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Accumulated evidence identifies discernible gender gaps across many dimensions of professional academic careers including salaries, publication rates, journal placement, career progress, and academic service. Recent work in political science also reveals gender gaps in citations, with articles written by men citing work by other male scholars more often than work by female scholars. This study estimates the gender gap in citations across political science subfields and across methodological subfields within political science, sociology, and economics. The research design captures variance across research areas in terms of the underlying distribution of female scholars. We expect that subfields within political science and social science disciplines with more women will have smaller gender citation gaps, a reduction of the "Matthew effect" where men's research is viewed as the most central and important in a field. However, gender citation gaps may persist if a "Matilda effect" occurs whereby women's research is viewed as less important or their ideas are attributed to male scholars, even as a field becomes more diverse. Analysing all articles published from 2007–2016 in several journals, we find that female scholars are significantly more likely than mixed gender or male author teams to cite research by their female peers, but that these citation rates vary depending on the overall distribution of women in their field. More gender diverse subfields and disciplines produce smaller gender citation gaps, consistent with a reduction in the "Matthew effect". However, we also observe undercitation of work by women, even in journals that publish mostly female authors. While improvements in gender diversity in academia increase the visibility and impact of scholarly work by women, implicit biases in citation practices in the social sciences persist.

Includes index. ; Rev. ed. of: Classification. Class J. Political science / Office for Subject Cataloging Policy, Collections Services, Library of Congress. 2nd ed., 1991 revision. 1991. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Literature related mainly to group structure & group pol'al behavior is reviewed to illustrate the increasing interconnection between soc sci & historical sci in terms of the concepts used & insights achieved. The concept of 'ideal types' is found to have less analytical meaning in historical studies than the concepts 'nat'l culture,' 'soc structure,' 'mobility,' 'status pol,' etc. Criteria for good & bad applications of soc sci concepts to history are difficult to formulate in categoric terms. The ability of the historian to balance concept & data effectively is crucial. In this balance, the data factor is the most important element because it is in terms of data that the concept separates itself from the broad extension open to it in terms of theory & achieves the kind of definition that makes its use meaningful to historians. Some concepts may play a greater role in some periods of history & in the behavior of some groups than in others. Difficulties arise because of the lack of documentation available to the historian, esp re nonquantitative concepts on group behavior which are rooted in individual & soc psychol. The absence of a real dialogue between the soc sci'st & the historian as well as the soc sci'st's lack of interest in history are deplored. While historians recently began to use a soc sci & quantitative approach particularly in efforts to explain the pol'al behavior of groups, they are still neglecting theory. Econometric techniques & the computer are substituted for theory & imagination. Empiricism should tie in with theory-whether historical or soc sci theory. A further development of both is desireable. Emphasis on quantification in pol'al & econ history has influenced proposals for the training & retraining of historians. It also raises the question of whether there is too much emphasis on quantitative vs nonquantitative concepts. At present, relatively few historical data can be quantified meaningfully. The training in soc sci for historians ought to reflect this situation. It is suggested that in such training the discipline of soc sci should be by-passed in order to focus upon the concept, esp the non-quantitative concept 'which bears the burden of the bulk of historical explanation.' Training should emphasize the data dimension of the concept while not neglecting theory. M. Maxfield.

International audience ; Mauna Kea, the tallest volcano on Hawai'i Island, has become a mountain familiar to many in the Pacific and around the world, as a result of the massive mobilizations in which those who identified as kia'i (protectors) of the mountain opposed the construction of a giant Thirty Meter Telescope (TMT) at the summit. This article retraces the history of the Mauna Kea access road, based on a study of the English-language newspaper recordas well as ethnographic and archival material. From the road's inception in the 1930s onward, economic interests, political conflicts, and relations of domination appear intertwined with the very materiality of the road: its route, surface, safety, maintenance, as well as features such as cattle grids, crosswalks, and guardrails. Three political strategies centrally involved the notion of a Mauna Kea access road. Starting in the 1930s, businessmen and government officials pushed for a road, and later for its improvement, in order to make the mountain more accessible, in particular for skiing. As of the 1960s, this push was paralleled and contradicted by another strategy which consisted in keeping the mountain not too accessible, in part because ofwhat some perceived as a competition between recreational and scientific uses – skiing vs. science. A third political strategy involved the road as a site from which to question the notion of public ownership and to affirm sovereignty. The history of the Mauna Kea access road appears as a synecdoche of the political conflict over land and sovereignty that defines Hawaiian history since the nineteenth century.

International audience ; Mauna Kea, the tallest volcano on Hawai'i Island, has become a mountain familiar to many in the Pacific and around the world, as a result of the massive mobilizations in which those who identified as kia'i (protectors) of the mountain opposed the construction of a giant Thirty Meter Telescope (TMT) at the summit. This article retraces the history of the Mauna Kea access road, based on a study of the English-language newspaper recordas well as ethnographic and archival material. From the road's inception in the 1930s onward, economic interests, political conflicts, and relations of domination appear intertwined with the very materiality of the road: its route, surface, safety, maintenance, as well as features such as cattle grids, crosswalks, and guardrails. Three political strategies centrally involved the notion of a Mauna Kea access road. Starting in the 1930s, businessmen and government officials pushed for a road, and later for its improvement, in order to make the mountain more accessible, in particular for skiing. As of the 1960s, this push was paralleled and contradicted by another strategy which consisted in keeping the mountain not too accessible, in part because ofwhat some perceived as a competition between recreational and scientific uses – skiing vs. science. A third political strategy involved the road as a site from which to question the notion of public ownership and to affirm sovereignty. The history of the Mauna Kea access road appears as a synecdoche of the political conflict over land and sovereignty that defines Hawaiian history since the nineteenth century.