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En este artículo se presentan las principales líneas de trabajo y actividades desarrolladas por este grupo de investigaciones recientemente conformado que nuclea a investigadores de distintas disciplinas e instituciones. El eje común de todos los proyectos se centra en abordar el proceso de avance y construcción de las fronteras del Imperio Español (en el período colonial) y del Estado (etapa post-independentista) en interacción con las sociedades indígenas en la región pampeana norpatagónica hasta la conquista militar de fines del siglo XIX. A través de identificar e interpretar los distintos mecanismos materiales, institu-cionales y simbólicos desplegados por la Corona, el Estado y parte de la población eurocriolla, buscamos comprender las transformaciones espaciales y paisajísticas del territorio que conformó dicho espacio fronterizo y rural. El conjunto de proyectos se caracteriza por presentar novedosas técnicas de detección de sitios y líneas analíticas en el estudio de la cultura material. Asimismo, hemos desarrollado diversas actividades de divulgación científica y de extensión hacia y con las comunidades a distintas escalas -lo-cales, regionales, nacionales e internacionales-. Entre éstas destacamos charlas, talleres, elaboración de material educativo y acompañamiento a las comunidades involucradas en las áreas de trabajo así como acciones en conjunto referidas al cuidado del patrimonio arqueológico. Desde la arqueología histórica, con la integración crítica de distintos tipos de registros, buscamos realizar aportes al conocimiento arqueológico e histórico, local y regional, sobre el complejo y vigente tema de las fronteras. ; This article presents the main lines of research and activities developed by a newly formed team that brings researchers from different disciplines and institutions together. All the projects have in common the focus on the process of expansion and construction of the frontiers of the Spanish Empire (in the Colonial period) and the State (post-independence stage) in interaction with the indigenous societies of the Pampean-North Patagonian region until the military conquest of the late nineteenth century. Through the identification and interpretation of different materials, institutional and symbolic mechanisms deployed by the Crown, the State and part of the Euro Creole population, we seek to understand the landscape transformations of border and rural territories. For the development of these projects, innovative site detection techniques and analytical lines are used in the study of material culture. Likewise, we made various scientific divulgation activities for and with communities at different scales -local, regional, national and international-. Among those, we would like to highlight conferences, workshops, educational material and accompaniment to the communities of the studied areas as well as conjoined actions related to the preservation of the archaeological heritage. Through historical archeology and the critical integra-tion of different types of records, we seek to contribute to archaeological and historical knowledge -local and regional- on the current and complex frontier issue. ; Fil: Pedrotta, Victoria. Concejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro de Ciencias Naturales Ambientales y Antropológicas. Fundación de Historia Natural Félix de Azara. Universidad Maimónides. Universidad Nacional de la Plata. Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo; Argentina. ; Fil: Bagaloni, Vanesa. Concejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro de Ciencias Naturales Ambientales y Antropológicas. Fundación de Historia Natural Félix de Azara. Universidad Maimónides. Universidad Nacional de la Plata. Facultad de Ciencias Naturales y Museo; Argentina. ; Fil: Pollard, Bruno A. Universidad Maimónides. Centro de Ciencias Naturales Ambientales y Antropológicas. Fundación de Historia Natural Félix de Azara; Argentina. ; Fil: Bracco, Irene C. Universidad Maimónides. Centro de Ciencias Naturales Ambientales y Antropológicas. Fundación de Historia Natural Félix de Azara; Argentina. ; Fil: Tormo Izaguirre, Juan R. Universidad Maimónides. Centro de Ciencias Naturales Ambientales y Antropológicas. Fundación de Historia Natural Félix de Azara; Argentina. ; Fil: Tomassini, Hernán. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Humanidades; Argentina. ; Fil: Eliges, Adolfo C. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. División Arqueología Museo de La Plata; Argentina. ; Fil: Martí, Verónica S. Universidad Maimónides. Centro de Ciencias Naturales Ambientales y Antropológicas. Fundación de Historia Natural Félix de Azara; Argentina.

This episode is coming to you on Wednesday, November 11, 2020, just a few days after the media called the 2020 US presidential election for Joe Biden. Its an unusual episode for this show, insofar as it doesn't feature an interview (we have a great interview coming very soon, with Vanesa Bilancetti, on Foucault and Marx). Instead, its just going to be me, offering a few remarks on the election results, and what they mean for American academia. In the below, I'm going to focus on two key aspects of the discussion. The first is the strange prevalence of the so-called K-Hive, in American academia. The second concerns the role of racial essentialism in early academic analysis of the election.



Just a caveat here. I want to make it clear from the outset that I think on balance its probably a good thing that Donald Trump is no longer going to the president. The problem is that I'm not sure how much better the Biden presidency will be. Now I agree, I think, that there are probably real and important positives to a Biden administration, such as the likelihood that Biden will put more labor-friendly appointees on the National Labor Relations Board. Equally, Biden will probably do a better job with the coronavirus. Yet, as many good faith leftists will point out, the Biden administration will likely do very little to address the core rot at the heart of the pandemic-stricken neoliberal hellscape that is America today. Similarly, these good faith critics will point out, there are real and extremely worrying indications that, from a foreign policy perspective, the Biden administration will be loaded with neoconservative ghouls left over from the Bush "W" administration. As Derek Davison and Daniel Bessner discussed on Monday's paywall episode of Chapo Trap House yesterday, Trump didn't do much to challenge the national security blob. But neither was he a competent whip for US empire. Biden, on the other hand, looks set to present a far more vicious and bloodthirsty face of the American war machine to the world.



In the end, the fact remains that Trump is an insufferable narcissist and, while perhaps he is too dumb to ever deserve the accusation of fascism often thrown at him by academics and the liberal left, its probably just better on balance not to have a shameless used car salesman in the White House. As Matt Taibbi put it in a recent Substack post:




Donald Trump is so unlike most people, and so especially unlike anyone raised under a conventional moral framework, that he's perpetually misdiagnosed. The words we see slapped on him most often, like "fascist" and "authoritarian," nowhere near describe what he really is, and I don't mean that as a compliment. It's been proven across four years that Trump lacks the attention span or ambition required to implement a true dictatorial regime. He might not have a moral problem with the idea, but two minutes into the plan he'd leave the room, phone in hand, to throw on a robe and watch himself on Fox and Friends over a cheeseburger.
The elite misread of Trump is egregious because he's an easily familiar type to the rest of America. We're a sales culture and Trump is a salesman. Moreover he's not just any salesman; he might be the greatest salesman ever, considering the quality of the product, i.e. himself. He's up to his eyes in balls, and the parts of the brain that hold most people back from selling schlock online degrees or tchotchkes door-to-door are absent. He has no shame, will say anything, and experiences morality the way the rest of us deal with indigestion.




So, good riddance to the used car salesman! Even if the evidence is flimsy, its certainly hard to dismiss the argument that a Biden White House will be at least marginally better. Yet, in a way, that's precisely the point. It will be only a marginally improvement. Certainly nowhere near a major improvement, and certainly nowhere near the sort of level of improvement as would warrant the totally faw...

