marine protected areas.

Andy Warhol hat sich als der Porträtist einer grellen, bunten und künstlichen Welt eingeprägt, als der berühmteste aller Pop Artists, dessen Bilder vor allen Dingen eines sein sollten: Fröhlich, unkritisch und gefällig. Als einer der wichtigsten amerikanischen Künstler des 20. Jahrhunderts hat Warhol die Maßstäbe von Kunst neu gesetzt und beeinflusst bis heute unzählige KünstlerInnen. In der Wissenschaft herrscht jedoch weiterhin die Interpretation von Andy Warhol als unpolitischen Künstler vor, die - unterstützt durch Warhols eigene überlieferte Aussagen - eine Negierung einer politischen Dimension in Warhols Werk zur Folge hat. Das Bild eines an gesellschaftlichen und politischen Strömungen gänzlich uninteressierten und gleichgültigen Menschen, der eine tiefgründige Interpretation seiner Bilder von vorn herein für unzulässig oder zumindest für unsinnig erklärt, entsteht.Hinter der glatten und gleichgültigen Erscheinung Warhols fand sich jedoch ein durchaus politisch denkender und handelnder Mensch, der sich den kritischen Themen der Zeit in seinen Bildern und Filmen annahm. Ikonografische Analysen ausgewählter Werke vor dem gesellschaftlichen und politischen Hintergrund der jeweiligen Epoche verdeutlichen, dass sich Andy Warhol mit nahezu allen brisanten Themen seiner Zeit auseinandersetzte ? sei es die Bürgerrechtsbewegung und der Kampf der afro-amerikanischen Bevölkerung um Gleichberechtigung, die Ermordung Präsident Kennedys, die Aufrüstung und Eindämmungspolitik gegenüber kommunistischer Staaten im Kalten Krieg 5898und die wachsende nukleare Bedrohung, die Debatte um die Abschaffung der Todesstrafe oder die Gay Liberation Bewegung der 1960er-Jahre. Warhol gewann die Inspirationen für seine Bilder aus tagesaktuellen Berichten und so liest sich sein bildnerisches Werk heute nahezu als Chronik der Vereinigten Staaten der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts und offenbart einen komplexeren und kritischeren Menschen, als ein erster Blick vielleicht vermuten lässt. ; Today, Andy Warhol is renowned for being the most famous ?pop artist? and viewed as the portraitist of a dazzling, colorful and artificial world whose paintings first and foremost should be interpreted as happy, uncritical and agreeable art. Being one of the most important 20th century artists, Warhol has set new standards within the art world and is of great influence for artists up to this day. Interestingly, modern research has defined Warhol as an apolitical artist, and political backgrounds or incentives for his work are usually denied, often due to Warhol?s own sayings and comments. Warhol?s statements want to make everybody believe, that he is completely uninterested in (or at least indifferent about) political and social developments and that his works of art may not or can?t be interpreted in a political way. Behind this indifferent façade lies an artist, whose thoughts and acts were influenced by his interest in politics and who tackled his critical opinion in many of his paintings and movies. Through iconographic analysis and interpretation of the social and political background of selected works of art this thesis aims to show that Andy Warhol got involved with almost all the explosive political events of his time: The Civil Rights Movement, the Kennedy murder, the arms build-up during the Cold War and the US-containment policy against communist states and the growing concern of nuclear weapons, the movement for the abolition of the death penalty or the Gay Liberation Movement of the 1960s were just some of the topics Andy Warhol dealt with in his works of art. Warhol gained inspiration for new motifs in daily newspapers and magazines. His work can therefore be described almost as a chronicle of US-history of the 2nd half of the 20th century and reveals a far more complex, concerned and critical person than the world of art research would have guessed so far. ; vorgelegt von Julia Schuster ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2011 ; (VLID)215399

'Ilirska heraldika', kao fenomen izmišljene tradicije, obuhvata rukopisne zbornike grbova - grbovnike, koji su se pojavili u Primorju, Italiji, Španiji i Austriji krajem XVI i početkom XVII veka. Ti grbovnici sadrže srpske i druge južnoslovenske vladarske, zemaljske i porodične grbove. Ilirska heraldika je u vezi s ličnim i političkim ambicijama španskog admirala don Pedra Ohmučevića Grgurića, ali i s istorijskim konstrukcijama koje su u XVI i XVII veku dokazivale jedinstvo Ilira i Slovena i otkrivale navodno slovensko poreklo slavnih ličnosti antike. Kao osnov za izmišljenu tradiciju ilirske heraldike iskorišćen je i epski narativ o moćnom Dušanovom carstvu, srpskim velmožama, junacima, slavi i bogatstvu nekadašnjeg slovenskog sveta. Grbovi iz ilirskih grbovnika kasnije su često precrtavani i preštampavani, te su bili od izuzetnog značaja za formiranje nacionalne i državne simbolike južnoslovenskih naroda. . ; The 'Illyrian heraldry', as a phenomenon of the invented tradition, encompasses the rolls of arms - armorials, which appear in Dalmatia, Italy, Spain and Austria at the end of the XVI and beginning of the XVII century. These armorials contained Serbian and other southern Slav monarchic, territorial and family coats of arms. The authenticity, heraldic sources and