Suchergebnisse

'In den Städten der westlichen, industrialisierten Welt geht seit zwei Jahrzehnten die Zahl der Arbeitsplätze in der verarbeitenden Industrie zurück, denn anderenorts wird billiger produziert. Betroffen davon sind vor allem die gering Qualifizierten, zu denen auch die Migrantinnen und Migranten zählen, die einst als Hilfsarbeiter genau für jene Arbeitsplätze angeworben worden sind, die jetzt reihenweise wegfallen. Das soziale Sicherungssystem ist der großen Zahl von Ansprüchen, die als Folge von Arbeitslosigkeit entstehen, nicht gewachsen. Den Städten gingen gerade zu dem Zeitpunkt Gewerbe- und Einkommensteuereinnahmen verloren, als mehr Geld für soziale Aufgaben notwendig gewesen wäre. Die Zahl der Sozialwohnungen geht ständig zurück, so dass Haushalte, die auf sie angewiesen sind, in wenigen Vierteln mit billigen Wohnungen zusammengedrängt werden. Dort leben auch zahlreiche Migranten; entsprechend hoch ist in den Schulen der Anteil von Kindern mit nicht-deutscher Herkunftssprache, und er steigt laufend. Bildungsorientierte Eltern sehen dadurch die Zukunft ihrer Kinder gefährdet und verlassen die Quartiere. Die Folge ist, dass Quartiere entstehen, in denen sich die sozialen Probleme konzentrieren, in welche 'die Überflüssigen' abgeschoben werden: ausgegrenzte Quartiere, welche die Marginalisierung verstärken. In diesen ist das Konfliktpotenzial hoch; Ängste breiten sich hier aus.' (Autorenreferat)

La ricerca si propone di definire le linee guida per la stesura di un Piano che si occupi di qualità della vita e di benessere. Il richiamo alla qualità e al benessere è positivamente innovativo, in quanto impone agli organi decisionali di sintonizzarsi con la soggettività attiva dei cittadini e, contemporaneamente, rende evidente la necessità di un approccio più ampio e trasversale al tema della città e di una più stretta relazione dei tecnici/esperti con i responsabili degli organismi politicoamministrativi. La ricerca vuole indagare i limiti dell'urbanistica moderna di fronte alla complessità di bisogni e di nuove necessità espresse dalle popolazioni urbane contemporanee. La domanda dei servizi è notevolmente cambiata rispetto a quella degli anni Sessanta, oltre che sul piano quantitativo anche e soprattutto sul piano qualitativo, a causa degli intervenuti cambiamenti sociali che hanno trasformato la città moderna non solo dal punto di vista strutturale ma anche dal punto di vista culturale: l'intermittenza della cittadinanza, per cui le città sono sempre più vissute e godute da cittadini del mondo (turisti e/o visitatori, temporaneamente presenti) e da cittadini diffusi (suburbani, provinciali, metropolitani); la radicale trasformazione della struttura familiare, per cui la famiglia-tipo costituita da una coppia con figli, solido riferimento per l'economia e la politica, è oggi minoritaria; l'irregolarità e flessibilità dei calendari, delle agende e dei ritmi di vita della popolazione attiva; la mobilità sociale, per cui gli individui hanno traiettorie di vita e pratiche quotidiane meno determinate dalle loro origini sociali di quanto avveniva nel passato; l'elevazione del livello di istruzione e quindi l'incremento della domanda di cultura; la crescita della popolazione anziana e la forte individualizzazione sociale hanno generato una domanda di città espressa dalla gente estremamente variegata ed eterogenea, frammentata e volatile, e per alcuni aspetti assolutamente nuova. Accanto a vecchie e consolidate richieste – la città efficiente, funzionale, produttiva, accessibile a tutti – sorgono nuove domande, ideali e bisogni che hanno come oggetto la bellezza, la varietà, la fruibilità, la sicurezza, la capacità di stupire e divertire, la sostenibilità, la ricerca di nuove identità, domande che esprimono il desiderio di vivere e di godere la città, di stare bene in città, domande che non possono essere più soddisfatte attraverso un'idea di welfare semplicemente basata sull'istruzione, la sanità, il sistema pensionistico e l'assistenza sociale. La città moderna ovvero l'idea moderna della città, organizzata solo sui concetti di ordine, regolarità, pulizia, uguaglianza e buon governo, è stata consegnata alla storia passata trasformandosi ora in qualcosa di assai diverso che facciamo fatica a rappresentare, a descrivere, a raccontare. La città contemporanea può essere rappresentata in molteplici modi, sia dal punto di vista urbanistico che dal punto di vista sociale: nella letteratura recente è evidente la difficoltà di definire e di racchiudere entro limiti certi l'oggetto "città" e la mancanza di un convincimento forte nell'interpretazione delle trasformazioni politiche, economiche e sociali che hanno investito la società e il mondo nel secolo scorso. La città contemporanea, al di là degli ambiti amministrativi, delle espansioni territoriali e degli assetti urbanistici, delle infrastrutture, della tecnologia, del funzionalismo e dei mercati globali, è anche luogo delle relazioni umane, rappresentazione dei rapporti tra gli individui e dello spazio urbano in cui queste relazioni si muovono. La città è sia concentrazione fisica di persone e di edifici, ma anche varietà di usi e di gruppi, densità di rapporti sociali; è il luogo in cui avvengono i processi di coesione o di esclusione sociale, luogo delle norme culturali che regolano i comportamenti, dell'identità che si esprime materialmente e simbolicamente nello spazio pubblico della vita cittadina. Per studiare la città contemporanea è necessario utilizzare un approccio nuovo, fatto di contaminazioni e saperi trasversali forniti da altre discipline, come la sociologia e le scienze umane, che pure contribuiscono a costruire l'immagine comunemente percepita della città e del territorio, del paesaggio e dell'ambiente. La rappresentazione del sociale urbano varia in base all'idea di cosa è, in un dato momento storico e in un dato contesto, una situazione di benessere delle persone. L'urbanistica moderna mirava al massimo benessere del singolo e della collettività e a modellarsi sulle "effettive necessità delle persone": nei vecchi manuali di urbanistica compare come appendice al piano regolatore il "Piano dei servizi", che comprende i servizi distribuiti sul territorio circostante, una sorta di "piano regolatore sociale", per evitare quartieri separati per fasce di popolazione o per classi. Nella città contemporanea la globalizzazione, le nuove forme di marginalizzazione e di esclusione, l'avvento della cosiddetta "new economy", la ridefinizione della base produttiva e del mercato del lavoro urbani sono espressione di una complessità sociale che può essere definita sulla base delle transazioni e gli scambi simbolici piuttosto che sui processi di industrializzazione e di modernizzazione verso cui era orientata la città storica, definita moderna. Tutto ciò costituisce quel complesso di questioni che attualmente viene definito "nuovo welfare", in contrapposizione a quello essenzialmente basato sull'istruzione, sulla sanità, sul sistema pensionistico e sull'assistenza sociale. La ricerca ha quindi analizzato gli strumenti tradizionali della pianificazione e programmazione territoriale, nella loro dimensione operativa e istituzionale: la destinazione principale di tali strumenti consiste nella classificazione e nella sistemazione dei servizi e