Objetivo/contexto: El trabajo realiza un estudio de caso de la democratización paraguaya y debate las hipótesis de una transición incompleta y de una democracia estable de baja calidad. Se presenta y analiza la transición desde 1989, a partir de los principales modelos analíticos del proceso, con el desarrollo de la estructura institucional, el comportamiento de los principales actores políticos del proceso y el comportamiento ciudadano. Metodología: El estudio de caso hace una periodización de la transición paraguaya, listando los principales eventos y actores centrales. Para examinar la capacidad institucional fueron utilizados los datos aportados por el IDD-Lat entre 2002 y 2016, mientras que el comportamiento ciudadano fue analizado a partir de los datos del Latinobarómetro entre 1995 y 2016. Conclusiones: Se observa que la baja capacidad institucional, junto con el comportamiento ciudadano negativo hacia el régimen, mantienen una situación relativamente estable de cultura política autoritaria e instituciones débiles que se puede caracterizar como democrática, pero con baja calidad y sin perspectiva de cambio. Originalidad: Los estudios sobre la democracia paraguaya comúnmente analizan el desarrollo de la estructura institucional, la capacidad institucional o el comportamiento ciudadano. La propuesta de este estudio es precisamente considerar la unión de las perspectivas a partir de la propuesta analítica de la precarización institucional, junto con el intento de periodización de las etapas de la transición democrática paraguaya, relacionando las etapas con el proceso de precarización institucional. ; Objective/context: The work presents a case study of the democratization in Paraguay and debates the hypotheses of an incomplete transition and a stable low-quality democracy. It presents and analyses the transition since 1989, based on the first analytical models of the process, with the development of the institutional structure, the behavior of the main political actors of the process, and citizen behavior. Methodology: The case study undertakes a periodization of the transition in Paraguay, listing the main events and actors. Institutional capacity was examined using the data contributed by the IDD-Lat from 2002 to 2016, whereas citizen behavior was analyzed based on Latin American data from between 1995 and 2016. Conclusions: the low institutional quality and negative citizen behavior towards the regime appear to maintain a relatively stable situation of authoritarian political culture and weak institutions that can be characterized as democratic, but one of low quality that lacks any perspective for change. Originality: Studies on democracy in Paraguay, commonly analyze the development of the institutional structure, institutional capacity or citizen behavior. The proposal of this study is to consider a joining of the perspectives based on the analytical proposals for institutional precarization, together with an attempt at the periodization of the stages of the democratic transition in Paraguay, relating the phases with the process of institutional precarization. ; Objetivo/contexto: O trabalho realiza um estudo de caso da democratização paraguaia e debate as hipóteses de uma transição incompleta e de uma democracia estável de baixa qualidade. A transição desde 1989 é apresentada e analisada a partir dos principais modelos analíticos do processo com o desenvolvimento da estrutura institucional, do comportamento dos principais atores políticos do processo e do comportamento cidadão. Metodologia: O estudo de caso faz uma periodização da transição paraguaia e lista os principais eventos e atores centrais. Para examinar a capacidade institucional foram utilizados os dados oferecidos pelo IDD-Lat entre 2002 e 2016, enquanto o comportamento cidadão foi analisado a partir dos dados do Latinobarómetro entre 1995 e 2016. Conclusões: Observa-se que a baixa capacidade institucional, juntamente com o comportamento cidadão negativo a respeito do regime, mantêm uma situação relativamente estável de cultura política autoritária e instituições frágeis que pode ser caracterizada como democrática, mas com baixa qualidade e sem perspectiva de mudança. Originalidade: Os estudos sobre a democracia paraguaia comumente analisam o desenvolvimento da estrutura institucional, a capacidade institucional ou o comportamento cidadão. A proposta deste estudo é considerar precisamente a união das perspectivas a partir da proposta analítica da precarização institucional, juntamente com a tentativa de periodização das etapas da transição democrática paraguaia, relacionando as etapas com o processo de precarização institucional.

The article is devoted to the problem of culinary diplomacy or "gastro-diplomacy", its role in world politics. In international practice, a new, innovative direction of culinary diplomacy or "gastro-diplomacy" becomes increasingly important every day. Culinary diplomacy, gastronomic promotion creates an important area of cultural diplomacy and requires that it be counted in cultural politics. As it is shown in the article, the world-famous historical processes that interact with civilizations and cultures, where national cuisine is a key aspect of mutual understanding and cooperation between states and peoples.The purpose of the paper is to consider and analyze the concept of "cultural diplomacy" or "gastro-diplomacy", its role in the cultural values of the state and the resolution of conflicts through national cuisine.To reveal methodological and methodical approaches to gastro-diplomatic relations and resolving conflicts by means of cooking and sociological-analytical analysis of cultural practices.Culinary diplomacy is a new direction in scientific studies in Ukraine, and it tries to use culinary practice to strengthen Ukrainian positions in world markets. It becomes interesting for various studies in the field of national-state, geopolitical and trade-economic interests.Analyzing today's gastro-diplomatic relations, we can say that they are the weapon of modern foreign policy on the one hand, and on the other, a peaceful instrument of softened influence in the relations of diplomacy. It is an innovative tool of cultural, diplomatic, social exchange between states. Culinary, we can name yet and public diplomacy to date is an innovative source, an instrument for social and cultural exchange. ; Статья посвящена проблеме кулинарной дипломатии или «gastrodiplomacy», ее роли в мировой политике. В международной практике с каждым днем все большее значение приобретает новое, инновационное направление кулинарной дипломатии или «gastrodiplomacy». Кулинарная дипломатия – гастрономическое продвижение, которое создает важное направление культурной дипломатии и требует, чтобы с ней считались в культурной политике. Как показано в статье, в всемирно известных исторических процессах, которые взаимодействуют между цивилизациями и культурами, национальная кухня является главным аспектом взаимопонимания и сотрудничества между государствами и народами.Цель статьи заключается в изучении и анализе понятия «культурная дипломатия» или «gastro-diplomacy», ее роль в культурных ценностях государства и решения конфликтов посредством национальной кухни.Раскрыть методологические и методические подходы к гастродипломатическим отношениям и разрешению конфликтов именно с помощью кулинарии и социологически-аналитическим анализом культурных практик.Кулинарная дипломатия является новым направлением научного исследования в Украине. Она пытается использовать кулинарную практику для усиления украинских позиций на мировых рынках, попадая в круг интересов для различных исследований в поле национально-государственных, геополитических и торгово-экономических интересов.Анализируя сегодняшние гастродипломатические отношения, можем сказать, что они являются оружием современной внешней политики с одной стороны, а с другой – мирным орудием смягченного влияния в отношениях дипломатии. Это инновационный инструмент культурного, дипломатического, социального обмена между государствами. Кулинарная, можем назвать еще и публичная дипломатия на сегодняшний день является инновационным источником, инструментом для социального и культурного обмена. ; Стаття присвячена проблемі кулінарної дипломатії або «gastrodiplomacy», її ролі в світовій політиці. У міжнародній практиці з кожним днем все більшого значення набуває новий, інноваційний напрям кулінарної дипломатії або "gastro-diplomacy". Кулінарна дипломатія, гастрономічна промоція створює важливий напрямок культурної дипломатії і вимагає, щоб з нею рахувалися в культурній політиці. Як показано в статті, що в всесвітньо відомимих історичних процесах, які взаємодіють між цивілізаціями і культурами, національна кухня є головним аспектом взаємопорозуміння та співпраці між державами та народами.Мета статті полягає в вивченні та аналізі поняття «культурна дипломатія» або «gastro-diplomacy», її роль в культурних цінностях держави та розв'язання конфліктів через національну кухню.Розкрити методологічні та методичні підходи до гастродипломатичних відносин і вирішення конфліктів саме за допомогою кулінарії та соціологічно-аналітичним аналізом культурних практик.Кулінарна дипломатія є новим напрямком наукових вивченнях і в Україні. Вона намагається використовувати кулінарну практику для посилення українських позицій на світових ринках, попадаючи в коло інтересів різних досліджень в полі національно-державних, геополітичних та торговельно-економічних інтересів.Аналізуючи сьогоднішні гастродипломатичні відносини, можемо сказати, що вони є зброєю сучасної зовнішньої політики з одного боку, а з іншого миролюбне знаряддя пом'якшеного впливу в стосунках дипломатії. Це інноваційний інструмент культурного, дипломатичного, соціального обміну між державами. Кулінарна, можемо назвати ще і публічна дипломатія на сьогоднішній день є інноваційним джерелом, інструментом для соціального та культурного обміну.

