Suchergebnisse

Introduction : more terrible than the sword : emotions, facts, and gendered New Deal narratives -- The war to save the forgotten man : gender, citizenship, and the politics of work relief -- Uncle Sam's wayside inns : transient narratives and the sexual politics of the emergent welfare state -- Builder of men : homosociality and the nationalist accents of the Civilian Conservation Corps -- To wallop the ladies : woman-blaming and nation-saving in the rhetoric of emergency relief -- Civilian protectors and meddlesome women : gendering the war effort through the Office of Civilian Defense -- The citizen-soldier and the citizen-internee : fraternity, race, and American nationhood, 1942-1946 -- Conclusion : stories of homecoming : deserving GIs and faithless service wives

AbstractThis article addresses the 'coloniality of gender' in relation to rearticulated indigenous Aymara gender notions in contemporary Bolivia. While female indigenous activists tend to relate the subordination of women to colonialism and to see an emancipatory potential in the current process of decolonisation, there are middle-class advocates for gender equality and feminist activists who seem to fear that the 'decolonising politics' of the Evo Morales administration would abandon indigenous women to their 'traditional' silenced subordination within male-dominated structures. From the dynamics of indigenous decolonial projections, feminist critiques, middle-class misgivings and state politics, the article explores the implications of these different discourses on colonialism, decolonisation and women's subordination.

The convergence criteria about the entry of the country into the Eurozone expressly predicate "only" of thetemporary competence to conform the monetary and fiscal policies to the requirements of the current Eurozone members.The convergence criteria do not indicate the readiness rate of economics subjects and conditions for Eurozone and do notpredicate about the functionality of Eurozone also. It is understandable, to a certain extent, from the view of currentmembers of Economic and Monetary Union, that they test the "candidates", if they do not cause the financial problemsto them.

Discusses an interactive, role-playing classroom simulation on multiethnic politics used in the author's course on ethnic conflict. Simulations are based on cooperative learning comprising five elements: positive interdependence, face-to-face promotive interaction, accountability, collaborative skills, & group processing. The author's simulation, centered on multiethnic politics of the fictitious country of Dacia, is described before addressing issues of goals, scale, creativity, & time investment to consider when devising such a classroom exercise. Some attention is given to the incorporation of online materials, running the simulation, & a two-part assessment of student learning. 5 References. J. Zendejas

The European Single Market is an ongoing project that will continue to further develop and adapt to changing realities. Traditional economic activities, and the administrative rules governing them, face the challenge of adapting to developments that blur the dividing lines, for example, between shop and online sales or between traditional media and Internet communication.

This essay contributes to the ongoing contemporary debate about the eighteenth century ideology of "Republican Motherhood," a feminine ideal that gave new status to women as mothers but limited their participation as citizens. It examines critical distinctions between Rousseau and Wollstone‐craft concerning women's place within the republic and their role as mothers within the family. At issue is whether the ideology of republican motherhood represented a compromise or a misstep on women's journey to full democratic citizenship. Wollstonecraft's emancipatory politics makes her association with the republican motherhood thesis problematic because as a feminist she rejected the separation of spheres that was the foundation of this gender ideology. She argued that women must have their own political identity and represent their interests in government. Her feminist political theory can be read as promoting a notion of "enlightened maternity" aimed at reconciling the natural rights of woman as citizen with her role as a nurturer within the family. Wollstonecraft concluded that the reciprocal nature of rights and duties demanded both men and women exercise the rights of citizenship and the duties of parents in order for the republic to be virtuous.

There is a common perception that, prior to the exclusion of serving judges from the House of Lords in 2009, a 'politics convention' operated which required them to stay aloof of partisan political controversy and which ensured that they contributed only rarely. On this view the presence of the Law Lords in Parliament prior to 2009 presented a judicial independence and separation of powers problem in theory only. An examination of the contributions of serving Law Lords and other judicial peers to debate in the House of Lords from 1876-2009 (and retired judges 1876-2015) reveals that the Convention either did not exist or was frequently ignored. While most judges were infrequent participants in parliamentary debate, some were enthusiastic – a small amongst the most active parliamentarians in the Lords. The most active judicial peers were conservative in their politics and the best predictor that a judge would be active in the House was an association with conservative politics or causes.