origins of these armorials are extremely complex problems that can be traced back to the medieval heraldic heritage of the Serbs, on the one hand, and reveal the intricate web of political circumstances in the XVI and XVII centuries. Illyrian heraldry is also closely linked to the personal and political ambitions of the Spanish admiral, Don Pedro Ohmučević Grgurić, from Slano near Dubrovnik. One cannot, however, link the entire Illyrian heraldry movement only to the daring ambitions of Petar Ohmučević Grgurić. In the XVI and XVII centuries historical constructions, inspired for the most part by sincere Slav patriotism, emerged that proved the unity of the Illyrians and the Slavs, revealed the alleged Slav origins of famous figures (Alexander the Great, Justinian), or simply extolled the splendor and magnitude of a lost Slav kingdom, that could be restored again. Much as it was developing within the spiritual scope of the Catholic church, this 'Slovine' movement found its historical basis in the medieval statehood of Serbia and Bosnia, particularly in the powerful empire of Stephan Dushan (1331-55), in the Serbian potentates, heroes, their glitter and opulence, which used to glorify the Slav world. Since the XVII century till today, despite their doubtful authenticity, the Illyrian armorials have been considered important genealogical and heraldic documents. Many families relied on the information in Illyrian heraldic collections when claiming their true, or, more often purported, ancient hereditary rights, titles and lands. The Illyrian armorials were transcribed and reprinted in books that were important for the national identity of the southern Slav peoples, such as Orbini's Kingdom of the Slavs (1601), Stemmatographia or the Drawing, Description and Renewal of Illyrian Coats of Arms by Pavao Riter Vitezović, published in Vienna in 1701, and Stemmatographia by Hristifor Žefarović, published in 1741. After the liberation of Serbia and Montenegro from the Turks, heraldry was granted official sanction, and the coats of arms are based on the tradition preserved in Illyrian heraldry.

Criminal justice systems must offer a solution to the social issue of the fear of crime, due to its possible repercussions in public areas, such as health, the economy and the interaction between civilians and justice systems. Therefore, high levels of the fear of crime can influence social behavior in public areas, and provide an excuse for the existence of private security services and private justice systems, bearing in mind that alternative promises of security can threaten democracy. The aim of this exploratory and correlational study is to show the levels of this fear, victimization and civic culture in university students sampled from five Hispano-American countries: Argentina, Colombia, El Salvador, Spain and Peru. Fear of crime levels and the perceived probability of victimization are shown by country, and the relationships between these variables are analyzed. Also, it was found that a higher level of civic culture is mainly associated with greater satisfaction with the police, a more stable emotional climate, less fear of crime, and to a lesser extent, less personal victimization. ; El miedo al delito es uno de los temas sociales a los que debe dar respuesta la política criminal de los países, por sus posibles repercusiones en los ámbitos públicos de la salud, la economía y la interacción de los ciudadanos con el sistema de justicia. Niveles altos de miedo al delito pueden afectar la conducta social en el espacio público, alimentar los sistemas de vigilancia privada, las formas privadas de justicia y amenazar la democracia a favor de alternativas que prometen seguridad. El objetivo de este trabajo exploratorio y correlacional es mostrar los niveles de miedo al delito, victimización y cultura ciudadana en una muestra de estudiantes universitarios (n=572) de cinco países iberoamericanos: Argentina, Colombia, El Salvador, España y Perú. Se muestran los niveles de temor al delito y probabilidad percibida de victimización por países. También, se halló que una mayor cultura ciudadana se asocia principalmente con mayor satisfacción con la Policía, con mejor balance de clima emocional, menos temor al delito y, en menor grado, con menor victimización personal. ; O medo ao delito é um dos temas sociais aos que deve dar resposta a política criminal dos países, por suas possíveis repercussões nos âmbitos públicos da saúde, a economia e a interação dos cidadãos com o sistema de justiça. Níveis altos de medo ao delito podem afetar a conduta social no espaço público, alimentar os sistemas de vigilância privada, as formas privadas de justiça e ameaçar a democracia a favor de alternativas que prometem segurança. O objetivo deste trabalho exploratório e correlacional é mostrar os níveis de medo ao delito, vitimização e cultura cidadã em uma mostra estudantes universitários (n=572) de cinco países ibero-americanos: A Argentina, a Colômbia, El Salvador, España e o Peru. Se mostram os níveis de temor ao delito e probabilidade percebida de vitimização por países. Também, se achou que uma maior cultura cidadã se associa principalmente com maior satisfação com a polícia, com melhor balanço de clima emocional, menos temor ao delito e, em menor grau, com menor vitimização pessoal.