The article is devoted to the problem of culinary diplomacy or "gastro-diplomacy", its role in world politics. In international practice, a new, innovative direction of culinary diplomacy or "gastro-diplomacy" becomes increasingly important every day. Culinary diplomacy, gastronomic promotion creates an important area of cultural diplomacy and requires that it be counted in cultural politics. As it is shown in the article, the world-famous historical processes that interact with civilizations and cultures, where national cuisine is a key aspect of mutual understanding and cooperation between states and peoples.The purpose of the paper is to consider and analyze the concept of "cultural diplomacy" or "gastro-diplomacy", its role in the cultural values of the state and the resolution of conflicts through national cuisine.To reveal methodological and methodical approaches to gastro-diplomatic relations and resolving conflicts by means of cooking and sociological-analytical analysis of cultural practices.Culinary diplomacy is a new direction in scientific studies in Ukraine, and it tries to use culinary practice to strengthen Ukrainian positions in world markets. It becomes interesting for various studies in the field of national-state, geopolitical and trade-economic interests.Analyzing today's gastro-diplomatic relations, we can say that they are the weapon of modern foreign policy on the one hand, and on the other, a peaceful instrument of softened influence in the relations of diplomacy. It is an innovative tool of cultural, diplomatic, social exchange between states. Culinary, we can name yet and public diplomacy to date is an innovative source, an instrument for social and cultural exchange. ; Статья посвящена проблеме кулинарной дипломатии или «gastrodiplomacy», ее роли в мировой политике. В международной практике с каждым днем все большее значение приобретает новое, инновационное направление кулинарной дипломатии или «gastrodiplomacy». Кулинарная дипломатия – гастрономическое продвижение, которое создает важное направление культурной дипломатии и требует, чтобы с ней считались в культурной политике. Как показано в статье, в всемирно известных исторических процессах, которые взаимодействуют между цивилизациями и культурами, национальная кухня является главным аспектом взаимопонимания и сотрудничества между государствами и народами.Цель статьи заключается в изучении и анализе понятия «культурная дипломатия» или «gastro-diplomacy», ее роль в культурных ценностях государства и решения конфликтов посредством национальной кухни.Раскрыть методологические и методические подходы к гастродипломатическим отношениям и разрешению конфликтов именно с помощью кулинарии и социологически-аналитическим анализом культурных практик.Кулинарная дипломатия является новым направлением научного исследования в Украине. Она пытается использовать кулинарную практику для усиления украинских позиций на мировых рынках, попадая в круг интересов для различных исследований в поле национально-государственных, геополитических и торгово-экономических интересов.Анализируя сегодняшние гастродипломатические отношения, можем сказать, что они являются оружием современной внешней политики с одной стороны, а с другой – мирным орудием смягченного влияния в отношениях дипломатии. Это инновационный инструмент культурного, дипломатического, социального обмена между государствами. Кулинарная, можем назвать еще и публичная дипломатия на сегодняшний день является инновационным источником, инструментом для социального и культурного обмена. ; Стаття присвячена проблемі кулінарної дипломатії або «gastrodiplomacy», її ролі в світовій політиці. У міжнародній практиці з кожним днем все більшого значення набуває новий, інноваційний напрям кулінарної дипломатії або "gastro-diplomacy". Кулінарна дипломатія, гастрономічна промоція створює важливий напрямок культурної дипломатії і вимагає, щоб з нею рахувалися в культурній політиці. Як показано в статті, що в всесвітньо відомимих історичних процесах, які взаємодіють між цивілізаціями і культурами, національна кухня є головним аспектом взаємопорозуміння та співпраці між державами та народами.Мета статті полягає в вивченні та аналізі поняття «культурна дипломатія» або «gastro-diplomacy», її роль в культурних цінностях держави та розв'язання конфліктів через національну кухню.Розкрити методологічні та методичні підходи до гастродипломатичних відносин і вирішення конфліктів саме за допомогою кулінарії та соціологічно-аналітичним аналізом культурних практик.Кулінарна дипломатія є новим напрямком наукових вивченнях і в Україні. Вона намагається використовувати кулінарну практику для посилення українських позицій на світових ринках, попадаючи в коло інтересів різних досліджень в полі національно-державних, геополітичних та торговельно-економічних інтересів.Аналізуючи сьогоднішні гастродипломатичні відносини, можемо сказати, що вони є зброєю сучасної зовнішньої політики з одного боку, а з іншого миролюбне знаряддя пом'якшеного впливу в стосунках дипломатії. Це інноваційний інструмент культурного, дипломатичного, соціального обміну між державами. Кулінарна, можемо назвати ще і публічна дипломатія на сьогоднішній день є інноваційним джерелом, інструментом для соціального та культурного обміну.