Ronald Rogowski's work offers valuable insight into the impact of changing trade exposure on domestic politics. Exploring the political implications of the well-known factor endowments model of international trade theory, Rogowski argues that owners of relatively abundant productive factors will form a free-trading coalition against owners of relatively scarce productive factors, who will align in favor of protection. Rogowski's parsimonious three-factor version of the factor endowments theory—although offering valuable insight into the politics of less developed economies, including today's developed economies in earlier centuries—produces significant anomalies when applied to advanced economies. Intuitive logic and empirical research, especially the Leontief paradox, suggest that the highly complex division of labor found in developed countries will confound the simplicity of the three-factor model. Edward Learner's multifactor model suggests solutions to the anomalies that afflict Rogowski's simpler model when applied to recent politics in the United States and Europe.

'Democracy Lives in Darkness' is about why people choose to hide their political beliefs from others and how they do so. Emily Van Duyn follows a secret political organization in rural Texas whose all-female membership meets in secret out of fear of their conservative spouses, friends, family, and neighbors. Drawing on in-depth interviews and observations of this group throughout the Trump administration, as well as U.S. representative survey data on secret political expression, this book explores what it means to be politically outnumbered and how intensifying political polarization has changed that experience over the past several years.

"Watch yourself, Willie" -- "We will meet violence with violence and lynching with lynching" -- "We will meet physical force with soul force" -- "The hate that hate produced" -- "You nigger pickaninnies, stay out of our schools, this is our neighborhood!" -- "The ballot or the bullet" -- "There's no room for a rifle club named after Medgar Evers" -- "I am on the outside" -- "The Black Stalin" -- "Whatever you fear is what you worship" -- "Their fight is for dignity and work" -- "A daily battle against depression and hopelessness" -- "Hough" -- "Reliability and discretion assured" -- "Blood will flow in the streets" -- "Life for me ain't been no crystal stair" -- "He speaks my views" -- "He desperately needed a victory" -- "As lambs for the slaughter" -- "You should establish their unsavory backgrounds" -- "The voice of madness" -- "Cleveland: NOW!" -- "The good news in American cities is coming out of Cleveland" -- "Having a gun is no crime" -- "Tow truck in trouble" -- "This is only the beginning" -- "A lot of people are going to get killed" -- "The case against Fred Ahmed Evans is weak" -- "To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield"

'Throws light on the role of several key agents in bringing to an end one of the darkest episodes in post-independence African history.' Ebenezer Obadare, University of Kansas Until the 1990s, conflict resolution and peacemaking fell to states, the UN and other intergovernmental organizations. In recent times it is non-armed, non-state actors who have had a pivotal role in seeking to resolve civil wars in Africa. This book examines, for the first time, through an examination of the Liberian Civil War in particular, how non-state actors have impacted upon peace processes. The Liberian Civil War was the first post-Cold War intra-state conflict in West Africa and exemplified the "new wars" breaking out on the continent. The peace process that followed showed how future peacemaking processes might evolve, being not only the first in which a regional economic grouping had a role - in this case ECOWAS - but also involving non-state religious and diaspora actors. Religious actors, initiators of the Liberian peace process, were mediators, dialogue facilitators, watchdogs and trustees of the entire peace process. Although their efforts were mainly influenced by the desire to fulfil the divine mandate to "tend to the flock", they were also able to regain some of the societal influence that organized religion, especially Christianity, enjoyed during the 158 years of minority Americo-Liberian rule. Diaspora actors' roles ranged from being founders and sponsors of warring factions to providing succour to Liberians back home through remittances and engaging in the peace process. Babatunde T. Afolabi is a Senior Programme Manager at the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD). He had previously worked at the ECOWAS Commission where he was involved in peace processes across West Africa