RESUMEN: Este artículo, es un primer avance, de carácter exploratorio, de una investigación más amplia que el autor está llevando a cabo sobre el mismo tema. Centrado en el "Movimiento de los Trabajadores Rurales sin Tierra", habitualmente identificado en Brasil por las siglas MST, se contempla dicho movimiento social desde sus orígenes más remotos, al final de los años 50, hasta nuestros días situándolo, por un lado, en las transformaciones políticas y en parte sociales, y en el largo y lento proceso de una reforma agraria inconclusa, por otro. De forma descriptiva, se desarrollan, en un primer paso, los antecedentes, proceso de constitución, etapas y estructura agraria brasileña, se plantea de forma suscinta la problemática de la reforma agraria. Con estas consideraciones preliminares, siguiendo casi literalmente la formulación del propio MST, se exponen, con mayor amplitud, los objetivos y características de la Reforma Agraria desde la perspectiva de los propios trabajadores rurales. Asimismo, aunque de forma más esquemática y en base a los datos oficiales, se plantean las directrices, metas y algunas de las realizaciones del Gobierno de Fernando H. Cardoso sobre dicha reforma. En definitiva, con este artículo, se pretenden establecer las bases y los ejes analíticos necesarios para una investigación más amplia y comprensiva de este fenómeno social de masas que va más allá de la propia realidad de injusticia que se está viviendo en el mundo rural brasileño y que está contando también con un amplio y sorprendente apoyo de sectores urbanos de la población brasileña.ABSTRACT: This article is an introductory and exploratory advance of a more extensive investigation that the author is carrying out on the same subject. The research is centred on the "Movement of the Rural Workers without Land", which is ussually identified in Brazil with the initials MST. This social movement is analyzed since its remotest origins, the end of the fifties to present day, contextualizing the political and social transformations and the long, slow process of an unfinished agrarian reform. In a descriptive way, the study develops at first the backgrounds, constitutional process, phases and organizational structure of the MST and after some brief comments on the Brazilian agricultural structure, it moves on to the problematic agriculture reform. With these preliminary considerations, following almost literally the formulation of the own MST, the investigation displays, to a greater extent, the objectives and characteristics of the agricultural reform from the point of view of the own rural workers. Considering this although in a more schematic way and also in accordance with official data, the investigation shows some of the accomplishments, approaches, and goings on of Fernando H. Cardoso's goverment regarding the reform. In short, this article seeks to establish the necessary analitic bases and guide-lines for a more complete and direct investigation of this social phenomenon that goes further out than the own reality and injustice that is seen in rural Brazil and that is also counting on an ample and surprising support from urban sectors of the Brazilian population.