В статье рассматриваются ключевые моменты трансформации либеральной традиции в России в контексте анализа основных направлений эволюции либерального идеологического дискурса и либеральной культуры в Западной Европе и США. Необходимость такого анализа определяется, прежде всего, тем, что с начала 1990-х годов западные либеральные стереотипы стали идеологической основой для новой российской политической элиты и доминирующей тенденцией государственной пропаганды. Однако часто упускается из виду главный факт: в XX веке российский либерализм был дважды скомпрометирован так, что в краткосрочной перспективе надежд на возрождение либеральных идей практически не остается. Кризис либеральной традиции обозначился и на Западе. Либерализм переживает там очень значительные трансформации, имеющие далеко идущие культурные и политические последствия. В частности, в конце XX – начале XXI вв. более активную роль в западном публичном дискурсе стали играть радикальные неоконсервативные версии идеологии, сочетающие консервативную программу политических реформ с сильной либертарианской (неолиберальной) риторикой, которая активно использовались правящими кругами США и Западной Европы для идеологического влияния на политические элиты как России, так и стран Центральной и Восточной Европы в период так называемых «бархатных революций». Одновременно в конце двадцатого века все яснее и определеннее выходили на передний план антилиберальные идеи и критика, которые всегда развивались параллельно с самим либерализмом и почти никогда не прекращали своего существования. ; The article examines the key moments of the transformation of the liberal tradition in Russia in the context of analysis of the main directions of the evolution of liberal ideological discourse and liberal culture in Western Europe and the United States. The need for such an analysis is determined, primarily, by the fact that since the early 1990s the Western liberal stereotypes became ideological basis for the new Russian political elite and the dominant trend of state propaganda. However, the main fact is often overlooked: in the XX century Russian liberalism has twice been compromised so that in the short-term the hopes for the revival of the liberal ideas are left. The crisis of the liberal tradition delineated also the West. Liberalism is undergoing there very significant transformation, with far-reaching cultural and political implications. In particular, at the end of XX – beginning of XXI cc. more active role in Western public discourse began to play the radical neo-conservative versions of an ideology that combined conservative program of political reforms with a strong libertarian (neoliberal) rhetoric, which is actively used by the ruling circles of the USA and Western Europe for ideological influence on the political elites of Russia as like as the Central and Eastern Europe during the so-called "velvet revolutions". At the same time in the late twentieth century, more and more clearly and sharply came to the fore anti-liberal thought and criticism that has always evolved in parallel with liberalism itself and almost never stopped its existence. ; W artykule rozpatruje się kluczowe momenty transformacji tradycji liberalnej w Rosji w kontekście analizy głównych kierunków ewolucji liberalnego dyskursu ideologicznego oraz kultury liberalnej w Europie i USA. Konieczność tejże analizy wynika przede wszystkim stąd, iż od początku lat 90-tych XX stulecia zachodnie stereotypy liberalne stały się podstawą ideologiczną dla nowej rosyjskiej elity politycznej oraz dominującą tendencją propagandy państwowej. Zarazem często traci się z pola widzenia główny fakt: w wieku XX liberalizm rosyjski uległ dwukrotnej kompromitacji, toteż nadzieje na odrodzenie idei liberalnych w perspektywie krótkookresowej praktycznie nie istnieją. Kryzys tradycji liberalnej zaznaczył się również na Zachodzie. Liberalizm przeżywa tam głęboko znaczące przemiany, posiadające daleko idące następstwa kulturowe i polityczne. W szczególności, w końcu XX i na początku XXI wieku bardziej aktywną rolę w zachodnim dyskursie publicznym zaczęły odgrywać radykalne, neokonserwatywne wersje ideologii, łączące konserwatywny program reform politycznych z silną retoryką libertariańską (neoliberalną), którą kręgi rządzące USA oraz Europą Zachodnią aktywnie wykorzystywały w celu ideologicznego oddziaływania zarówno na elity polityczne Rosji, jak i państw Europy Centralnej i Wschodniej w okresie tzw. aksamitnych rewolucji. Zarazem w końcówce XX wieku coraz jaśniej i wyraźniej na pierwszy plan wysunęły się idee antyliberalne i krytyka antyliberalna, które zawsze rozwijały się równolegle w stosunku do samego liberalizmu i których istnienie niemal nigdy nie uległo przerwaniu.

В статье рассматриваются ключевые моменты трансформации либеральной традиции в России в контексте анализа основных направлений эволюции либерального идеологического дискурса и либеральной культуры в Западной Европе и США. Необходимость такого анализа определяется, прежде всего, тем, что с начала 1990-х годов западные либеральные стереотипы стали идеологической основой для новой российской политической элиты и доминирующей тенденцией государственной пропаганды. Однако часто упускается из виду главный факт: в XX веке российский либерализм был дважды скомпрометирован так, что в краткосрочной перспективе надежд на возрождение либеральных идей практически не остается. Кризис либеральной традиции обозначился и на Западе. Либерализм переживает там очень значительные трансформации, имеющие далеко идущие культурные и политические последствия. В частности, в конце XX – начале XXI вв. более активную роль в западном публичном дискурсе стали играть радикальные неоконсервативные версии идеологии, сочетающие консервативную программу политических реформ с сильной либертарианской (неолиберальной) риторикой, которая активно использовались правящими кругами США и Западной Европы для идеологического влияния на политические элиты как России, так и стран Центральной и Восточной Европы в период так называемых «бархатных революций». Одновременно в конце двадцатого века все яснее и определеннее выходили на передний план антилиберальные идеи и критика, которые всегда развивались параллельно с самим либерализмом и почти никогда не прекращали своего существования. ; W artykule rozpatruje się kluczowe momenty transformacji tradycji liberalnej w Rosji w kontekście analizy głównych kierunków ewolucji liberalnego dyskursu ideologicznego oraz kultury liberalnej w Europie i USA. Konieczność tejże analizy wynika przede wszystkim stąd, iż od początku lat 90-tych XX stulecia zachodnie stereotypy liberalne stały się podstawą ideologiczną dla nowej rosyjskiej elity politycznej oraz dominującą tendencją propagandy państwowej. Zarazem często traci się z pola widzenia główny fakt: w wieku XX liberalizm rosyjski uległ dwukrotnej kompromitacji, toteż nadzieje na odrodzenie idei liberalnych w perspektywie krótkookresowej praktycznie nie istnieją. Kryzys tradycji liberalnej zaznaczył się również na Zachodzie. Liberalizm przeżywa tam głęboko znaczące przemiany, posiadające daleko idące następstwa kulturowe i polityczne. W szczególności, w końcu XX i na początku XXI wieku bardziej aktywną rolę w zachodnim dyskursie publicznym zaczęły odgrywać radykalne, neokonserwatywne wersje ideologii, łączące konserwatywny program reform politycznych z silną retoryką libertariańską (neoliberalną), którą kręgi rządzące USA oraz Europą Zachodnią aktywnie wykorzystywały w celu ideologicznego oddziaływania zarówno na elity polityczne Rosji, jak i państw Europy Centralnej i Wschodniej w okresie tzw. aksamitnych rewolucji. Zarazem w końcówce XX wieku coraz jaśniej i wyraźniej na pierwszy plan wysunęły się idee antyliberalne i krytyka antyliberalna, które zawsze rozwijały się równolegle w stosunku do samego liberalizmu i których istnienie niemal nigdy nie uległo przerwaniu. ; The article examines the key moments of the transformation of the liberal tradition in Russia in the context of analysis of the main directions of the evolution of liberal ideological discourse and liberal culture in Western Europe and the United States. The need for such an analysis is determined, primarily, by the fact that since the early 1990s the Western liberal stereotypes became ideological basis for the new Russian political elite and the dominant trend of state propaganda. However, the main fact is often overlooked: in the XX century Russian liberalism has twice been compromised so that in the short-term the hopes for the revival of the liberal ideas are left. The crisis of the liberal tradition delineated also the West. Liberalism is undergoing there very significant transformation, with far-reaching cultural and political implications. In particular, at the end of XX – beginning of XXI cc. more active role in Western public discourse began to play the radical neo-conservative versions of an ideology that combined conservative program of political reforms with a strong libertarian (neoliberal) rhetoric, which is actively used by the ruling circles of the USA and Western Europe for ideological influence on the political elites of Russia as like as the Central and Eastern Europe during the so-called "velvet revolutions". At the same time in the late twentieth century, more and more clearly and sharply came to the fore anti-liberal thought and criticism that has always evolved in parallel with liberalism itself and almost never stopped its existence.