dei contenitori urbanistici. E' chiaro, tuttavia, che per poter rispondere alla molteplice complessità di domande, bisogni e desideri espressi dalla società contemporanea le dotazioni effettive per "fare città" devono necessariamente superare i concetti di "standard" e di "zonizzazione", che risultano essere troppo rigidi e quindi incapaci di adattarsi all'evoluzione di una domanda crescente di qualità e di servizi e allo stesso tempo inadeguati nella gestione del rapporto tra lo spazio domestico e lo spazio collettivo. In questo senso è rilevante il rapporto tra le tipologie abitative e la morfologia urbana e quindi anche l'ambiente intorno alla casa, che stabilisce il rapporto "dalla casa alla città", perché è in questa dualità che si definisce il rapporto tra spazi privati e spazi pubblici e si contestualizzano i temi della strada, dei negozi, dei luoghi di incontro, degli accessi. Dopo la convergenza dalla scala urbana alla scala edilizia si passa quindi dalla scala edilizia a quella urbana, dal momento che il criterio del benessere attraversa le diverse scale dello spazio abitabile. Non solo, nei sistemi territoriali in cui si è raggiunto un benessere diffuso ed un alto livello di sviluppo economico è emersa la consapevolezza che il concetto stesso di benessere sia non più legato esclusivamente alla capacità di reddito collettiva e/o individuale: oggi la qualità della vita si misura in termini di qualità ambientale e sociale. Ecco dunque la necessità di uno strumento di conoscenza della città contemporanea, da allegare al Piano, in cui vengano definiti i criteri da osservare nella progettazione dello spazio urbano al fine di determinare la qualità e il benessere dell'ambiente costruito, inteso come benessere generalizzato, nel suo significato di "qualità dello star bene". E' evidente che per raggiungere tale livello di qualità e benessere è necessario provvedere al soddisfacimento da una parte degli aspetti macroscopici del funzionamento sociale e del tenore di vita attraverso gli indicatori di reddito, occupazione, povertà, criminalità, abitazione, istruzione, etc.; dall'altra dei bisogni primari, elementari e di base, e di quelli secondari, culturali e quindi mutevoli, trapassando dal welfare state allo star bene o well being personale, alla wellness in senso olistico, tutte espressioni di un desiderio di bellezza mentale e fisica e di un nuovo rapporto del corpo con l'ambiente, quindi manifestazione concreta di un'esigenza di ben-essere individuale e collettivo. Ed è questa esigenza, nuova e difficile, che crea la diffusa sensazione dell'inizio di una nuova stagione urbana, molto più di quanto facciano pensare le stesse modifiche fisiche della città. ; The research aims to define guidelines for the preparation of a plan that deals with quality of life and well-being. The reference to the quality and well-being is positively innovative, because imposes to organs of the government to relate with the subjectivity of active citizens and, at the same time, makes clear the need for a broader and transversal approach to the city and a more close relationship of technicians/experts with the leaders of political and administrative bodies. The research investigates the limits of modern town-planning theory in front of the complexity of new needs expressed by contemporary urban populations. The demand for services has changed significantly compared to that one of the Sixties, not only on the quantity but also and especially in terms of quality, because of the social changes that have transformed the modern city, from the point of view of the structure and the cultural request: the intermittent citizenship, so cities are increasingly experienced and enjoyed by citizens of the world (tourists and/or visitors, temporarily present) and popular citizens (suburban, provincial, metropolitan); radical transformation of the family structure, so the family-type consisting of a couple with children, solid benchmark for the economy and politics, is now minority; the irregularity and flexibility of calendars, diaries and rhythms of life of the population active, and social mobility, so individuals have trajectories of life and daily practices less determined by their social origins of what happened in the past; the elevation of the level of education and thus the increase in demand for culture; the growth of elderly population and the strong social individualism have generated a demand for the city expressed by the people extremely varied and diverse, fragmented and volatile, and in some aspects quite new. Close to old and consolidated requests - the city efficient, functional, productive, accessible to all - there are new questions, ideals and needs such as beauty, variety, usability, security, the ability to amaze and entertain, sustainability, the search for new identities, questions that express a desire to live and enjoy the city, to fell good into the city, questions that can no longer be satisfied through a welfare simply based on education, health, pension system and social security. The modern city or the modern idea of the city, based only on the concepts of order, regularity, cleaning, equality and good governance was handed over to the past history turning into something very different hard to represent, describe, tell. The contemporary city can be represented in many different ways, both on town-planning way and social way: in the recent literature there is the obvious difficulty of defining and enclose within certain limits the subject "city" and the lack of a strong belief in the interpretation of political, economic and social transformations that have invested society and the world in the last century. The contemporary city, beyond the administrative areas, territorial expansion and urban structures, infrastructure, technology, functionalism and global markets, is also a place of human relations, representation of the relationship between individuals and urban spaces where these relationship move. The city is both physical concentration of people and buildings, but also variety of uses and groups, it's the place of dense social relations where processes of cohesion or social exclusion occur, a place of cultural norms that govern behaviour and identity, expressed physically and symbolically through public spaces of city life. It's necessary a new approach to study the contemporary city, made up of cross-contamination and knowledge provided by other disciplines such as sociology and human sciences, which help to build the image commonly known of the city and the territory, landscape and environment. The representation of the urban social life varies according to what it is considered, in a specific historic moment and in a given context, a situation of well-being. The modern town-planning aimed at maximum level of well-being for individuals and communities, modelling on "real needs of people": in the old urban systems manuals appears a "Plan of services" as an appendix to the master plan, which includes services distributed on the surrounding areas, a sort of "social master plan" to avoid neighborhoods separated by segments of population or classes. In the contemporary city globalization, new forms of marginalization and exclusion, the advent of the so-called "new economy", the re-definition of the