A nivel mundial, las curtiembres representan un serio problema ambiental por que utilizan sales de cromo en el proceso de curtición del cuero, y este finalmente es vertido a las fuentes de agua, en cuanto a este problema la legislación ambiental de los países desarrollados es prohibitiva y estos en muchos casos contratan la curtición del cuero a terceros, generalmente industrias ubicadas en países en vía de desarrollo, como Colombia, los cuales poseen una tecnología obsoleta para descontaminar los efluentes industriales y en donde se carece de leyes ambientales de altos estándares (Santos et al., 2007 y Sanz et al., 2007). En los vertimientos industriales se encuentra una gran variedad de contaminantes, siendo los metales pesados un grupo que merece especial atención, presentan masa atómica elevada, densidad superior a 4.5 g/cm3 y a determinadas concentraciones suelen ser tóxicos, además, al no ser degradables genera incertidumbre su permanencia en el ambiente, no pudiendo desconocerse que representan un serio problema ambiental (Rodríguez, 2005). Lo anterior, motivó el tema de una investigación básica: la búsqueda de bacterias nativas potencialmente biorremediadoras de cromo en aguas contaminadas, en el contexto de las nuevas tecnologías, entre las cuales la biorremediación se ha posicionado en el mundo como la más promisoria tanto por razones costo beneficio como ecológicas. Para realizar este trabajo, se eligió un sitio de vertimiento de aguas residuales con alto contenido de cromo, en una empresa curtiembrera del área metropolitana del departamento de Antioquia; lo cual se sustentó en reportes locales sobre el amplio uso de este metal en ese tipo de industria y en la existencia comprobada de importantes fuentes de contaminación hídrica. / Abstract Globally, the tanneries pose a serious environmental problem using chromium salts in leather tanning process, and this finally is discharged to water sources, as to the problem of environmental legislation in developed countries is prohibitive and these in many cases hire tanning leather to third parties, generally located in industries in developing countries, like Colombia, which have outdated technology for decontaminating industrial effluents and where environmental laws are lacking high standards (Santos et al., 2007 and Sanz et al., 2007). In the industrial discharges are a variety of pollutants, heavy metals a group that deserves special attention, have high atomic mass, density greater than 4.5 g/cm3 and certain concentrations are often toxic, well, not being degradable creates uncertainty its persistence in the environment and can not ignore the fact that they represent a serious environmental problem (Rodríguez, 2005). This prompted the question of basic research: the search for potentially native bacteria in bioremediation of chromium contaminated water, in the context of new technologies, including bioremediation has positioned itself in the world as the most promising both for cost and ecological benefit. To make this work, we chose a site for dumping waste water with high content of chromium by a company curtiembrera the metropolitan area of Antioquia department, which was based on local reports on the widespread use of this metal in such industry and the proven existence of important sources of water pollution. ; Maestría

The Zapara Indians in the Upper Amazon are on the verge of disappearing from the linguistic map. This is a fact. And yet, their emergence within the political landscape in Ecuador (but not yet in Peru), has provided them with a greater international visibility as an indigenous group. Most unusually, the accounts of dreams become one of the key elements of new forms of identity practices and identification processes – as those narrated here by two Zapara political leaders will attest. In search of their material and immaterial heritage, these leaders make use of the realm of dreams, using occurred dreams to orient their choices in the reconstruction of a collective memory. The dream, as a tool for engaging in a regredient process or in the return into the past, provides the historical elements that the Indians will then re-inject into their present in order to construct new "traditions". In this dissertation, I will be describing the mechanisms, the learning of, and the local theories concerning the experience of dreams. In order to be understood, the dream must first circulate, and must have an issuer as a point of departure. Dreaming is also the means for a privileged relationship between human and non- human beings. Throughout this thesis, various systems of memory will be examined based upon empirical data revealing of the dreamt experience, but also of daily life, such as new teaching methods, or the creation of artefacts, produced both by ancestors or contemporaries. These accounts will help us to understand this new process of "Zaparaisation", which depends as much on a process of ethno-archiving than on ethno-museography, and which awakens the immaterial. ; Les Indiens Zápara de haute Amazonie sont en train de disparaître de la carte linguistique. C'est un fait. Et pourtant, leur émergence politique en Équateur (mais non encore au Pérou), contribue à les placer sur le devant de la scène indigène internationale. Le plus insolite est que les récits de rêves – comme en témoignent plus spécifiquement ceux narrés ici par deux leaders politiques zápara – deviennent un des éléments clés d'une genèse identitaire retrouvée. En quête de leur patrimoine matériel et immatériel, ces leaders instrumentalisent le champ onirique, y puisant les récits qui orienteront leurs choix dans la reconstruction d'une mémoire collective. Le rêve, truchement d'un processus régrédient, de remontée dans le passé, fournit des éléments d'histoire que les Indiens réinjectent dans le présent pour constituer une nouvelle « tradition ». Dans cet essai seront décrits les mécanismes, les apprentissages et les théories locales concernant les expériences oniriques. Pour être compris, le rêve doit avant tout circuler, et avoir un émetteur comme point de départ. Aussi est-il le mode de relation privilégié entre les personnes humaines et non humaines. Dans la thèse, plusieurs régimes de mémoire seront étudiés à partir des données relevant de la vie onirique, mais aussi de la vie quotidienne, telles que les nouvelles expériences éducatives, ou la production d'artefacts, ceux produits par les ancêtres ou nos contemporains. Elles nous aideront à comprendre ce nouveau processus de « zaparaïsation », qui s'appuie tant sur l'ethnoarchivage que sur une ethnomuséographie, et qui sonne le réveil de l'immatériel.