La Rambla, one of the most famous streets in the world, is a pedestrian street in the heart of historic Barcelona. It's trace separates Ciutat Vella district in two Gótico and Raval. Those neigbourhoods stand side by side as distant in social origin as near at destination: the merchandise city. In La Rambla vices and virtues of both converge. On one hand the Gothic, theme park of Catalan Middleages. It's a kind of simulacrum created almost ex-profeso throughout the twentieth century to add monumentality to this Mediterranean city, but also to create a Catalan identity and a narrative based on architecture. It must be one of the most photographed neighborhoods in the world. On the other hand, Raval. The urban black beast, whose original name was "El Chino". Traditional hiding place in the center of the city with everything that bourgeoisie does not want to see: whores, pimps, junkies, immigrants, poverty. Always threatened by processes of social cleansing and in recent years, by gentrification. Like pincers, in La Rambla turistification and social cleansing come together, creating a breeding ground, paradoxical and explosive, which has made this space the central place of the conflict between various groups of street workers and the Barcelona City Council. Street artists, musicians, street beer vendors, human statues, but above all "manteros", which is the subject that occupies us in this article, have been persecuted, blackmailed, co-opted, with the ultimate goal of expelling them out of the streets or at less hide them. African migrants, mostly Senegalese, those street vendors have organized themselves politically into a "sui generis" union as a way to make their situation visible and defend their rights. This exploratory work studies the act of "putting" a blanket on the ground as a particular type of material culture that crisscrosses objects, urban infrastructures, symbols, forms of sociability and political organization "at the street level" ; La Rambla, una de las calles más famosas del mundo, es una vía peatonal en el corazón de la Barcelona histórica. Su trazo parte la Ciutat Vella en dos barrios, El Gótico y El Raval, tan distantes en origen social como cercanos en destino: la ciudad mercancía. En La Rambla confluyen los vicios y virtudes de ambos barrios. Por un lado el Gótico, parque temático del Medioevo catalán. Barrio de postín creado casi ex-profeso a lo largo del Siglo XX para otorgarle monumentalidad a esta ciudad del Mediterráneo, pero también para crear una identidad y una narrativa catalana en base a la arquitectura. Debe ser uno de los barrios más fotografiados del mundo. Por otro lado, el Raval. La bestia negra cuyo nombre original era "El chino". Tradicional escondite en el centro de la ciudad de todo lo que la burguesía no quiere ni ver: putas, chulos, yonkis, inmigrantes, pobreza. Desde siempre amenazado por procesos de limpieza social y en los últimos años, por la gentrificación. Como una tenaza, en La Rambla confluyen turistificación y limpieza social, creando un caldo de cultivo, paradójico y explosivo, que ha hecho de este espacio el lugar central del conflicto entre diversos colectivos de trabajadores callejeros y el Ayuntamiento de Barcelona. Artistas callejeros, músicos, vendedores de cerveza, estatuas humanas, pero sobre todo "manteros", que es el tema que nos ocupa en este artículo, han sido perseguidos, chantajeados, cooptados, con el objetivo último de que dejen la calle o que al menos, se oculten y no le hagan "mala fama" a la perla del Mediterráneo. Migrantes africanos, senegaleses en su mayoría, los ambulantes se han organizado políticamente en un sindicato "sui generis" como una manera de hacer visible su situación y defender sus derechos. Este trabajo de carácter exploratorio estudia el acto de "poner" una manta en el suelo como un tipo particular de cultura material que entrecruza objetos, infraestructuras urbanas, símbolos, formas de sociabilidad y organización política "a nivel de calle".

This qualitative study explored the experiences of executive level leaders within the health insurance industry throughout the United States since the passing of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA) approximately a decade ago. Fifteen leaders, including five Chief Executive Officers, five Chief Financial Officers, and five Chief Medical Officers, including three women, participated in this study. Most of the participants in this study were highly educated Caucasian males, and more than half worked for a non-profit health plan. The study addressed five primary themes: (1) health care reform, (2) education and lifelong learning, (3) leadership, (4) quality, and (5) the role of the customer. The primary modes of analysis applied through the study involved the use of Northouse's (2019) adaptive leadership theory, Lincoln's (1989) discourse, myth, ritual, taxonomy, Kramer & Enomoto's (2007) ethical leadership theory, Bridges & Bridges' (2016) transition model, and Bolman and Deal's (2017) reframing organizations theory. The study sought to address these research questions: What knowledge, skills, and dispositions have health care leaders been using during these changes? How do clinical, administrative, and financial executives describe their leadership experience? How do current leadership practices compare to the literature? What types of decisions are health care leaders making? Health care is a complex industry and continues to be a frequent topic of discussion and a point of contention throughout the United States. Cost, quality, and a lack of overall satisfaction remain the driving forces behind the overall frustration (An et al., 2013; Ungar & O'Donnell, 2015). The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and Health Care and Education Reconciliation Acts passed in March 2010 served as a catalyst for change designed to address these concerns by expanding health insurance coverage to an additional 32 million individuals and tax credits for individuals, families, and small businesses to ensure the insurance was affordable. It also focused on shifting the health care delivery system from treatment and disease management to prevention and reduce costs and efficiency while improving quality and satisfaction. The New York Times stated it was "the most expansive social legislation enacted in decades" (Levey, 2010, September 9, p. 1). According to CNN it was a centerpiece of the 2012 presidential election campaign (Cohen, 2012, June 29). In response to health care reform, the findings in this study indicate that Chief Executive, Financial, and Medical Officers have transformed their organizations through new visions and strategies. They shared information, built trust, and aligned their organizations. The leaders have started to see results and their key performance indicators demonstrated reductions in costs, improved outcomes in targeted areas, and improvements in the consumer's experience. The future is uncertain, and it is clear new that models evolved from these major changes which led to new ways to deliver health care, new and different players in the industry, new rules, and new roles and responsibilities. This is just the beginning of a major change which is expected to continue for at least the next five to ten years. Recommendations include health industry leaders need to: (1) develop and implement strategies for sustainable changes, confirm roles, responsibilities, and accountabilities are clear, and share key milestones and provide updates quickly and often, (2) seek alignment and agreement regarding the new organizational goals and measurements as well as how they are going to report their results, (3) engage employees and collaborate with stakeholders, (4) partner with educational institutions and those who provide care to their members throughout their communities, (5) develop and implement succession plans, (6) a bigger culture shift must occur before we will see higher outcomes, lower costs, and improved consumer satisfaction, (7) ensure that Chief Medical Officer have a reporting line to the Board of Directors and attend the Board of Directors meetings, and (8) have the Chief Executive Officer, Chief Financial Officer, and Chief Medical Officer provide their staff with a leadership compass, so the next generation of leaders can be effective at guiding their organization successfully through the complex health insurance rapids.