production base and the labour market are urban expression of a social complexity that can be defined trough transactions and symbolic exchanges, rather than trough processes of industrialization and modernization towards which the historic city, adopted modern, was oriented. All of this questions are the expression of that complex of matters which are currently described as "the new welfare", opposed to the one essentially based on education, on health, on the pension system and on social assistances. The research has therefore examined the traditional tools of town-planning and territorial programming in their operational and institutional dimension: the main destination of these instruments is the classification and accommodation of services and urban containers. It's evident, however, that in order to answer to the many questions of complexity, needs and desires expressed by contemporary society the actual allocations to "make city" must necessarily overcome the concepts of "standards" and "zoning" that are too rigid and unable to adapt to a growing demand for quality and services and at the same time inadequate to manage the relationship between collective space and domestic space. In this sense it is important to consider the relationship between housing types and urban morphology and hence the environment around the house, which establishes the relationship "from the house to the city" because it is in this duality that it is possible to define the relationship between private domestic spaces and public spaces and contextualize questions of roads, shops, meeting places, accesses. After the convergence from the wide urban scale construction to the architectural scale, the attention moves from the architectural scale to the scale of urban constructions, since the criterion of well-being goes through the different scales of habitable space. Moreover, in territorial systems with a widespread well-being and a high level of economic development there's an emerging awareness that the very concept of well-being is no longer linked only to the ability of collective and/or individual income: today the quality of life is measured in terms of environmental quality and social inclusion. Thus the need of an instrument of knowledge of the contemporary city to be attached to the Plan, containing criteria to be observed in the design of urban spaces in order to determine the quality and well-being, in the meaning of "quality of feeling good", of urban environment. Obviously, to reach quality and well-being it is necessary to satisfy macroscopic aspects of social functioning and living standards, through the indicators of income, employment, poverty, crime, housing, education, etc., and also first needs, basic and elementary, and secondary, cultural and changing, moving through the welfare state to a general feeling of well-being, to wellness in a holistic sense, all expressions of a desire for mental and physical beauty and a new relationship of the body with the environment, then real expression of a need for an individual and collective wellbeing. And it is this need, new and difficult, which creates the widespread feeling of a starting new urban season, much more than physical changes of the city could represent.

Access to health care is an important component of an overall health system and a major indicator of growth. Health care planning and Geographic Information System (GIS) are two relevant fields that depend upon spatial data. GIS plays an essential role in helping public health organizations to understand population health and make decisions with the powerful tools and situation that GIS technology provides. The purpose of the study to investigated the spatial distribution of health care centers in Minna, Nigeria with a view to use Geographic Information System (GIS) technique in health care management and planning. The method is a qualitative research that is used in making decisions in order to have a strong understanding of government policies and programs. Beyond the many uses of a GIS in health applications, the greatest power of a GIS lies in its ability to integrate information from disparate sources. 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Eye health and vision have widespread and profound implications for many aspects of life, health, sustainable development, and the economy. Yet nowadays, many people, families, and populations continue to suffer the consequences of poor access to high-quality, affordable eye care, leading to vision impairment and blindness. In 2020, an estimated 596 million people had distance vision impairment worldwide, of whom 43 million were blind. Another 510 million people had uncorrected near vision impairment, simply because of not having reading spectacles. A large proportion of those affected (90%), live in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs). However, encouragingly, more than 90% of people with vision impairment have a preventable or treatable cause with existing highly cost-effective interventions. Eye conditions affect all stages of life, with young children and older people being particularly affected. Crucially, women, rural populations, and ethnic minority groups are more likely to have vision impairment, and this pervasive inequality needs to be addressed. By 2050, population ageing, growth, and urbanisation might lead to an estimated 895 million people with distance vision impairment, of whom 61 million will be blind. Action to prioritise eye health is needed now. This Commission defines eye health as maximised vision, ocular health, and functional ability, thereby contributing to overall health and wellbeing, social inclusion, and quality of life. Eye health is essential to achieve many of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Poor eye health and impaired vision have a negative effect on quality of life and restrict equitable access to and achievement in education and the workplace. Vision loss has substantial financial implications for affected individuals, families, and communities. Although high-quality data for global economic estimates are scarce, particularly for LMICs, conservative assessments based on the latest prevalence figures for 2020 suggest that annual global productivity loss from vision impairment is approximately US$410·7 billion purchasing power parity. Vision impairment reduces mobility, affects mental wellbeing, exacerbates risk of dementia, increases likelihood of falls and road traffic crashes, increases the need for social care, and ultimately leads to higher mortality rates. By contrast, vision facilitates many daily life activities, enables better educational outcomes, and increases work productivity, reducing inequality. An increasing amount of evidence shows the potential for vision to advance the SDGs, by contributing towards poverty reduction, zero hunger, good health and wellbeing, quality education, gender equality, and decent work. Eye health is a global public priority, transforming lives in both poor and wealthy communities. Therefore, eye health needs to be reframed as a development as well as a health issue and given greater prominence within the global development and health agendas. Vision loss has many causes that require promotional, preventive, treatment, and rehabilitative