How institutions shape the American presidencyThis incisive undergraduate textbook emphasizes the institutional sources of presidential power and executive governance, enabling students to think more clearly and systematically about the American presidency at a time when media coverage of the White House is awash in anecdotes and personalities. William Howell offers unparalleled perspective on the world's most powerful office, from its original design in the Constitution to its historical growth over time; its elections and transitions to governance; its interactions with Congress, the courts, and the federal bureaucracy; and its persistent efforts to shape public policy. Comprehensive in scope and rooted in the latest scholarship, The American Presidency is the perfect guide for studying the presidency at a time of acute partisan polarization and popular anxiety about the health and well-being of the republic.Focuses on the institutional structures that presidents must navigate, the incentives and opportunities that drive them, and the constraints they routinely confrontShows how legislators, judges, bureaucrats, the media, and the broader public shape the contours and limits of presidential powerEncourages students to view the institutional presidency as not just an object of study, but as a way of thinking about executive politicsHighlights the lasting effects of important historical moments on the institutional presidencyEnables students to grapple with enduring themes of power, rules, norms, and organization that undergird democracy
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In: Gao , Y , Wang , T , Yu , X , Ferrari , R , Hernandez , D G , Nalls , M A , Rohrer , J D , Ramasamy , A , Kwok , J B J , Dobson-Stone , C , Brooks , W S , Schofield , P R , Halliday , G M , Hodges , J R , Piguet , O , Bartley , L , Thompson , E , Haan , E , Hernández , I , Ruiz , A , Boada , M , Borroni , B , Padovani , A , Cruchaga , C , Cairns , N J , Benussi , L , Binetti , G , Ghidoni , R , Forloni , G , Albani , D , Galimberti , D , Fenoglio , C , Serpente , M , Scarpini , E , Clarimón , J , Lleó , A , Blesa , R , Waldö , M L , Nilsson , K , Nilsson , C , Mackenzie , I R A , Hsiung , G Y R , Mann , D M A , Grafman , J , Morris , C M , Attems , J , Griffiths , T D , McKeith , I G , Thomas , A J , Pietrini , P , Huey , E D , Wassermann , E M , Baborie , A , Jaros , E , Tierney , M C , Pastor , P , Razquin , C , Ortega-Cubero , S , Alonso , E , Perneczky , R , Diehl-Schmid , J , Alexopoulos , P , Kurz , A , Rainero , I , Rubino , E , Pinessi , L , Rogaeva , E , George-Hyslop , P S , Rossi , G , Tagliavini , F , Giaccone , G , Rowe , J B , Schlachetzki , J C M , Uphill , J , Collinge , J , Mead , S , Danek , A , Van Deerlin , V M , Grossman , M , Trojanowski , J Q , van der Zee , J , Cruts , M , Van Broeckhoven , C , Cappa , S F , Leber , I , Hannequin , D , Golfier , V , Vercelletto , M , Brice , A , Nacmias , B , Sorbi , S , Bagnoli , S , Piaceri , I , Nielsen , J E , Hjermind , L E , Riemenschneider , M , Mayhaus , M , Ibach , B , Gasparoni , G , Pichler , S , Gu , W , Rossor , M N , Fox , N C , Warren , J D , Spillantini , M G , Morris , H R , Rizzu , P , Heutink , P , Snowden , J S , Rollinson , S , Richardson , A , Gerhard , A , Bruni , A C , Maletta , R , Frangipane , F , Cupidi , C , Bernardi , L , Anfossi , M , Gallo , M , Conidi , M E , Smirne , N , Rademakers , R , Baker , M , Dickson , D W , Graff-Radford , N R , Petersen , R C , Knopman , D , Josephs , K A , Boeve , B F , Parisi , J E , Seeley , W W , Miller , B L , Karydas , A M , Rosen , H , van Swieten , J C , Dopper , E G P , Seelaar , H , Pijnenburg , Y A L , Scheltens , P , Logroscino , G , Capozzo , R , Novelli , V , Puca , A A , Franceschi , M , Postiglione , A , Milan , G , Sorrentino , P , Kristiansen , M , Chiang , H H , Graff , C , Pasquier , F , Rollin , A , Deramecourt , V , Lebouvier , T , Kapogiannis , D , Ferrucci , L , Pickering-Brown , S , Singleton , A B , Hardy , J , Momeni , P , Zhao , H , Zeng , P & International FTD-Genomics Consortium (IFGC) 2020 , ' Mendelian randomization implies no direct causal association between leukocyte telomere length and amyotrophic lateral sclerosis ' , Scientific Reports , vol. 10 , no. 1 , 12184 . https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-020-68848-9
We employed Mendelian randomization (MR) to evaluate the causal relationship between leukocyte telomere length (LTL) and amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) with summary statistics from genome-wide association studies (n = ~ 38,000 for LTL and ~ 81,000 for ALS in the European population; n = ~ 23,000 for LTL and ~ 4,100 for ALS in the Asian population). We further evaluated mediation roles of lipids in the pathway from LTL to ALS. The odds ratio per standard deviation decrease of LTL on ALS was 1.10 (95% CI 0.93–1.31, p = 0.274) in the European population and 0.75 (95% CI 0.53–1.07, p = 0.116) in the Asian population. This null association was also detected between LTL and frontotemporal dementia in the European population. However, we found that an indirect effect of LTL on ALS might be mediated by low density lipoprotein (LDL) or total cholesterol (TC) in the European population. These results were robust against extensive sensitivity analyses. Overall, our MR study did not support the direct causal association between LTL and the ALS risk in neither population, but provided suggestive evidence for the mediation role of LDL or TC on the influence of LTL and ALS in the European population.