This study investigated the conceptions and trends related to the curriculum of the Accounting major in Brazil and Portugal. It is a comparative study inserted in the fields of History of Undergraduate Education and History of School Institutions, and focused on the curriculum category of accounting courses in two institutions, one Brazilian and the other Portuguese: the School of Economics, Business and Accounting of the University of São Paulo (FEA-USP) and the College Institute of Accounting and Business of Lisbon (ISCAL). In Brazil, the regulation and inclusion of accounting education, at the college level dates back to 1945, being the FEA-USP, the precursor of this teaching since 1946. In Portugal, ISCAL was the first institution to teach the baccalaureate in accounting back in 1975, when the accounting course was restructured at a college level. It was concluded that the written curriculum was the instrument for dissemination of content and also for professional training in the molds required by the current capitalist culture. In both institutions, the curriculum adopted in the early years reflects legal determinations and political and economic influences. From the 1970s, in both institutions, the conception of teaching – derived from the curriculum based on the North American School – presents the reproductive and technical trend that marks, in a world-wide level, the teaching of accounting. ; Fueron investigadas en este estudio las concepciones y tendencias relativas al currículo del curso superior de Ciencias Contables, en Brasil y en Portugal. Es un estudio comparado que se inserta en el campo de estudio de la Historia de la Enseñanza Superior e Instituciones Escolares con enfoque en la categoría currículum, cuyo recorte temporal abarca el período de 1940 a 1985. En Brasil, la reglamentación e inclusión de la enseñanza de contabilidad, a nivel superior, data de 1945, siendo la Facultad de Economía, Administración y Contabilidad de la Universidad de São Paulo (FEA-USP), institución brasileña investigada, la pionera de esa enseñanza desde 1946. En Portugal, el Instituto Superior de Contabilidad y Administración de Lisboa (ISCAL) fue la primera institución que ministró, en 1975, el bachillerato en contabilidad, cuando el curso de contable fue reestructurado a nivel superior. Se confirmó que el currículo escrito era el instrumento para diseminación del contenido y, también para la formación profesional en los modelos exigidos por la cultura capitalista vigente. En ambas instituciones el currículo adoptado en los años iniciales refleja determinaciones legales y presenta influencias políticas y económicas. A partir de la década de 1970, en ambas IES, la concepción de enseñanza - derivada del currículo basado en la escuela norteamericana - presenta una tendencia reproductivista y tecnicista, que marca a nivel mundial, la enseñanza de contabilidad. ; Investigou-se, neste estudo, as concepções e tendências relativas ao currículo do curso superior de Ciências Contábeis no Brasil e em Portugal. Trata-se de um estudo comparado que, inserindo-se nos campos da História do Ensino Superior e da História das Instituições Escolares, teve como foco a categoria currículo dos cursos de contabilidade em duas instituições, uma brasileira e uma portuguesa: a Faculdade de Economia, Administração e Contabilidade da Universidade de São Paulo (FEA-USP) e o Instituto Superior de Contabilidade e Administração de Lisboa (ISCAL). O recorte temporal abrange o período de 1940 a 1985. No Brasil, a regulamentação e a inclusão do ensino de contabilidade em nível superior datam de 1945, sendo a FEA-USP, a precursora desse ensino desde 1946. Em Portugal, o ISCAL foi a primeira instituição a ministrar, em 1975, o bacharelato em contabilidade, quando o curso de contabilista foi reestruturado em nível superior. Conclui-se que o currículo escrito era o instrumento para a disseminação do conteúdo e também para a formação profissional nos moldes exigidos pela cultura capitalista vigente. Em ambas as instituições, o currículo adotado nos anos iniciais reflete determinações legais e influências políticas e econômicas. A partir da década de 1970, em ambas as IES, a concepção de ensino – derivada do currículo baseado na escola norte-americana – apresenta a tendência reprodutivista e tecnicista que marca, em nível mundial, o ensino de contabilidade.

This study investigated the conceptions and trends related to the curriculum of the Accounting major in Brazil and Portugal. It is a comparative study inserted in the fields of History of Undergraduate Education and History of School Institutions, and focused on the curriculum category of accounting courses in two institutions, one Brazilian and the other Portuguese: the School of Economics, Business and Accounting of the University of São Paulo (FEA-USP) and the College Institute of Accounting and Business of Lisbon (ISCAL). In Brazil, the regulation and inclusion of accounting education, at the college level dates back to 1945, being the FEA-USP, the precursor of this teaching since 1946. In Portugal, ISCAL was the first institution to teach the baccalaureate in accounting back in 1975, when the accounting course was restructured at a college level. It was concluded that the written curriculum was the instrument for dissemination of content and also for professional training in the molds required by the current capitalist culture. In both institutions, the curriculum adopted in the early years reflects legal determinations and political and economic influences. From the 1970s, in both institutions, the conception of teaching – derived from the curriculum based on the North American School – presents the reproductive and technical trend that marks, in a world-wide level, the teaching of accounting. ; Fueron investigadas en este estudio las concepciones y tendencias relativas al currículo del curso superior de Ciencias Contables, en Brasil y en Portugal. Es un estudio comparado que se inserta en el campo de estudio de la Historia de la Enseñanza Superior e Instituciones Escolares con enfoque en la categoría currículum, cuyo recorte temporal abarca el período de 1940 a 1985. En Brasil, la reglamentación e inclusión de la enseñanza de contabilidad, a nivel superior, data de 1945, siendo la Facultad de Economía, Administración y Contabilidad de la Universidad de São Paulo (FEA-USP), institución brasileña investigada, la pionera de esa enseñanza desde 1946. En Portugal, el Instituto Superior de Contabilidad y Administración de Lisboa (ISCAL) fue la primera institución que ministró, en 1975, el bachillerato en contabilidad, cuando el curso de contable fue reestructurado a nivel superior. Se confirmó que el currículo escrito era el instrumento para diseminación del contenido y, también para la formación profesional en los modelos exigidos por la cultura capitalista vigente. En ambas instituciones el currículo adoptado en los años iniciales refleja determinaciones legales y presenta influencias políticas y económicas. A partir de la década de 1970, en ambas IES, la concepción de enseñanza - derivada del currículo basado en la escuela norteamericana - presenta una tendencia reproductivista y tecnicista, que marca a nivel mundial, la enseñanza de contabilidad. ; Investigou-se, neste estudo, as concepções e tendências relativas ao currículo do curso superior de Ciências Contábeis no Brasil e em Portugal. Trata-se de um estudo comparado que, inserindo-se nos campos da História do Ensino Superior e da História das Instituições Escolares, teve como foco a categoria currículo dos cursos de contabilidade em duas instituições, uma brasileira e uma portuguesa: a Faculdade de Economia, Administração e Contabilidade da Universidade de São Paulo (FEA-USP) e o Instituto Superior de Contabilidade e Administração de Lisboa (ISCAL). O recorte temporal abrange o período de 1940 a 1985. No Brasil, a regulamentação e a inclusão do ensino de contabilidade em nível superior datam de 1945, sendo a FEA-USP, a precursora desse ensino desde 1946. Em Portugal, o ISCAL foi a primeira instituição a ministrar, em 1975, o bacharelato em contabilidade, quando o curso de contabilista foi reestruturado em nível superior. Conclui-se que o currículo escrito era o instrumento para a disseminação do conteúdo e também para a formação profissional nos moldes exigidos pela cultura capitalista vigente. Em ambas as instituições, o currículo adotado nos anos iniciais reflete determinações legais e influências políticas e econômicas. A partir da década de 1970, em ambas as IES, a concepção de ensino – derivada do currículo baseado na escola norte-americana – apresenta a tendência reprodutivista e tecnicista que marca, em nível mundial, o ensino de contabilidade.