interventions. Cataract, uncorrected refractive error, glaucoma, age-related macular degeneration, and diabetic retinopathy are responsible for most global vision impairment. Research has identified treatments to reduce or eliminate blindness from all these conditions; the priority is to deliver treatments where they are most needed. Proven eye care interventions, such as cataract surgery and spectacle provision, are among the most cost-effective in all of health care. Greater financial investment is needed so that millions of people living with unnecessary vision impairment and blindness can benefit from these interventions. Lessons from the past three decades give hope that this challenge can be met. Between 1990 and 2020, the age-standardised global prevalence of blindness fell by 28·5%. Since the 1990s, prevalence of major infectious causes of blindness—onchocerciasis and trachoma—have declined substantially. Hope remains that by 2030, the transmission of onchocerciasis will be interrupted, and trachoma will be eliminated as a public health problem in every country worldwide. However, the ageing population has led to a higher crude prevalence of age-related causes of blindness, and thus an increased total number of people with blindness in some regions. Despite this progress, business as usual will not keep pace with the demographic trends of an ageing global population or address the inequities that persist in each country. New threats to eye health are emerging, including the worldwide increase in diabetic retinopathy, high myopia, retinopathy of prematurity, and chronic eye diseases of ageing such as glaucoma and age-related macular degeneration. With the projected increase in such conditions and their associated vision loss over the coming decades, urgent action is needed to develop innovative treatments and deliver services at a greater scale than previously achieved. Good eye health at the community and national level has been marginalised as a luxury available to only wealthy or urban areas. Eye health needs to be urgently brought into the mainstream of national health and development policy, planning, financing, and action. The challenge is to develop and deliver comprehensive eye health services (promotion, prevention, treatment, rehabilitation) that address the full range of eye conditions within the context of universal health coverage. Accessing services should not bring the risk of falling into poverty and services should be of high quality, as envisaged by the WHO framework for health-care quality: effective, safe, people-centred, timely, equitable, integrated, and efficient. To this framework we add the need for services to be environmentally sustainable. Universal health coverage is not universal without eye care. Multiple obstacles need to be overcome to achieve universal coverage for eye health. Important issues include complex barriers to availability and access to quality services, cost, major shortages and maldistribution of well-trained personnel, and lack of suitable, well maintained equipment and consumables. These issues are particularly widespread in LMICs, but also occur in underserved communities in high-income countries. Strong partnerships need to be formed with natural allies working in areas affected by eye health, such as non-communicable diseases, neglected tropical diseases, healthy ageing, children's services, education, disability, and rehabilitation. The eye health sector has traditionally focused on treatment and rehabilitation, and underused health promotion and prevention strategies to lessen the impact of eye disease and reduce inequality. Solving these problems will depend on solutions established from high quality evidence that can guide more effective implementation at scale. Evidence-based approaches will need to address existing deficiencies in the supply and demand. Strategic investments in discovery research, harnessing new findings from diverse fields, and implementation research to guide effective scale up are needed globally. Encouragingly, developments in telemedicine, mobile health, artificial intelligence, and distance learning could potentially enable eye care professionals to deliver higher quality care that is more plentiful, equitable, and cost-effective. This Commission did a Grand Challenges in Global Eye Health prioritisation exercise to highlight key areas for concerted research and action. This exercise has identified a broad set of challenges spanning the fields of epidemiology, health systems, diagnostics, therapeutics, and implementation. The most compelling of these issues, picked from among 3400 suggestions proposed by 336 people from 118 countries, can help to frame the future research agenda for global eye health. In this Commission, we harness lessons learned from over two decades, present the growing evidence for the life-transforming impact of eye care, and provide a thorough understanding of rapid developments in the field. This report was created through a broad consultation involving experts within and outside the eye care sector to help inform governments and other stakeholders about the path forward for eye health beyond 2020, to further the SDGs (including universal health coverage), and work towards a world without avoidable vision loss. The next few years are a crucial time for the global eye health community and its partners in health care, government, and other sectors to consider the successes and challenges encountered in the past two decades, and at the same time to chart a way forward for the upcoming decades. Moving forward requires building on the strong foundation laid by WHO and partners in VISION 2020 with renewed impetus to ultimately deliver high quality universal eye health care for all.

The report is an initiative of the Agriculture and Rural Development Department (ARD) of the World Bank. Aquaculture is the fastest-growing food sector in the world and is expected to contribute more than 50 percent of total fish consumption by 2020. Just over 90 percent of aquaculture production originates in Asia, and nearly 70 percent in China alone. Efforts to expand aquaculture production to meet the ever increasing worldwide demand for seafood continue. Although the boom in international demand for shrimp has drawn attention to this sector, the development potential of aquaculture stems partly from the variety of products, production systems, and scales of production it covers. In comparison with the dominance of large-scale coastal aquaculture systems in Latin America, North America, and Europe, the vast majority of aquaculture production in Asia is carried out in rural areas, is integrated into existing farming systems, takes places on a small scale, depends on the cooperation of family members, and involves large numbers of the rural population. Aquaculture is a promising business venture in many contexts, and the private sector drives and plays a major role in this. The aim of this study is to guide two potential World Bank operations in Vietnam and Nigeria with the aquaculture value chain as their focus. This paper describes the specific contexts of Vietnam and Nigeria and recommends concrete project entry points and actions for gender integration, applying the lessons learned from past experiences.

El present treball aborda el problema de la participació ciutadana a tres barris antics de la ciutat de Puebla, a Mèxic: San Antonio, El Refugio y Santa Anita. Aquests barris han estat al marge de les actuacions arquitectòniques urbanes i dels processos incloents que incideixen en un benefici de la zona. Entre els problemes comuns hi figuren la visió de caràcter especulatiu, atès que els immobles que s'aixequen en aquests tres sectors es troben molt deteriorats per la manca d'intervencions, la manca de pressupost per part dels amos i els arrendataris i per la poca visió de les institucions a l'hora de promoure algun programa. La inseguretat es filtra en aquests sectors per la manca d'oportunitats dels residents, que veuen en aquests barris rendes baixes i, per tant, un lloc propici per a viure-hi. La inclusió d'estudiants d'arquitectura, urbanisme, ciències polítiques, comunicació i conservació del patrimoni dins la línia de recerca Espai Públic, Participació Ciutadana i Centre Històric, promoguda per la Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla sota un investigador amfitrió des de l'estiu de 2012 fins a l'any present, ha abordat diverses iniciatives, com poden ser l'impuls d'una biblioteca al barri de San Antonio, la donació de plantes i arbres al barri de El Refugio per part de l'àrea de Parcs i Jardins de l'Ajuntament, així com l'elaboració d'un projecte executiu del parc de Santa Anita amb un pressupost superior als quatre milions de pesos per alumnes d'arquitectura i de pràctiques professionals. Les esmentades actuacions incideixen en aquests llocs, on no s'hi acostumaven a realitzar treballs amb la comunitat, on la població es troba afectada per un procés d'inseguretat i desconeixement de com apropar-se a les instàncies corresponents; tot això, a banda de l'apatia que les ha conduït a la fragmentació com a societat o comunitat. Els processos de participació en aquestes tres zones, malgrat trobar-se al nord-oest del centre històric i aparentar una homogeneïtat de necessitats, són diversos i complexos, per la qual cosa hom arriba a la conclusió que no hi ha receptes específiques als processos participatius, sinó que cal actuar segons la situació a la que s'enfronti cada grup. En aquest moment, aquesta línea pretén seguir alimentant aquestes zones amb la presència de joves que compten amb el suport de la Universitat i seguir gestionant amb les instàncies corresponents (per exemple, l'Ajuntament) per al benefici d'aquests barris antics. ; This paper addresses the problem of citizen participation on three old neighborhoods of the city of Puebla, Mexico (San Antonio, El Refugio and Santa Anita), that have been excluded from all architectural and urban transformation plans. Amongst the common problems are the buildings and public areas deterioration, derivate from the lack of state intervention through specific programs and the economic status from landowners. The participation of architecture, urban planning, political sciences, communication and conservation students at the research line in Public Space, Citizen Participation and Historical Centers, sponsored by the Autonomous University of Puebla, has achieved, since summer 2012, various initiatives such the construction of the San Antonio neighborhoods library, Municipal donation of plants and trees for parks and gardens at El Refugio neighborhood and the urban and architectural design and blue prints of Santa Anita central park. All these projects have a positive impact on these communities where uncertainty and ignorance affects their possibility of approaching the proper authorities. These participatory processes are diverse and complex despite the fact that the three neighborhoods are located in the northwest side of the historic center and have some social and economic similarities. The research line continues collaborating with these communities throughout the students' work, in order to improve the quality of space and life of these old neighborhoods. ; El presente trabajo aborda la problemática de la participación ciudadana en tres barrios antiguos de la ciudad de Puebla México (San Antonio, El Refugio y Santa Anita), que han estado al margen de actuaciones de orden urbano arquitectónico así como de procesos incluyentes que incidan en un beneficio de la zona. Dentro de las problemáticas comunes están la visión de carácter especulativo, ya que los inmuebles localizados en estos tres sectores están sumamente deteriorados por las falta de intervenciones así como por la falta de presupuesto por parte de los dueños y arrendatarios además de la poca visión de las instituciones al promover algún programa. La inseguridad permea el sector por la falta de oportunidades de los residentes que ven en estos barrios rentas bajas y por lo tanto un lugar propicio para vivir. La inclusión de estudiantes de arquitectura, urbanismo, ciencias políticas, comunicación y conservación del patrimonio en la línea de investigación Espacio Público, Participación Ciudadana y Centro Histórico, promovida por la Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, bajo un investigador anfitrión, desde el verano de 2012 hasta el presente año han abordado diferentes iniciativas como el impulso de una biblioteca en el barrio de San Antonio, la donación de plantas y árboles por parte del área de parques y jardines del Ayuntamiento al barrio del Refugio, así como la elaboración de un proyecto ejecutivo del parque de Santa Anita con un monto de más de cuatro millones de pesos por alumnas de arquitectura y de prácticas profesionales, lo anterior incide en estos lugares en donde no se estaba acostumbrado a realizar trabajos con la comunidad, en donde la población está inmersa en un proceso de inseguridad y desconocimiento de como acercarse a las instancias correspondientes, además de la apatía que las ha llevado a la fragmentación como sociedad o comunidad. Los procesos de participación en estos tres sectores a pesar de que se encuentran localizados en el norponiente del Centro Histórico y que aparentan una homogeneidad de necesidades son diversos y complejos por lo que se concluye que no hay recetas específicas en los procesos participativos, se tiene que actuar según la situación a la que se enfrente cada grupo. En este momento esta línea trata de seguir alimentando estas zonas con la presencia de los jóvenes respaldados por la Universidad así como gestionando con las instancias correspondientes, como es el caso del H. Ayuntamiento de Puebla, para el beneficio de estos barrios antiguos.

