Suchergebnisse

AbstractThis article investigates gold smuggling in the twentieth-century western Indian Ocean. It illustrates how gold, condemned as a 'barbarous relic' by international monetary economists and central banks in the immediate post-war period, created an economy in the intermediate zone between a retreating empire and emerging nation-states in India and the Persian Gulf. Bombay and Dubai—connected by mercantile networks, trading dhows, migrants, and 'smugglers'—were the principal constituencies and key drivers of this trans-regional economy. Partition and the concomitant flight of Indian mercantile capital into Dubai becomes the key to unlocking the many dimensions of smuggling, including its social organization and ethnic constitution. Looked at in such terms, gold smuggling reveals a transnational side to both partition and the post-colonial history of Bombay which has drawn little critical attention from historians. Consequently, it expands the analytic space necessary to explain how Dubai was able to capitalize on the arbitrage possibilities offered by import regulations in India, tap into the global networks of trade and finance, and chart its own course of development as a modern urban space throughout the latter half of the twentieth century.

AbstractThe concern for inequality, growth and development is undoubtedly crucial in the context of climate change mitigation and adaptation. However, most studies either rely on the nation-state estimates of carbon emissions to propose a uniform nation-wide growth (or degrowth) strategy, or they tailor the method to assess the inequality of one country at a time, making a cross-country cross-income comparison difficult. To fill this analytical gap, we synthesize the existing methods of emission calculations and calculate the level of carbon emissions associated with given income deciles of household consumption in five countries, namely China, Germany, India, the UK and USA. We find that the within-country inequality varies among countries, with the ratio between the top and bottom income deciles ranging from three to nine at the household level. We also find that the carbon emissions of the top income group in urban China is almost comparable to that of their peer group in the US, UK and Germany. Based on these results, we discuss the use of the remaining global carbon budget in the context of development and inequality.

Theoretical approaches to development have marginalized poverty and the individual from the developmental debates. Instead, these approaches place the state as the conventional unit of development and tended to address poverty at the societal level. In these respects, these approaches have neglected how development affects poverty at the individual level. This study criticizes one of these approaches, the modernization theory of Development, and analyzes the relationship between poverty and some economic, political, and social factors. These factors include openness to trade, foreign aid, military expenditure, income inequality, corruption, and population. There have been several studies examining the relationship between poverty and one or some of the above factors. However, most of the previous discussions rely upon case studies and do not control for all of the above factors. This study attempts to fill this gap, and uses longitudinal data to examine to what extent these factors affect poverty within nation-states over time. The panel data include observations that cover 135 countries and the years between 1995 and 2011. The findings reveal that there is a positive and significant relationship between income inequality and poverty over time. The results also show a negative and significant relationship between poverty and the level of development. Finally, this study illustrates that there is not a systematic relationship between poverty and openness to trade, foreign aid, military expenditure, corruption, and population.

In the context of the so-called refugee crisis, political disputes about solidarity become a central issue with member states applying competing concepts. At the same time, European cities use transnational networks to implement a new form of solidarity among municipalities via city diplomacy (Acuto, Morissette, & Tsouros, 2017). Analyzing the deadlock between member states and the emerging activities of cities, we scrutinize the limits of existing approaches to political solidarity (e.g., Agustín & Jørgensen, 2019; Knodt, Tews, & Piefer, 2014; Sangiovanni, 2013) to explain this phenomenon. Based on expert interviews and document analysis from a study on transnational municipal networks, we identify an emerging concept of solidarity that challenges the nation states as core providers of solidarity from within: transmunicipal solidarity focuses on joint action of local governments to scale out and scale up.

In the context of the so-called refugee crisis, political disputes about solidarity become a central issue with member states applying competing concepts. At the same time, European cities use transnational networks to implement a new form of solidarity among municipalities via city diplomacy (Acuto, Morissette & Tsouros, 2017). Analyzing the deadlock between member states and the emerging activities of cities, we scrutinize the limits of existing approaches to political solidarity (e.g., Agustín & Jørgensen, 2019; Knodt, Tews & Piefer, 2014; Sangiovanni, 2013) to explain this phenomenon. Based on expert interviews and document analysis from a study on transnational municipal networks, we identify an emerging concept of solidarity that challenges the nation states as core providers of solidarity from within: transmunicipal solidarity focuses on joint action of local governments to scale out and scale up.

The article problematizes the pressing dilemma that the postmodern age is posing to the globalized world in which the nation state is on one side losing its strengths and sovereignty, but on the other side is being strengthened by the unexpected effect of globalization. It is the effect of fighting for one's own identity, with which the national identity of citizens is also becoming stronger. But the other side, which the cosmopolitan standpoint also represents, is trying to open the closed communities of the communitarian type to other horizons, with which the citizens would not have to sacrifice their own identities; they would merely have to admit the inevitability of multi-levelness of identity. The article espouses the thesis that the formation of a cosmopolitan identity, which could be encouraged by a globalized cultural environment of a postmodern age, is not merely a possibility, but a reality, which should also be recognized by political structures.


Santrauka


Straipsnyje gvildenama dilema, postmoderniosios epochos iškelta globalizuotam pasauliui, kuriame nacionalinė valstybė, viena vertus, praranda savo tvirtumą ir suverenumą, tačiau, kita vertus, yra stiprinama netikėto globalizacijos poveikio. Tai poveikis kovos už savo paties identitetą, su kuriuo stiprėja ir nacionalinis piliečių identitetas. Tačiau kitas aspektas, kurį taip pat reprezentuoja kosmopolitinis požiūris, siekia atverti komunitarinio tipo uždaras visuomenes kitiems horizontams, kuriems piliečiai neprivalėtų aukoti savo pačių identitetų, o tik turėtų pripažinti, kad identiteto daugialypiškumas yra neišvengiamas. Straipsnyje palaikoma tezė, kad kosmopolitinio identiteto formavimas, kuris gali būti palaikomas postmoderniosios epochos globalizuotos kultūrinės aplinkos, nėra vien tik galimybė, bet ir realybė, kurią turi pripažinti politinės struktūros.

This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.

This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.

This article aims to reveal the role of political power in the construction of collective identity through the collective memory. Three aspects is seeking to "hook" in the theoretical level: the determined trends of globalised current time, the national state as a homogeneous "imagined" community and cultural heritage as a historical reality and factor of joining together communities. The analysis uncovers that globalization is a dualistic phenomena. The tendencies could be marked under living conditions today: the ontological anxiety of society, a collective identity crisis, the legal and actual threats to the sovereignty, which may retain the nation state. Nationalism, as the ideological force homogenizing state and society, is strongly actualizing and becomes a "headache" not only for communities but also for the political authorities, who can't stay away from declaring liberal laissez-faire principle, but must choose one from David Brown's proposed nationalism strategies of society's consolidation: ethno-cultural, civic or multicultural. Cultural heritage expressing a symbolic link to the legacy of previous generations must now become not only culturally, but also political and economic resource to the communities and politicians to create the basis for the stability of society and the state. The role of cultural heritage in the international political economy, development of public image models and developing positive relationships with neighbors in the historical context is very relevant today. Reinterpretation of cultural heritage dissonances in academic and public discourses should help to reconstruct the historical oblivion and construct the new formulas of collective identity in the second millennium of Lithuania.