Este artigo aborda a visão de intelectuais indígenas sobre os conhecimentos e as práticas de ensino ocidentais. A escolarização imposta aos povos indígenas, calcada em concepções europeias de indivíduo, natureza e cultura, configurou um processo traumático e doloroso vivido na pele por alguns desses intelectuais, e que pode ser lido sob a chave do epistemicídio. Mesmo assim, a apropriação dos saberes não indígenas e das ferramentas educacionais pelos povos originários faz com que a escola seja aos poucos transformada de um elemento externo assimilacionista para um instrumento de emancipação – ao menos nos discursos de algumas lideranças e intelectuais. Trago, como análise de caso concreto, o exemplo da educação escolar indígena no estado de Roraima, extremo norte do Brasil, com o movimento em torno da escola que queremos, e da atual busca pelo ensino superior universitário, onde já se encontram alguns intelectuais indígenas, sobretudo dos povos Macuxi e Wapichana. A presença indígena na universidade – por meio desses acadêmicos e de cursos voltados para estudantes indígenas no Instituto Insikiran da Universidade Federal de Roraima – promove não apenas o encontro de diferentes saberes mas também amplia o leque de estratégias possíveis da política indígena em nível local, em consonância com o que ocorre em outros países.Palavras-chave: Formação; Intelectuais Indígenas; Universidade; Roraima.Indigenous Education and Intellectuals: from training to emancipationAbstractThis article addresses the vision of indigenous intellectuals about Western knowledge and teaching practices. The schooling imposed on indigenous peoples, based on European conceptions of individual, nature and culture, has set up a traumatic and painful process experienced by some of these intellectuals, that can be read under the key of epistemicide. Nonetheless, the appropriation of non-indigenous knowledges and educational tools by native peoples makes the school gradually transformed from an assimilationist external element into an instrument of emancipation – at least in the discourses of some leaders and intellectuals. As a concrete case study, I bring the example of indigenous school education in the state of Roraima, extreme north of Brazil, with the movement around the school we want, and the current search for higher education, where some indigenous intellectuals, especially Macuxi and Wapichana, already are. The indigenous presence at the university – through these academics and trought courses directed at indigenous students at the Insikiran Institute of the Federal University of Roraima – promotes not only the meeting of different knowledges but also broadens the range of possible strategies of indigenous politics at the local level, in consonance with what happens in other countries.Keywords: Formation; Indigenous Intellectuals; University; Roraima.Educación e intelectuales indígenas: formación para la emancipaciónResumenEste artículo aborda la visión de los intelectuales indígenas sobre los conocimientos y las prácticas de enseñanza occidentales. La escolarización impuesta a los pueblos indígenas, calcada en concepciones europeas de individuo, naturaleza y cultura, configuró un proceso traumático y doloroso vivido en la piel por algunos de esos intelectuales, y que puede ser leído bajo la clave del epistemicídio. Sin embargo, la apropiación de los saberes no indígenas y de las herramientas educativas por los pueblos originarios hace que la escuela sea poco a poco transformada de un elemento externo asimilacionista para un instrumento de emancipación – al menos en los discursos de algunos liderazgos e intelectuales. Traigo, como análisis de caso concreto, el ejemplo de la educación escolar indígena en el estado de Roraima, extremo norte de Brasil, con el movimiento en torno a la escuela que queremos, y de la actual búsqueda por la enseñanza superior universitaria, donde ya se encuentran algunos intelectuales indígenas, sobre todo de los pueblos Macuxi y Wapichana. La presencia indígena en la universidad – sea por medio de esos académicos o de cursos dirigidos a estudiantes indígenas en el Instituto Insikiran de la Universidad Federal de Roraima – promueve no sólo el encuentro de diferentes saberes, sino que también amplía el abanico de estrategias posibles de la política indígena a nivel local, en consonancia con lo que ocurre en otros países.Palabras clave: Formación; Intelectuales Indígenas; Universidad; Roraima.

El presente trabajo da cuenta de algunas líneas de indagación acerca de las experiencias de niños y niñas de las clases subalternas cordobesas en relación a la comensalidad como forma de intervención estatal. El abordaje propuesto se construye a partir de un enfoque desde la comunicación, crítica ideológica y la antropología de los sentidos. Particularmente, nos interesa analizar los modos en que las políticas alimentarias regulan las posibilidades de acción/ sentir/pensar de estos grupos etáreos en el marco de una fuerte dependencia alimentaria. Este es el caso de la política alimentaria del Programa Asistencia Integral Córdoba (PAICor) implementado en 1984 hasta la actualidad por el gobierno provincial, inaugurando la institucionalización de los comedores dentro de las escuelas. Asistidos por la política del PAICor, los niños y niñas son interpelados a partir un nodo estético-cognitivo que señala el qué y cómo se come en ese punto geográfico particular cambiado la cultura alimentaria en sus treinta años de implementación.A partir de la recuperación de los siguientes documentos y/o escritos, reseñamos los momentos de transformación de los fundamentos y formas institucionales de esta política pública: 1) en prensa gráfica: La voz del interior versión papel 1983-2007, La Voz del interior digital 2010-2016, DÍA A DÍA digital 2009-2016. 2) Informes privados. 3) Documentos oficiales: Decretos, Leyes, Boletines, Pliegos de licitación, Manuales, Informes de gestión y pagina web del Gobierno de Córdoba. 4) Entrevistas. La realización de la base de datos nos permitió trazar hitos, continuidades y quiebres en sus formas de intervención. En este trabajo presentamos algunas categorías derivadas del análisis de dos períodos temporales que por sus disímiles características se contraponen: año 1984-1986 y 2015-2016. Para dar cuenta de este proceso analizamos: a) registros periodísticos donde podemos reconocer algunas tipologías del discurso social y político, b) entrevistas etnográficas a comensales del PAICor y técnicos que formaron parte de su ejecución que permitieron una primera lectura de las vivencias y percepciones en sus distintas etapas. ; This paper realizes some inquiry lines about the subaltern class children´s experience in Córdoba in relation to commensality as a form of the state intervention. The proposed approach is constructed from a communication, ideological criticism and anthropology of the senses approach. We are particularly interested in analyzing the ways in which food policies regulates the possibilities of action / feel / think of these groups in strong food dependency contexts. This is the case of the food policy Córdoba Integral Assistance Program (PAICor) implemented in 1984 to the present by the provincia government, inaugurating the institutionalization of the canteens in schools. Assisted by PAICor policy, children are challenged from an aesthetic-cognitive node that shows what and how you eat in that geographical point changing the food culture during its thirty years of implementation. From document retrieval, we summarize the transformation moments of the foundations and institutional forms of this public policy. The following sources were consulted: 1) in print media: La Voz del interior paper version from 1983 to 2007, La Voz del Interior digital version 2010-2016 2009-2016, Día a Día digital version. 2) Private reports. 3) Official documents Decrees, Laws, Bulletins, bidding documents, manuals, management reports and the Government of Cordoba website. 4) Interviews. The realization of the database allows us to trace milestones, continuities and breaks in its forms of intervention. In this paper, we present some categories wich are derived from the analysis of two time periods with different characteristics: 1984-1986 and 2015-2016. To account this process, we analyze: a) journalistic records where we can recognize certain types of social and political discourse, b) ethnographic interviews to PAICor diners and technicians who took part in its execution that allowed a first reading of the experiences and perceptions in its various stages. ; http://www.revistarazonypalabra.org/index.php/ryp/article/view/710 ; publishedVersion ; Fil: Ibáñez, Ileana Desirée. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación; Argentina. ; Fil: Huergo, Juliana. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Ciencias de la Comunicación; Argentina. ; Ciencias Sociales Interdisciplinarias

Balneário Camboriú (SC - Brasil) é uma cidade turística, onde o crescimento desordenado da população urbana e a implementação de obras costeiras sem uma avaliação adequada tem gerado impactos ambientais e afetado severamenteou a qualidade sanitária da água e do sedimento do rio Camboriú e da área marinha adjacente. Um dos fenômenos mais recentes e alarmantes observados são as florações de briozoários invasivos (Arboscuspis bellula e Membraniporopsis tubigera) associados com as diatomáceas epibênticas (Amphitetras antediluviana e Biddulphia biddulphiana). Vários indícios associam esses fenômenos, iniciados em 2003, com o excesso de nutrientes e matéria orgânica na enseada Camboriú e com grandes obras costeiras locais, como dragagem, aterro e construção de molhes, levando a mudanças na estrutura ecológica bêntica. Sendo um problema de estético e ambiental, a preocupação da comunidade e órgãos governamentais gerou uma intensificação nos estudos, uma vez que as ocorrências se tornaram mais frequentes e persistentes. O presente trabalho aborda este problema através de estudos ambientais e experimentais. A coleta de material bêntico com embarcação e mergulhos e monitoramento florações junto a praia compuseram a abordagem ambiental. Os trabalhos de laboratório incluíram o isolamento e a cultura de algas e brioozários, bem como a avalição do crescimento desses organismos, além da análise e avaliação química biomassa. Os dados de monitoramento mostraram uma tendência sazonal nas florações, com eventos mais evidentes nos meses mais quentes. Diatomáceas aumentaram em abundância nos meses mais frios e briozoários nos mais quentes. A diatomácea A. antediluviana, predominante nas florações, cresceu de forma satisfatória em cultivo laboratorial, mostrando um melhor crescimento em meios com concentrações mais elevadas de silicato e fosfato. Os briozoários mostraram crescimento lento em condições de laboratório. O material depositado no ambiente mostrou baixas concentrações de ácidos graxos, predominantemente saturados, mas a elevada biomassa sugere um possível uso para a produção de biocombustíveis. Amostras de biomassa dominadas por briozoários apresentaram atividade antimicrobiana moderada contra Klebsiella pneumoniae. A explicação para a ocorrência destes eventos ainda são inconclusivas, mas há evidências consideráveis de que há um efeito sinérgico entre a alta concentração de bactérias e detritos orgânicos na água, relacionada com a poluição local, e a eliminação de competidores naturais pelos impactos das obras costeiras. ; Balneário Camboriu (SC - Brazil) is a touristic city where the disordered growth of the urban population and the implementation of coastal works without proper evaluation generated environmental impacts and affected the sanitary quality of water and sediment of Camboriu River and marine adjacent area. One of the most recent and alarming phenomena observed are the blooms of invasive bryozoans (Arboscuspis bellula and Membraniporopsis tubigera) associated with epibenthic diatoms (Amphitetras antediluviana and Biddulphia biddulphiana). Several clues associate these phenomena, started in 2003, with the excess of nutrients and organic matter in the Camboriú cove and large coastal works such as dredging, landfills and construction of jetties, leading to changes in benthic ecological structure. Being an aesthetic and environmental health problem, the concern of the scientific community and government agencies intensified as the occurrences become more frequent and persistent. This research addresses this issue through environmental and experimental studies. Samplings of the benthic material collected by boat and diving, and blooms monitoring were the environmental approach. The laboratory work included the algal isolation and culture, in addition to growth conditions assessment and chemical biomass analysis. Monitoring data showed a seasonal trend in the blooms, with more conspicuous events in warmer months. Diatoms increase in abundance in colder months and bryozoans in the warmer ones. The diatom A. antediluviana, predominant in the blooms, grew satisfactorily in laboratory cultivation, showing better growth in media with higher concentrations of silicate and phosphate. Bryozoans showed slow growth in laboratory conditions. The deposited material collected in the environment showed low concentrations of saturated fatty acids, but the high biomass suggest a possible use for biofuels production. Biomass samples dominated by bryozoans showed moderate antimicrobial activity against Klebsiella pneumoniae. The explanation for the occurrence of these blooms are still inconclusive, but there is considerable evidence that it is a synergistic effect between the high concentration of bacteria and organic debris in the water related to local pollution and the elimination of natural competitors by coastal works.

Purpose - Globalization has increased competition to an international level. However, limited market experience causes uncertainty, affecting how firms strategize their entry. Institutional distance can be a dominant cause of such environmental uncertainty. The institutional environment incorporates three institutional pillars; the regulatory pillar, the normative pillar and the cognitive pillar. Institutions are shaped by culture and desires to protect domestic business, meaning institutions differ between countries. This is known as institutional distance. There is, however, a research gap concerning the relative influence of institutional pillars on cross-border acquisition ownership, when institutional distance is present. This thesis seeks to research the influential effect of all three institutional pillars on acquisition ownership, when firms are faced with institutional distance. Theory - Institutional theory was the fundamental theory used in this research, applying the sociology perspective of Scott (1995). Firstly, investigations were conducted on individual pillars to see how each pillar influenced acquisition ownership. Secondly, individual pillar findings were then combined and compared, to illustrate their relative influence on acquisition ownership. Such simultaneous acknowledgement of all three institutional pillars, provided new insight on the relative effects of institutions on acquisition ownership. Methodology - This study implemented a single method approach, using quantitative analysis. Archival data was gathered focusing on firms from three industries in eleven selected countries who conduct cross-border acquisitions (CBAs). CBAs were chosen due to their popular use as a research construct in imitation research. Cognitive distance, normative distance and regulatory distance were then used to measure institutional distance. Cognitive distance effects were measured using frequency based imitation. Normative distance was measured using two of Hofstede's (1980) cultural value dimensions: uncertainty avoidance and collectivism. Regulatory distance was measured using World Bank Governance Indicators. Thus, it was important to strategically choose home countries to ensure a variety of dimension and indicator values with which to conduct a reliable study. Logistic regression, conducted with STATA, was then used to analyze relationships between institutions and acquisition ownership. Key Findings – The findings illustrate that all three institutional pillars have an influential effect on acquisition ownership decisions. This reinforces the emerging belief, that studies must include all three institutional pillars in research. This finding adds to this scant research. Analyzing the comprehensive institutional environment produces more reliable results. The findings suggest that institutional pillars form an institutional hierarchy when institutional distance exists between the home and host countries. Regulatory distance have the strongest influence on acquisition ownership. Severe regulatory sanctions threaten illegitimate behaviours, forcing foreign entrants to prioritize compliance to regulatory institutions. Normative distance has the second strongest impact on acquisition ownership. Its tacit nature camouflages dysfunctional cultural complexities that disrupt strategy implementation, which can cause a firm to relocate. Lastly, cognitive distance has the third strongest influence on acquisition ownership. Its lack of severe repercussions facilitates the prioritization of the previous two pillars. However, cognitive distance acknowledgement is important as it illustrates how host participants interpret stimuli from their environment, which informs foreign entrants of appropriate cross-national responsive behaviour. Contributions - This study contributes to international business research by illustrating the hierarchical formation of the influence of institutional pillars on cross-border acquisition ownership, where institutional distance is present. This contribution has managerial implications. Managers are strongly encouraged to consider all of regulatory pillar, normative pillar and cognitive pillar when venturing abroad. Further, managers must acknowledge the institutional pillar hierarchy and prioritize responses accordingly, to avoid crippling outcomes that could lead to poor acquisition outcomes. Lastly, this thesis contributes to literature by highlighting the need to include collectivism as a research construct in ownership studies. Prior studies have narrowly focused on uncertainty avoidance and power distance. However, collectivism has been observed to influence ownership, likely due to the recent rise of Asia in international business.