The Asian Development Bank (ADB) and The Asia Foundation prepared this report as a guide for governments, donors, development partners, investors, nongovernment organizations, and other stakeholders on how to support women's entrepreneurship in Asia and the Pacific. The main discussion in the report includes three parts. The first focuses on the key barriers that women in Asia and the Pacific face when trying to establish or grow a business; the second presents case studies of projects supported by the ADB and The Asia Foundation in various countries throughout the region; and the third proposes eight areas for further research on women's entrepreneurship.

Sustainable and inclusive growth in emerging Asian economies requires continued high levels of public sector investment in areas such as infrastructure, education, health, and social services. These responsibilities, especially with regard to infrastructure investment, need to be devolved increasingly to the regional government level. However, growth of sources of revenue and financing for local governments has not necessarily kept pace, forcing them, in some cases, to rely on unorthodox funding measures such as shadow banking, or else cutting spending below needed levels. Even if adequate funding is available, there need to be safeguards to ensure that debt levels are sustainable.

Cattle are one of the main instruments for economic (e.g., milk, meat, and cattle sale) and social (e.g., marriage, death, dispute settlement, and gift giving) exchange in Uganda. They serve as the main source of livelihood for a large majority of rural Ugandans, especially in the cattle corridor. Recent statistics demonstrate that the livestock sector contributes 13.1 percent of the agricultural gross domestic product (GDP) and 5 percent of the national GDP. Since 1991, the output of the livestock sector has grown on an average of 2.2 percent per annum, with most of the growth coming from the dairy sector. Dairy is an important and growing sector of Uganda's economy, and it is increasingly proving to be a lucrative livelihood option for a large number of households engaged in milk production and trade. Frequent realization of risks, however, impacts the performance of the supply chain. Effective management of these risks will require increased efforts to mitigate the identified risks and strengthen coping mechanisms. However, rather than a stand-alone risk management strategy, these efforts should be an integral component of a broader dairy development policy and strategy.

This article explores the spatial structure and development of settlements comprising the Saint Petersburg agglomeration. Previous studies and database sources, which were never used before (the Federal Tax Service [FTS] database and SPARK-Interfax), are analysed to reveal factors in the economic development of metropolitan areas as well as to understand how settlements develop in Russia's second-largest city agglomeration. The borders and composition of the Saint Petersburg agglomeration are brought up to date. Examining the population size of the settlements helps locate the 'growth belt' of the agglomeration. Lists of major enterprises of the city and the region make it possible to identify patterns in the economic development of the study area. The SPARK-Interfax database aids in clarifying relationships between spatial elements of the agglomeration (its core and satellites) in the distribution of revenues of economic agents. Data on the location of the largest retail stores - shopping malls and hypermarkets - are used to identify the main centres of commerce in the Saint Petersburg agglomeration. A map chart has been drawn using 2GIS and Yandex Maps geoinformation services. An important step in agglomeration analysis is the identification of residential development hotspots. FTS data on property tax base are the main source of relevant information. FTS reports contain data on the number of residential buildings and units covered by the database. Further, FTS statistics is employed to trace income and job distribution across the study area. The current functions of settlement in the Saint Petersburg agglomeration have been determined. According to the findings, the spatial structure of the agglomeration has three groups of 'backbone centres'. The agglomeration includes a core, a population growth area ('growth belt'), commuting sources and recipients, and 'backbone centres'.

In this article, we analyse the structure and the development dynamics of the Saint Petersburg suburbs - home to over 1.6 million people. To this end, we employ statistical, historical, and empirical research methods and carry out a comparative analysis. Geodemographic studies should take into account not only demographic data but also the characteristics of the settlement system. Such studies are particularly important for suburbs. Russian social geography pays little attention to suburban studies, although such territories have become an independent object of research in international geographical science. The Saint Petersburg suburbs are of special interest from the perspective of geodemography, which is explained by the significant size of the area - a result of the territory's historical development. The formation of the settlement system of the Saint Petersburg suburbs started with the foundation of the city, and continues to this day. Today, their spatial structure is shaped by the current administrative border between Saint Petersburg and the Leningrad region - a product of the territory's development in the Soviet period of Russia's history. The lengthy process of border formation has given it a peculiar character. The most vibrant and attractive areas of the suburbs are located at a distance of 14-32 km from the centre of Saint Petersburg, between the isochrones of forty- and ninety-minute transport accessibility. Lying at a distance of approximately 60 km from the city centre, the two-hour travel time band marks the border of both the commuter zone and the Saint Petersburg agglomeration. A new settlement system is emerging within the suburban area of Saint Petersburg - the most economically, demographically, and socially vibrant territory of Russia's North-West.

Salt deposits characterize the subsurface of Tuzla (BiH) and made it famous since the ancient times. Archeological discoveries demonstrate the presence of a Neolithic pile-dwelling settlement related to the existence of saltwater springs that contributed to make the most of the area a swampy ground. Since the Roman times, the town is reported as "the City of Salt deposits and Springs"; "tuz" is the Turkish word for salt, as the Ottomans renamed the settlement in the 15th century following their conquest of the medieval Bosnia (Donia and Fine, 1994). Natural brine springs were located everywhere and salt has been evaporated by means of hot charcoals since pre-Roman times. The ancient use of salt was just a small exploitation compared to the massive salt production carried out during the 20th century by means of classical mine methodologies and especially wild brine pumping. In the past salt extraction was practised tapping natural brine springs, while the modern technique consists in about 100 boreholes with pumps tapped to the natural underground brine runs, at an average depth of 400-500 m. The mining operation changed the hydrogeological conditions enabling the downward flow of fresh water causing additional salt dissolution. This process induced severe ground subsidence during the last 60 years reaching up to 10 meters of sinking in the most affected area. Stress and strain of the overlying rocks induced the formation of numerous fractures over a conspicuous area (3 Km2). Consequently serious damages occurred to buildings and infrastructures such as water supply system, sewage networks and power lines. Downtown urban life was compromised by the destruction of more than 2000 buildings that collapsed or needed to be demolished causing the resettlement of about 15000 inhabitants (Tatić, 1979). Recently salt extraction activities have been strongly reduced, but the underground water system is returning to his natural conditions, threatening the flooding of the most collapsed area. During the last 60 years local government developed a monitoring system of the phenomenon, collecting several data about geodetic measurements, amount of brine pumped, piezometry, lithostratigraphy, extension of the salt body and geotechnical parameters. A database was created within a scientific cooperation between the municipality of Tuzla and the city of Rotterdam (D.O.O. Mining Institute Tuzla, 2000). The scientific investigation presented in this dissertation has been financially supported by a cooperation project between the Municipality of Tuzla, The University of Bologna (CIRSA) and the Province of Ravenna. The University of Tuzla (RGGF) gave an important scientific support in particular about the geological and hydrogeological features. Subsidence damage resulting from evaporite dissolution generates substantial losses throughout the world, but the causes are only well understood in a few areas (Gutierrez et al., 2008). The subject of this study is the collapsing phenomenon occurring in Tuzla area with the aim to identify and quantify the several factors involved in the system and their correlations. Tuzla subsidence phenomenon can be defined as geohazard, which represents the consequence of an adverse combination of geological processes and ground conditions precipitated by human activity with the potential to cause harm (Rosenbaum and Culshaw, 2003). Where an hazard induces a risk to a vulnerable element, a risk management process is required. The single factors involved in the subsidence of Tuzla can be considered as hazards. The final objective of this dissertation represents a preliminary risk assessment procedure and guidelines, developed in order to quantify the buildings vulnerability in relation to the overall geohazard that affect the town. The historical available database, never fully processed, have been analyzed by means of geographic information systems and mathematical interpolators (PART I). Modern geomatic applications have been implemented to deeply investigate the most relevant hazards (PART II). In order to monitor and quantify the actual subsidence rates, geodetic GPS technologies have been implemented and 4 survey campaigns have been carried out once a year. Subsidence related fractures system has been identified by means of field surveys and mathematical interpretations of the sinking surface, called curvature analysis. The comparison of mapped and predicted fractures leaded to a better comprehension of the problem. Results confirmed the reliability of fractures identification using curvature analysis applied to sinking data instead of topographic or seismic data. Urban changes evolution has been reconstructed analyzing topographic maps and satellite imageries, identifying the most damaged areas. This part of the investigation was very important for the quantification of buildings vulnerability.

"The Kerner Report is a powerful window into the roots of racism and inequality in the United States. Hailed by Martin Luther King Jr. as a "physician's warning of approaching death, with a prescription for life," this historic study was produced by a presidential commission established by Lyndon Johnson, chaired by former Illinois governor Otto Kerner, and provides a riveting account of the riots that shook 1960s America. The commission pointed to the polarization of American society, white racism, economic inopportunity, and other factors, arguing that only "a compassionate, massive, and sustained" effort could reverse the troubling reality of a racially divided, separate, and unequal society. Conservatives criticized the report as a justification of lawless violence while leftist radicals complained that Kerner didn't go far enough. But for most Americans, this report was an eye-opening account of what was wrong in race relations. Drawing together decades of scholarship showing the widespread and ingrained nature of racism, The Kerner Report provided an important set of arguments about what the nation needs to do to achieve racial justice, one that is familiar in today's climate. Presented here with an introduction by historian Julian Zelizer, The Kerner Report deserves renewed attention in America's continuing struggle to achieve true parity in race relations, income, employment, education, and other critical areas."--Provided by publisher