El libro que presentamos tiene esa virtud principal, la de dar a conocer al lector interesado los trabajos y aportes que los investigadores que trabajan en las entidades federativas han hecho al estudio de la cultura política a nivel subnacional, además de sintetizar de forma clara y precisa los principales aportes internacionales y nacionales sobre este tópico. Al respecto, en el capítulo primero, que firman Ma. Aidé Her- nández y Fabiola Coutiño, se revisan las propuestas teóricas y empíricas —tanto las realizadas en México como las hechas por autores preminentes de otras nacionalidades—, que han abordado este tema, reflexionando sobre los retos que presenta en la actualidad su estudio. De esta forma, desarrollan su capítulo en torno a las perspectivas teóricas de autores clásicos que lo han abordado, de una u otra forma, y las críticas que han recibido. Cabe destacar su extensa reseña de las aportaciones de Gabriel Almond y Sydney Verba y las de Ronald Inglehart, a nivel internacional, y las de Durand Ponte y Tejera, a nivel nacional. Aunque, claro está, la reseña de autores y sus obras principales, en torno a la cultura política, es más extensa que la que aquí señalamos. El aporte fundamental de este capítulo es que introduce de forma pormenorizada el estado del arte de la cultura política tanto a nivel internacional como para el caso de México, concluyendo que: "… el debate ahora es, cuáles elementos de esta cultura [política] son más importantes o fundamentales para fortalecer la democracia". El capítulo segundo, de Ana Claudia Coutigno, describe el estado del arte de la cultura política en el estado de Baja California. Para ello, la autora divide su documento en cuatro apartados: contexto y elecciones, los estudios sobre cultura política en Baja California, reflexiones sobre la cultura política democrática, y propuestas de dimensiones para el estudio de la cultura política. Cabe destacar lo que Coutigno manifiesta, citando a Negrete (2002), "sobre el reto que representa el estudio de la cultura política en Baja California, desde el metodológico hasta los instrumentos de recolección". Concluye su texto con una serie de recomendaciones pertinentes para la mejora de las investigaciones que tienen como objeto la cultura política. De las mismas destacamos las siguientes: utilización de una metodología mixta, necesidad de utilizar estudios longitudinales tipo panel, añadir la variable migración y tener en cuenta la socialización política. El tercer capítulo tiene tres autores: Jesús Alberto Rodríguez, Sergio Pacheco y Cecilia Sarabia. El mismo "tiene como propósito explo- rar diversas producciones académicas en torno a la cultura política en el estado de Chihuahua". Inicia presentando el contexto del estado para posteriormente hacer una reseña de las aportaciones realizadas por diversos autores a nivel nacional y de Chihuahua; sigue con una descripción del modelo clásico de Almond y Verba, y los nuevos aportes en este tópico, concluyendo con una serie de reflexiones acerca de la necesidad de revisar los referentes teóricos respecto a la cultura política y de que aparezcan los resultados de los estudios que sobre la misma se lleven a cabo en México de forma periódica. En el capítulo cuarto, escrito por Octaviano Moya, se realiza una aproximación al estado del arte de la cultura política en Sinaloa. Inicia este capítulo describiendo el modelo clásico de cultura política, el de Almond y Verba, para continuar con la reseña de los estudios empíricos realizados por las instituciones sinaloenses, incluida la Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, que constituye la parte central de su aportación. Especialmente interesante resulta la parte que dedica a describir los estudios recientes de cultura política referentes a los grupos sociales de pequeño tamaño, los cuales han sido poco estudiados, como es el caso de los indígenas yoreme-mayos que habitan en el norte de Sinaloa. Concluye este autor que en Sinaloa se han dado dos fases en las investigaciones sobre cultura política. En la primera, destaca el interés institucional por avanzar en su comprensión. En la segunda, la actual, el interés de los investigadores se ha trasladado hacia los nuevos fenómenos políticos relacionados con ella. El capítulo quinto, de Sarah Patricia Cerna y Juan Mario Solís, referencia los estudios de cultura política de San Luis Potosí. Inician con una descripción de la historia política de la entidad y del sistema político potosino. Destacan los autores que no existen estudios que se hayan dado a la tarea de estudiar la cultura política de dicho estado con base en el modelo de Almond y Verba, tampoco en el que utiliza Inglehart en la Encuesta Mundial de Valores, lo cual no quiere decir que no existan investigaciones menos ambiciosas, como las que estudian los hábitos y prácticas políticas de los potosinos, las cuales referencian ampliamente. Subrayan la aportación de Mateos (2017), que examina valores, actitudes y creencia hacia la política, tomando especial interés en estudiar la socialización política de los ciudadanos de esta entidad federativa a través de un amplio análisis estadístico descriptivo de variables. En el capítulo sexto, escrito por Ma. Aidé Hernández, Guillermo Rafael Gómez y Gerardo González, se da cuenta de los estudios de cultura política en Guanajuato. Inician los autores destacando que existen pocos estudios sobre cultura política en esta entidad, y que muchos de los que pretenden abordarla lo que en realidad hacen es estudiar el comportamiento electoral. Por si lo anterior no fuera suficiente, señalan que los estudios que finalmente sí abordan la cultura política en Guanajuato no explicitan su propuesta y tienen deficiencias teórico- conceptuales y metodológicas. Terminan proponiendo "los elementos que pueden ser considerados en el estudio de una cultura política democrática", para lo cual realizan una revisión pormenorizada de las teorías de la democracia que les permiten encontrar las variables, existentes en bases de datos nacionales, que la objetivan. El capítulo séptimo aborda la cultura política en Jalisco. En él Ruth Elizabeth Prado y Jorge Enrique Rocha destacan la relación entre la política y la cultura política. De esta forma, subrayan que "la escena política ha impregnado los valores y creencias, y ha transformado la percepción subjetiva a partir de acontecimientos y contextos específicos". El capítulo se desarrolla en dos grandes apartados. En el primero se muestra el estado del arte de la cultura política en Jalisco, identificando los trabajos principales que abordan la misma; en el segundo se examina. En el capítulo octavo, Héctor Gutiérrez reseña la cultura política de Querétaro, destacando la existencia de pocas investigaciones que la tengan como objeto de estudio, lo cual atribuye al tamaño de dicho estado y a la centralización de la comunidad científica mexicana, que mayoritariamente trabaja en la Ciudad de México. Pese a lo anterior, el autor hace un repaso exhaustivo de los estudios más importantes que sobre la cultura política se han realizado en Querétaro, sigue con una revisión de las particularidades sociodemográficas de la entidad y termina con algunas reflexiones sobre qué características del estado pueden permitir un estudio más exhaustivo de la cultura política de Querétaro. El capítulo noveno hace un repaso pormenorizado de los trabajos académicos que tienen como objeto la cultura política del estado de Hidalgo. En este texto, Juan Antonio Taguenca y Ma. del Rocío Vega dividen tales trabajos en distintas categorías que se relacionaron con aquélla: ámbito territorial, comportamiento político electoral, jóvenes, estudiantes y universitarios. Concluyen que "se encuentra la falta de un trabajo conceptual, teórico y empírico más exhaustivo y sistemático que dé cuenta de la cultura política de la entidad, así como de diversas subculturas", lo que les permite recomendar la necesidad de investigaciones más amplias y teórica y metodológicamente mejor fundamentadas. Al respecto, rea- lizan una propuesta teórico-metodológica para llevar a cabo una gran investigación sobre la cultura política de los hidalguenses. En el décimo capítulo, escrito por Aldo Muñoz y Alejandra Vizcarra, se revisa el estado del arte del estudio de la cultura política en el Estado de México. Los autores señalan que el contexto electoral de democratización política y electoral que se ha dado en la entidad y en la mayor parte de los municipios ha favorecido el interés académico por el estudio de la cultura política. El texto analiza 32 trabajos publicados y después de hacer un análisis exhaustivo de su contenido, establece que la mayoría tiene un carácter regional o municipal y que fueron elaborados con base en esfuerzos individuales en espacios académicos; es decir, que no existe un esfuerzo institucional permanente para que se le dé seguimiento al estado de la cultura política a lo largo de la entidad. El capítulo décimo primero reseña el estado del arte de los estudios que tienen como objeto la cultura política de la Ciudad de México. Al respecto, Alberto Espejel y Mariela Díaz realizan un examen histórico de su constitución y desarrollo político, destacando que en este contexto la cultura política de sus habitantes se ha caracterizado por su diversidad de valores y creencias con respecto a la política, que además han cambiado con el tiempo. Los autores desarrollan diversos apartados que se encuentran vinculados con el tópico que describen. De esta forma, nos hablan de los procesos electorales y los partidos políticos, la esfera institucional, de la propia cultura política más allá del ámbito electoral y vista a partir de distintos sectores de la sociedad. Concluyen que la cultura política de la Ciudad de México ha sido examinada desde diferentes aristas, siendo variados los abordajes teóricos, pero predominando los que siguen la teoría de Almond y Verba. Desde el punto de vista metodológico han predominado los estudios cuantitativos, aunque "existen otros acercamientos que desde la etnografía o el método cualitativo dan cuenta de aspectos relevantes de la cultura política en la Ciudad de México". Por último, recomiendan un abordaje teórico institucionalista, específicamente el denominado institucionalismo discursivo, en el que "la cultura puede ser entendida como un conjunto de ideas, creencias y valores sobre cómo los actores, individuales y colectivos, conciben cómo debe ser la vida en sociedad". El capítulo décimo segundo reseña el estado del arte de los estudios de cultura política en Puebla. En el mismo, Fabiola Coutiño y Alicia Hernández remarcan la importancia del contexto y los factores que la determinan, así como los agentes socializadores que juegan un papel importante en su conformación. En cuanto al estado del arte de la cultura política en dicho estado destacan que los estudios realizados son de tres tipos: "ensayos, estudios cuantitativos e investigaciones mixtas". Remarcan, asimismo, los obstáculos que enfrenta la construcción de una cultura política democrática, concluyendo que son importantes para lograr los procesos de socialización política y el "compromiso y colaboración de todas las instituciones públicas y privadas". El décimo tercer capítulo refiere la cultura política en Oaxaca, un estado con una gran cantidad de municipios regidos por Sistemas Normativos Indígenas. En este capítulo, escrito por Gustavo Meixueiro, Arón Baca y Lucía Alejandra Sánchez-Nuevo, se destaca que los estudios de cultura política en esta entidad se enfocaron en el análisis de "la diversidad social, política y cultural de la entidad" y que la metodología usada en ellos ha sido mayoritariamente de estudios de caso, siendo menor el uso de las técnicas de investigación social cuantitativas. Subrayan también la importancia de los Sistemas Normativos In- dígenas para el estudio de la cultura política en Oaxaca. Finalmente, muestran y analizan los resultados de una encuesta realizada en 2016 que lleva por título Democracia y Cultura Política en Oaxaca. Aldo Muñoz Armenta escribe el último capítulo, décimo cuarto de este libro, dejando ver la falta de trabajos de cultura política a nivel subnacional. Aunado a lo anterior, apunta que sólo en cuatro en- tidades: Baja California, Sinaloa, Guanajuato y Oaxaca, se elaboraron encuestas de cultura política, lo cual deja ver el poco interés de las academias de ciencia política, de las universidades y de las instituciones electorales por conocer y profundizar en el estudio de la cultura política y su importancia para la vida democrática. Finalmente, en este capítulo se menciona la relevancia de la elaboración de estudios a nivel subnacional de la cultura política, cuyo déficit muestra la necesidad de discutir a fondo un modelo de cultura política que dé cuenta de nuestra realidad mexicana y sus particularidades, tema que se trabajará en un siguiente libro. Hasta aquí la breve reseña de lo que se puede encontrar en esta obra, que, desde luego, contiene mucho más de lo que en esta introducción ha sido posible desarrollar. Sin embargo, lo dicho hasta aquí tiene la virtud de introducir e inducir al lector a la revisión de un texto imprescindible para comprender cómo se ha trabajado y qué avances se han tenido en los estudios de cultura política en México a nivel subnacional. ; Universidad de Guanajuato, Sociedad Mexicana de Estudios Electorales, Instituto Electoral y de Participación Ciudadana de Oaxaca.
El libro que presentamos tiene esa virtud principal, la de dar a conocer al lector interesado los trabajos y aportes que los investigadores que trabajan en las entidades federativas han hecho al estudio de la cultura política a nivel subnacional, además de sintetizar de forma clara y precisa los principales aportes internacionales y nacionales sobre este tópico. Al respecto, en el capítulo primero, que firman Ma. Aidé Her- nández y Fabiola Coutiño, se revisan las propuestas teóricas y empíricas —tanto las realizadas en México como las hechas por autores preminentes de otras nacionalidades—, que han abordado este tema, reflexionando sobre los retos que presenta en la actualidad su estudio. De esta forma, desarrollan su capítulo en torno a las perspectivas teóricas de autores clásicos que lo han abordado, de una u otra forma, y las críticas que han recibido. Cabe destacar su extensa reseña de las aportaciones de Gabriel Almond y Sydney Verba y las de Ronald Inglehart, a nivel internacional, y las de Durand Ponte y Tejera, a nivel nacional. Aunque, claro está, la reseña de autores y sus obras principales, en torno a la cultura política, es más extensa que la que aquí señalamos. El aporte fundamental de este capítulo es que introduce de forma pormenorizada el estado del arte de la cultura política tanto a nivel internacional como para el caso de México, concluyendo que: "… el debate ahora es, cuáles elementos de esta cultura [política] son más importantes o fundamentales para fortalecer la democracia". El capítulo segundo, de Ana Claudia Coutigno, describe el estado del arte de la cultura política en el estado de Baja California. Para ello, la autora divide su documento en cuatro apartados: contexto y elecciones, los estudios sobre cultura política en Baja California, reflexiones sobre la cultura política democrática, y propuestas de dimensiones para el estudio de la cultura política. Cabe destacar lo que Coutigno manifiesta, citando a Negrete (2002), "sobre el reto que representa el estudio de la cultura política en Baja California, desde el metodológico hasta los instrumentos de recolección". Concluye su texto con una serie de recomendaciones pertinentes para la mejora de las investigaciones que tienen como objeto la cultura política. De las mismas destacamos las siguientes: utilización de una metodología mixta, necesidad de utilizar estudios longitudinales tipo panel, añadir la variable migración y tener en cuenta la socialización política. El tercer capítulo tiene tres autores: Jesús Alberto Rodríguez, Sergio Pacheco y Cecilia Sarabia. El mismo "tiene como propósito explo- rar diversas producciones académicas en torno a la cultura política en el estado de Chihuahua". Inicia presentando el contexto del estado para posteriormente hacer una reseña de las aportaciones realizadas por diversos autores a nivel nacional y de Chihuahua; sigue con una descripción del modelo clásico de Almond y Verba, y los nuevos aportes en este tópico, concluyendo con una serie de reflexiones acerca de la necesidad de revisar los referentes teóricos respecto a la cultura política y de que aparezcan los resultados de los estudios que sobre la misma se lleven a cabo en México de forma periódica. En el capítulo cuarto, escrito por Octaviano Moya, se realiza una aproximación al estado del arte de la cultura política en Sinaloa. Inicia este capítulo describiendo el modelo clásico de cultura política, el de Almond y Verba, para continuar con la reseña de los estudios empíricos realizados por las instituciones sinaloenses, incluida la Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, que constituye la parte central de su aportación. Especialmente interesante resulta la parte que dedica a describir los estudios recientes de cultura política referentes a los grupos sociales de pequeño tamaño, los cuales han sido poco estudiados, como es el caso de los indígenas yoreme-mayos que habitan en el norte de Sinaloa. Concluye este autor que en Sinaloa se han dado dos fases en las investigaciones sobre cultura política. En la primera, destaca el interés institucional por avanzar en su comprensión. En la segunda, la actual, el interés de los investigadores se ha trasladado hacia los nuevos fenómenos políticos relacionados con ella. El capítulo quinto, de Sarah Patricia Cerna y Juan Mario Solís, referencia los estudios de cultura política de San Luis Potosí. Inician con una descripción de la historia política de la entidad y del sistema político potosino. Destacan los autores que no existen estudios que se hayan dado a la tarea de estudiar la cultura política de dicho estado con base en el modelo de Almond y Verba, tampoco en el que utiliza Inglehart en la Encuesta Mundial de Valores, lo cual no quiere decir que no existan investigaciones menos ambiciosas, como las que estudian los hábitos y prácticas políticas de los potosinos, las cuales referencian ampliamente. Subrayan la aportación de Mateos (2017), que examina valores, actitudes y creencia hacia la política, tomando especial interés en estudiar la socialización política de los ciudadanos de esta entidad federativa a través de un amplio análisis estadístico descriptivo de variables. En el capítulo sexto, escrito por Ma. Aidé Hernández, Guillermo Rafael Gómez y Gerardo González, se da cuenta de los estudios de cultura política en Guanajuato. Inician los autores destacando que existen pocos estudios sobre cultura política en esta entidad, y que muchos de los que pretenden abordarla lo que en realidad hacen es estudiar el comportamiento electoral. Por si lo anterior no fuera suficiente, señalan que los estudios que finalmente sí abordan la cultura política en Guanajuato no explicitan su propuesta y tienen deficiencias teórico- conceptuales y metodológicas. Terminan proponiendo "los elementos que pueden ser considerados en el estudio de una cultura política democrática", para lo cual realizan una revisión pormenorizada de las teorías de la democracia que les permiten encontrar las variables, existentes en bases de datos nacionales, que la objetivan. El capítulo séptimo aborda la cultura política en Jalisco. En él Ruth Elizabeth Prado y Jorge Enrique Rocha destacan la relación entre la política y la cultura política. De esta forma, subrayan que "la escena política ha impregnado los valores y creencias, y ha transformado la percepción subjetiva a partir de acontecimientos y contextos específicos". El capítulo se desarrolla en dos grandes apartados. En el primero se muestra el estado del arte de la cultura política en Jalisco, identificando los trabajos principales que abordan la misma; en el segundo se examina. En el capítulo octavo, Héctor Gutiérrez reseña la cultura política de Querétaro, destacando la existencia de pocas investigaciones que la tengan como objeto de estudio, lo cual atribuye al tamaño de dicho estado y a la centralización de la comunidad científica mexicana, que mayoritariamente trabaja en la Ciudad de México. Pese a lo anterior, el autor hace un repaso exhaustivo de los estudios más importantes que sobre la cultura política se han realizado en Querétaro, sigue con una revisión de las particularidades sociodemográficas de la entidad y termina con algunas reflexiones sobre qué características del estado pueden permitir un estudio más exhaustivo de la cultura política de Querétaro. El capítulo noveno hace un repaso pormenorizado de los trabajos académicos que tienen como objeto la cultura política del estado de Hidalgo. En este texto, Juan Antonio Taguenca y Ma. del Rocío Vega dividen tales trabajos en distintas categorías que se relacionaron con aquélla: ámbito territorial, comportamiento político electoral, jóvenes, estudiantes y universitarios. Concluyen que "se encuentra la falta de un trabajo conceptual, teórico y empírico más exhaustivo y sistemático que dé cuenta de la cultura política de la entidad, así como de diversas subculturas", lo que les permite recomendar la necesidad de investigaciones más amplias y teórica y metodológicamente mejor fundamentadas. Al respecto, rea- lizan una propuesta teórico-metodológica para llevar a cabo una gran investigación sobre la cultura política de los hidalguenses. En el décimo capítulo, escrito por Aldo Muñoz y Alejandra Vizcarra, se revisa el estado del arte del estudio de la cultura política en el Estado de México. Los autores señalan que el contexto electoral de democratización política y electoral que se ha dado en la entidad y en la mayor parte de los municipios ha favorecido el interés académico por el estudio de la cultura política. El texto analiza 32 trabajos publicados y después de hacer un análisis exhaustivo de su contenido, establece que la mayoría tiene un carácter regional o municipal y que fueron elaborados con base en esfuerzos individuales en espacios académicos; es decir, que no existe un esfuerzo institucional permanente para que se le dé seguimiento al estado de la cultura política a lo largo de la entidad. El capítulo décimo primero reseña el estado del arte de los estudios que tienen como objeto la cultura política de la Ciudad de México. Al respecto, Alberto Espejel y Mariela Díaz realizan un examen histórico de su constitución y desarrollo político, destacando que en este contexto la cultura política de sus habitantes se ha caracterizado por su diversidad de valores y creencias con respecto a la política, que además han cambiado con el tiempo. Los autores desarrollan diversos apartados que se encuentran vinculados con el tópico que describen. De esta forma, nos hablan de los procesos electorales y los partidos políticos, la esfera institucional, de la propia cultura política más allá del ámbito electoral y vista a partir de distintos sectores de la sociedad. Concluyen que la cultura política de la Ciudad de México ha sido examinada desde diferentes aristas, siendo variados los abordajes teóricos, pero predominando los que siguen la teoría de Almond y Verba. Desde el punto de vista metodológico han predominado los estudios cuantitativos, aunque "existen otros acercamientos que desde la etnografía o el método cualitativo dan cuenta de aspectos relevantes de la cultura política en la Ciudad de México". Por último, recomiendan un abordaje teórico institucionalista, específicamente el denominado institucionalismo discursivo, en el que "la cultura puede ser entendida como un conjunto de ideas, creencias y valores sobre cómo los actores, individuales y colectivos, conciben cómo debe ser la vida en sociedad". El capítulo décimo segundo reseña el estado del arte de los estudios de cultura política en Puebla. En el mismo, Fabiola Coutiño y Alicia Hernández remarcan la importancia del contexto y los factores que la determinan, así como los agentes socializadores que juegan un papel importante en su conformación. En cuanto al estado del arte de la cultura política en dicho estado destacan que los estudios realizados son de tres tipos: "ensayos, estudios cuantitativos e investigaciones mixtas". Remarcan, asimismo, los obstáculos que enfrenta la construcción de una cultura política democrática, concluyendo que son importantes para lograr los procesos de socialización política y el "compromiso y colaboración de todas las instituciones públicas y privadas". El décimo tercer capítulo refiere la cultura política en Oaxaca, un estado con una gran cantidad de municipios regidos por Sistemas Normativos Indígenas. En este capítulo, escrito por Gustavo Meixueiro, Arón Baca y Lucía Alejandra Sánchez-Nuevo, se destaca que los estudios de cultura política en esta entidad se enfocaron en el análisis de "la diversidad social, política y cultural de la entidad" y que la metodología usada en ellos ha sido mayoritariamente de estudios de caso, siendo menor el uso de las técnicas de investigación social cuantitativas. Subrayan también la importancia de los Sistemas Normativos In- dígenas para el estudio de la cultura política en Oaxaca. Finalmente, muestran y analizan los resultados de una encuesta realizada en 2016 que lleva por título Democracia y Cultura Política en Oaxaca. Aldo Muñoz Armenta escribe el último capítulo, décimo cuarto de este libro, dejando ver la falta de trabajos de cultura política a nivel subnacional. Aunado a lo anterior, apunta que sólo en cuatro en- tidades: Baja California, Sinaloa, Guanajuato y Oaxaca, se elaboraron encuestas de cultura política, lo cual deja ver el poco interés de las academias de ciencia política, de las universidades y de las instituciones electorales por conocer y profundizar en el estudio de la cultura política y su importancia para la vida democrática. Finalmente, en este capítulo se menciona la relevancia de la elaboración de estudios a nivel subnacional de la cultura política, cuyo déficit muestra la necesidad de discutir a fondo un modelo de cultura política que dé cuenta de nuestra realidad mexicana y sus particularidades, tema que se trabajará en un siguiente libro. Hasta aquí la breve reseña de lo que se puede encontrar en esta obra, que, desde luego, contiene mucho más de lo que en esta introducción ha sido posible desarrollar. Sin embargo, lo dicho hasta aquí tiene la virtud de introducir e inducir al lector a la revisión de un texto imprescindible para comprender cómo se ha trabajado y qué avances se han tenido en los estudios de cultura política en México a nivel subnacional. ; Universidad de Guanajuato, Sociedad Mexicana de Estudios Electorales, Instituto Electoral y de Participación Ciudadana de Oaxaca.
A1 Predictive and prognostic biomarker panel for targeted application of radioembolisation improving individual outcomes in hepatocellular carcinoma, Jella-Andrea Abraham, Olga Golubnitschaja, A2 Integrated market access approach amplifying value of "Rx-CDx", Ildar Akhmetov, A3 Disaster response: an opportunity to improve global healthcare, Russell J. Andrews, Leonidas Quintana, A4 USA PPPM: proscriptive, profligate, profiteering medicine-good for 1 % wealthy, not for 99 % unhealthy, Russell J. Andrews, A5 The role of IDO in a murine model of gingivitis: predictive and therapeutic potentials, Babak Baban, Jun Yao Liu, Xu Qin, Tailing Wang, Mahmood S. Mozaffari, A6 Specific diets for personalised treatment of diabetes type 2, Viktoriia V. Bati, Tamara V. Meleshko, Olga B. Levchuk, Nadiya V. Boyko, A7 Towards personalized physiotherapeutic approach, Joanna Bauer, Ewa Boerner, Halina Podbielska, A8 Cells, animal, SHIME and in silico models for detection and verification of specific biomarkers of non-communicable chronic diseases, Alojz Bomba, Viktor O. Petrov, Volodymyr G. Drobnych, Rostyslav V. Bubnov, Oksana M. Bykova, Nadiya V. Boyko, A9 INTERACT-chronic care model: Self-treatment by patients with decision support e-Health solution, Hans-Peter Brunner-La Rocca, Lutz Fleischhacker, Olga Golubnitschaja, Frank Heemskerk, Thomas Helms, Tiny Jaarsma, Judita Kinkorova, Jan Ramaekers, Peter Ruff, Ivana Schnur, Emilio Vanoli, Jose Verdu, A10 PPPM in cardiovascular medicine in 2015, Hans-Peter Brunner-La Rocca, A11 Magnetic resonance imaging of nanoparticles in mice, potential for theranostic and contrast media development – pilot results, Rostyslav V. Bubnov, Sergiy A. Grabovetskyi, Olena M. Mykhalchenko, Natalia O. Tymoshok, Oleksandr B. Shcherbakov, Igor P. Semeniv, Mykola Y. Spivak, A12 Ultrasound diagnosis for diabetic neuropathy - comparative study, Rostyslav V. Bubnov, Tetyana V. Ostapenko, A13 Ultrasound for stratification patients with diabetic foot ulcers for prevention and personalized treatment - pilot results, Rostyslav V. Bubnov, Nazarii M. Kobyliak, Nadiya M. Zholobak, Mykola Ya. Spivak, A14 Project ImaGenX – designing and executing a questionnaire on environment and lifestyle risk of breast cancer, John Paul Cauchi, A15 Genomics – a new structural brand of predictive, preventive and personalized medicine or the new driver as well?, Dmitrii Cherepakhin, Marina Bakay, Artem Borovikov, Sergey Suchkov, A16 Survey of questionnaires for evaluation of the quality of life in various medical fields, Barbara Cieślik, Agnieszka Migasiewicz, Maria-Luiza Podbielska, Markus Pelleter, Agnieszka Giemza, Halina Podbielska, A17 Personalized molecular treatment for muscular dystrophies, Sebahattin Cirak, A18 Secondary mutations in circulating tumour DNA for acquired drug resistance in patients with advanced ALK + NSCLC, Marzia Del Re, Paola Bordi, Valentina Citi, Marta Palombi, Carmine Pinto, Marcello Tiseo, Romano Danesi, A19 Recombinant species-specific FcεRI alpha proteins for diagnosis of IgE-mediated allergies in dogs, cats and horses, Lukas Einhorn, Judit Fazekas, Martina Muhr, Alexandra Schoos, Lucia Panakova, Ina Herrmann, Krisztina Manzano-Szalai, Kumiko Oida, Edda Fiebiger, Josef Singer, Erika Jensen-Jarolim, A20 Global methodology for developmental neurotoxicity testing in humans and animals early and chronically exposed to chemical contaminants, Arpiné A. Elnar, Nadia Ouamara, Nadiya Boyko, Xavier Coumoul, Jean-Philippe Antignac, Bruno Le Bizec, Gauthier Eppe, Jenny Renaut, Torsten Bonn, Cédric Guignard, Margherita Ferrante, Maria Liusa Chiusano, Salvatore Cuzzocrea, Gerard O'Keeffe, John Cryan, Michelle Bisson, Amina Barakat, Ihsane Hmamouchi, Nasser Zawia, Anumantha Kanthasamy, Glen E. Kisby, Rui Alves, Oscar Villacañas Pérez, Kim Burgard, Peter Spencer, Norbert Bomba, Martin Haranta, Nina Zaitseva, Irina May, Stéphanie Grojean, Mathilde Body-Malapel, Florencia Harari, Raul Harari, Kristina Yeghiazaryan, Olga Golubnitschaja, Vittorio Calabrese, Christophe Nemos, Rachid Soulimani, A21 Mental indicators at young people with attributes hypertension and pre-hypertension, Maria E. Evsevyeva, Elena A. Mishenko, Zurida V. Kumukova, Evgeniy V. Chudnovsky, Tatyana A. Smirnova, A22 On the approaches to the early diagnosis of stress-induced hypertension in young employees of State law enforcement agencies, Maria E. Evsevyeva, Ludmila V. Ivanova, Michail V. Eremin, Maria V. Rostovtseva, A23 Сentral aortic pressure and indexes of augmentation in young persons in view of risk factors, Maria E. Evsevyeva, Michail V. Eremin, Vladimir I. Koshel, Oksana V. Sergeeva, Nadesgda M. Konovalova, A24 Breast cancer prediction and prevention: Are reliable biomarkers in horizon?, Shantanu Girotra, Olga Golubnitschaja, A25 Flammer Syndrome and potential formation of pre-metastatic niches: A multi-centred study on phenotyping, patient stratification, prediction and potential prevention of aggressive breast cancer and metastatic disease, Olga Golubnitschaja, Manuel Debald, Walther Kuhn, Kristina Yeghiazaryan, Rostyslav V. Bubnov, Vadym M. Goncharenko, Ulyana Lushchyk, Godfrey Grech, Katarzyna Konieczka, A26 Innovative tools for prenatal diagnostics and monitoring: improving individual pregnancy outcomes and health-economy in EU, Olga Golubnitschaja, Jan Jaap Erwich, Vincenzo Costigliola, Kristina Yeghiazaryan, Ulrich Gembruch, A27 Immunohistochemical assessment of APUD cells in endometriosis, Vadym M. Goncharenko, Vasyl O. Beniuk, Olga V. Kalenska, Rostyslav V. Bubnov, A28 Updating personalized management algorithm of endometrial hyperplasia in pre-menopause women, Vadym M. Goncharenko, Vasyl O. Beniuk, Rostyslav V. Bubnov, Olga Melnychuk, A29 The personified treatment approach of polimorbid patients with periodontal inflammatory diseases, Irina A. Gorbacheva, Lyudmila Y. Orekhova, Vadim V. Tachalov, A30 Ukrainian experience in hybrid war – the challenge to update algorithms for personalized care and early prevention of different military injuries, Olena I. Grechanyk, Rizvan Ya. Abdullaiev, Rostyslav V. Bubnov, A31 Tear fluid biomarkers: a comparison of tear fluid sampling and storage protocols, Suzanne Hagan, Eilidh Martin, Ian Pearce, Katherine Oliver, A32 The correlation of dietary habits with gingival problems during menstruation, Cenk Haytac, Fariz Salimov, Servin Yoksul, Anatoly A. Kunin, Natalia S. Moiseeva, A33 Genomic medicine in a contemporary Spanish population of prostate cancer: our experience, Bernardo Herrera-Imbroda, Sergio del Río-González, Maria Fernanda Lara, Antonia Angulo, Francisco Javier Machuca Santa-Cruz, A34 Challenges, opportunities and collaborations for personalized medicine applicability in uro-oncological disease, Bernardo Herrera-Imbroda, Sergio del Río-González, Maria Fernanda Lara, A35 Metabolic hallmarks of cancer as targets for a personalized therapy, John Ionescu, A36 Influence of genetic polymorphism as a predictor of the development of periodontal disease in patients with gastric ulcer and 12 duodenal ulcer, Alfiya Z. Isamulaeva, Anatoly A. Kunin, Shamil Sh. Magomedov, Aida I. Isamulaeva, A37 Challenges in diabetic macular edema, Tatjana Josifova, A38 Overview of the EPMA strategies in laboratory medicine relevant for PPPM, Marko Kapalla, Juraj Kubáň, Olga Golubnitschaja, Vincenzo Costigliola, A39 EPMA initiative for effective organization of medical travel: European concepts and criteria, Vincenzo Costigliola, Marko Kapalla, Juraj Kubáň, Olga Golubnitschaja, A40 Design and innovation in e-textiles: implications for PPPM, Anthony Kent, Tom Fisher, Tilak Dias, A41 Biobank in Pilsen as a member of national node BBMRI_CZ, Judita Kinkorová, Ondřej Topolčan, A42 Big data in personalized medicine: hype and hope, Matthias Kohl, A43 The 3P approach as the platform of the European Dentistry Department (DPPPD), Anatoly A. Kunin, Natalia S. Moiseeva, A44 The endometrium cytokine patterns for predictive diagnosis of proliferation severity and cancer prevention, Andrii I. Kurchenko, Vasyl A. Beniuk, Vadym M. Goncharenko, Rostyslav V. Bubnov, Nadiya V. Boyko, Andriy M. Strokan, A45 A monocyte-based in-vitro system for testing individual responses to the implanted material: future for personalized implant construction, Julia Kzhyshkowska, Alexandru Gudima, Ksenia S. Stankevich, Victor D. Filimonov4, Harald Klüter, Evgeniya M. Mamontova, Sergei I. Tverdokhlebov, A46 Prediction and prevention of adverse health effects by meteorological factors: Biomarker patterns and creation of a device for self-monitoring and integrated care, Ulyana B. Lushchyk, Viktor V. Novytskyy, Igor P. Babii, Nadiya G. Lushchyk, Lyudmyla S. Riabets, Ivanna I. Legka, A47 Targeting "disease signatures" towards personalized healthcare, Mira Marcus-Kalish, Alexis Mitelpunkt, Tal Galili, Neta Shachar, Yoav Benjamini, A48 Influence of the skin imperfection on the personal quality of life and possible tools for objective diagnosis, Agnieszka Migasiewicz, Markus Pelleter, Joanna Bauer, Ewelina Dereń, Halina Podbielska, A49 The new direction in caries prevention based on the ultrastructure of dental hard tissues and filling materials, Natalia S. Moiseeva, Anatoly A. Kunin, Dmitry A. Kunin, A50 The use of LED radiation in prevention of dental diseases, Natalia S. Moiseeva, Yury A. Ippolitov, Dmitry A. Kunin, Alexei N. Morozov, Natalia V. Chirkova, Nakhid T. Aliev, A51 Status of endothelial progenitor cells in diabetic nephropathy: predictive and preventive potentials, Mahmood S. Mozaffari, Jun Yao Liu, Babak Baban, A52 The status of glucocorticoid-induced leucine zipper protein in salivary gland in Sjögren's syndrome: predictive and personalized treatment potentials, Mahmood S. Mozaffari, Jun Yao Liu, Rafik Abdelsayed, Xing-Ming Shi, Babak Baban, A53 Maximal aerobic capacity - important quality marker of health, Jaroslav Novák, Milan Štork, Václav Zeman, A54 The EMPOWER project: laboratory medicine and Horizon 2020, Wytze P. Oosterhuis, Elvar Theodorsson, A55 Personality profile manifestations in patient's attitude to oral care and adherence to doctor's prescriptions, Lyudmila Y. Orekhova, Tatyana V. Kudryavtseva, Elena R. Isaeva, Vadim V. Tachalov, Ekaterina S. Loboda, A56 Results of an European survey on personalized medicine addressed to directions of laboratory medicine, Mario Pazzagli, Francesca Malentacchi, Irene Mancini, Ivan Brandslund, Pieter Vermeersch, Matthias Schwab, Janja Marc, Ron H.N. van Schaik, Gerard Siest, Elvar Theodorsson, Chiara Di Resta, A57 MCI or early dementia predictive speech based diagnosis techniques, Matus Pleva, Jozef Juhar, A58 Personalized speech based mobile application for eHealth, Matus Pleva, Jozef Juhar, A59 Circulating tumor cell-free DNA as the biomarker in the management of cancer patients, Jiří Polívka jr., Filip Janků, Martin Pešta, Jan Doležal, Milena Králíčková, Jiří Polívka, A60 Complex stroke care – educational programme in Stroke Centre University Hospital Plzen, Jiří Polívka, Alena Lukešová, Nina Müllerová, Petr Ševčík, Vladimír Rohan, A61 Sleep apnea and sleep fragmentation contribute to brain aging, Kneginja Richter, Lence Miloseva, Günter Niklewski, A62 Personalised approach for sleep disturbances in shift workers, Kneginja Richter, Jens Acker, Guenter Niklewski, A63 Medical travel and innovative PPPM clusters: new concept of integration, Olga Safonicheva, Vincenzo Costigliola, A64 Medical travel and women health, Olga Safonicheva, A65 Continuity of generations in the training of specialists in the field of reconstructive microsurgery, Maxim Sautin, Janna Sinelnikova, Sergey Suchkov, A66 Telemonitoring of stroke patients – empirical evidence of individual risk management results from an observational study in Germany, Songül Secer, Stephan von Bandemer, A67 Women's increasing breast cancer risk with n-6 fatty acid intake explained by estrogen-fatty acid interactive effect on DNA damage: implications for gender-specific nutrition within personalized medicine, Niva Shapira, A68 Cytobacterioscopy of the gingival crevicular fluid as a method for preventive diagnosis of periodontal diseases, Aleksandr Shcherbakov, Anatoly A. Kunin, Natalia S. Moiseeva, A69 Use of specially treated composites in dentistry to avoid violations of aesthetics, Bogdan R. Shumilovich, Zhanna Lipkind, Yulia Vorobieva, Dmitry A. Kunin, Anastasiia V. Sudareva, A70 National eHealth system – platform for preventive, predictive and personalized diabetes care, Ivica Smokovski, Tatjana Milenkovic, A72 The common energy levels of Prof. Szent-Györgyi, the intrinsic chemistry of melanin, and the muscle physiopathology. Implications in the context of Preventive, Predictive, and Personalized Medicine, Arturo Solís-Herrera, María del Carmen Arias-Esparza, Sergey Suchkov, A73 Plurality and individuality of hepatocellular carcinoma: PPPM perspectives, Krishna Chander Sridhar, Olga Golubnitschaja, A74 Strategic aspects of higher medical education reforms to secure newer educational platforms for getting biopharma professionals matures, Maria Studneva, Sihong Song, James Creeden, Мark Мandrik, Sergey Suchkov, A75 Overview of the strategies and activities of the European Federation of Clinical Chemistry and Laboratory Medicine, (EFLM), Elvar Theodorsson, EFLM, A76 New spectroscopic techniques for point of care label free diagnostics, Syed A. M. Tofail, A77 Tumor markers for personalized medicine and oncology - the role of Laboratory Medicine, Ondřej Topolčan, Judita Kinkorová, Ondřej Fiala, