Suchergebnisse

What is the relationship between interpretive methods and decolonizing projects? Decolonial thinkers often invoke pre-colonial traditions in their efforts to fashion "national cultures"— modes of being, understanding, and self-expression specific to a de-colonizing collectivity's experience. While the substantive contributions of precolonial traditions to decolonial thought have received well-deserved attention in postcolonial and comparative political theory, this paper focuses on the role that interpretive methods play in generating the emancipatory sensibilities envisioned by decolonial thinkers. It draws on the contemporary Moroccan philosopher Mohammed 'Abed Al-Jabri's interpretive method to show that its decolonial potential lies in its "reader-centric" approach. This approach is concerned with transforming its postcolonial reader's relationship to precolonial traditions, and not only with establishing the truth of historical texts or making use of their insights in the present as is more common in political-theoretical modes of interpretation. It does so through a tripartite process of disconnection, reconnection, and praxis.

In 1962, the Federal Republic of Germany (frg) agreed to negotiate a guestworker agreement with Morocco in order to create guidelines for handling 4,000 so-called illegal Moroccan migrants, most of whom lived in North Rhine-Westphalia. Unlike other guestworker agreements, this one was not about recruitment, but rather it was designed to restrict migration from Morocco, legalise the stay of Moroccans already in the country, and establish guidelines for future deportations. Looking at the history of the West German-Moroccan Agreement from its start until its termination in 1973, this article provides a discussion of Moroccan labourers access to and legal status in West Germany, demonstrating how international and economic interests as well as cultural stereotypes of both Moroccans and Arabs shaped West German migration policies. In so doing, the article emphasises the West German federal and the North Rhine-Westphalian state governments' different goals, revealing that the West German government was not a monolithic entity; it was in fact defined by multiple, sometimes contradictory, viewpoints and pressures.

This study is based on an empirical research to understand the production of nongovernmental spatial practices and representations with a counterformation to an authority, as well as an ontological discussion on the relations between public space and power. In this respect, the study is constructed on an alternative spatial reading of counterspaces (LGBTI-friendly spaces, political spaces, and resistance spaces) in the capital of Turkey, Ankara, benefiting from Henri Lefebvre's theory on the production of space and The Situationist International's mapping techniques. It is realized that these public spaces appropriated or occupied by marginalized groups in society because of their gender, sexual orientation, beliefs, or ethnicity have a strong socio-spatial network in the city as a result of ontological approximation as the necessity of solidarity, which is defined as a habitat of the public assembly of otherness. The existence of different identities in the same area of the city for the same spatial practices is a manifestation of similar subjective formations and spatial representations of vulnerability within power relations. In this context, the aim of this study is the mapping of counterspaces in Ankara within a theoretical ground to contemplate the relationship between subject, power, and space. This article, thereby, analyzes the ontological basis of this psychogeography by questioning the reasons for the spatial proximity or superimposition of spaces used to socialize, organize, and resist the power of the other.