Almeno dal cosiddetto neolitico recente (circa 4000 cal a.C.) nel sud-est della penisola iberica inizia un processo di differenziazione tra gli insediamenti che accompagna un importante e progressivo processo di diversificazione sociale legato a dinamiche di accumulazione differenziale della ricchezza e al bisogno di riprodurre la situazione controllando la forza lavoro. Dall'eneolitico (3300 a.C.) alcuni insediamenti, in particolare Los Millares (Santa Fe de Mondújar, Almeria), ci permettono osservare al loro interno i processi di segregazione spaziale con differenti linee di muraglie, aree specializzate e laboratori metallurgici, nonché prove del consumo differenziale di prodotti agropastorali e accesso a prodotti esotici e di prestigio. Queste differenze si estendono al rituale funerario e si esprimono anche nell'enfasi sul controllo territoriale attraverso la dispersione di megaliti e fortini. Tra l'età del bronzo antico e recente (2150-1350 a.C.), con lo sviluppo della cultura del Argar, non solo l'enfasi sul controllo territoriale viene estesa, con la dispersione di insediamenti arroccati, ma quella segregazione spaziale è più evidente non solo nei centri politici come La Bastida (Totana, Murcia) ma anche nei piccoli villaggi. Infatti, anche nei piccoli nuclei, come mostra l'analisi del Castellón Alto (Galera, Granada), si sviluppa un complesso agglomerato urbano con case con più ambienti destinati a diverse attività, infrastrutture stradali e di approvvigionamento idrico e aree separate per l'élite, specialmente nelle zone più alte (acropoli). L'usanza di seppellire i defunti sotto le case facilita anche l'identificazione del livello sociale degli abitanti di ciascuna area all'interno dello stesso sito. Le relazioni tra le élite ci aiutano a valutare che questo processo di urbanizzazione è comunque destinato a convertire solo alcuni siti in centri ideologici e politici (città) in cui le principali élites riproducono il sistema di classe. Lo stesso discorso si può fare per i principali insediamenti eneolitici. ; At least from the so-called Late Neolithic (around 4000 BC) a process of differentiation between the settlements begins in Iberian South-east. Changes in settlement pattern were accompanied by an important and progressive increase in social diversification linked to dynamics of differential accumulation of wealth and control of labour force. From the Chalcolithic (3300 BC) some settlements, in particular Los Millares (Santa Fe de Mondújar, Almeria), allow us to observe within them the processes of spatial segregation with different lines of walls, specialized areas and metallurgical workshops, as well as evidence on differential consumption of farming products and exotic and prestigious items. These differences extend to the funeral ritual and are also expressed in the emphasis on territorial control through the dispersion of megaliths and hill-forts. Between the Early and Late Bronze Age (2150- 1350 BC), with the development of the Argar culture, not only the emphasis on territorial control is extended, with the dispersion of well defended settlements placed on high positions, and spatial segregation is more evident not only in political centers such as La Bastida (Totana, Murcia) but also in small villages. In fact, even in small villages, as shown by the analysis of the Castellón Alto (Galera, Granada), a complex urban agglomeration develops with houses with more rooms for different activities, street and water supplies infrastructures and separate areas for the elite, especially in the highest areas (acropolis). The custom of burying the dead under the houses also facilitates the identification of the social level of the inhabitants of each area inside the settlements. Links between the elites help us to assess that this process of urbanization is anyway related to keep only some sites as the ideological and political centers (cities) where main elites reproduce the class system, as can be said also by main Chalcolithic settlements. ; Al menos desde el denominado Neolítico Tardío (alrededor de 4000 cal AC) en el sudeste de Península Ibérica comienza un proceso de diferenciación entre los asentamientos que acompaña un importante y progresivo proceso de jerarquización social relacionado con dinámica de acumulación diferencial de riqueza y la necesidad de reproducir la situación controlando la fuerza de trabajo. Desde el Eneolítico (3300 cal A.C.) algunos asentamientos, en particular Los Millares (Santa Fe de Mondújar, Almería), nos permiten observar dentro de ellos los procesos de segregación espacial con diferentes líneas de murallas, áreas especializadas y talleres metalúrgicos, así como evidencias de consumo diferencial de productos agropecuarios y acceso restringido a productos exóticos y de prestigio. Estas diferencias se extienden al ritual funerario y se expresan también en el énfasis en el control territorial a través de la dispersión de megalitos y fortines. Durante el Bronce Antiguo y Tardío (2150-1350 cal AC), con el desarrollo de la Cultura de El Argar, no sólo se extiende el énfasis en el control territorial, con la dispersión de asentamientos encastillados, sino que esa segregación espacial interna es más evidente tanto en centros políticos como La Bastida (Totana, Murcia) como también en pequeños poblados. De hecho, incluso en núcleos menores, como muestra el análisis del Castellón Alto (Galera, Granada), se desarrolla una compleja aglomeración urbana con viviendas con múltiples estancias destinadas a diferentes actividades, infraestructuras viarias y de suministro de agua y áreas separadas para la élite, especialmente en las áreas más altas (acrópolis). La costumbre de enterrar a los muertos debajo de las casas también facilita la identificación del nivel social de los habitantes de cada zona dentro del mismo yacimiento. Las relaciones entre las élites nos ayudan a evaluar el hecho de que en este proceso sólo determinados yacimientos se convierten en los centros políticos (ciudades) e ideológicos de las élites centrales, donde mejor se expresa y reproduce el sistema de clases, como ya sucedía durante el Calcolítico. ; Proyecto "Estrategias agropecuarias y consumo en la Edad del Bronce del sur de la Península Ibérica. Análisis de plantas, animales y restos humanos (HAR2016-80057-P)" financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad.

Financial inclusion can help curb poverty, reduce inequality, and potentially enhance productivity and long-term growth. However, empirical research on financial inclusion remains limited, particularly at the country level. To fill this gap, this paper conducts an empirical exploration of financial inclusion in the Philippines. Its specific objectives are to: (1) benchmark financial inclusion in the Philippines versus other countries in developing Asia; (2) capture stylized facts about financial inclusion in the country based on analysis of demand-side data; and (3) construct a subnational financial inclusion index that can be used, moving forward, to estimate the links of financial inclusion with economic growth, development, and financial stability. The Philippines leads comparator countries in terms of the enabling environment, has mixed performance in financial outreach, and lags in financial account ownership and usage. Less than 15 percent of adults in the country save money using a formal account, while less than a tenth use formal credit, among the lowest proportions in the region. In terms of stylized facts, we find that greater education, higher income, being female, being employed, and being older (up to a certain point) make financial inclusion, particularly formal account ownership and credit use, more likely. Fintech in the form of mobile money appears promising with seemingly the most equitable access among the different forms of financial inclusion, although account ownership remains scant and limited to more urbanized areas. Individuals with less education and those coming from lower-income households are more likely to be "involuntarily" excluded from the formal financial sector. To construct a subnational financial inclusion index, this paper makes use of supply-side data on outreach and usage of financial services in Philippine regions, with weights derived via principal component analysis. The computed regional index is positively associated with GDP per capita, literacy, and electricity ...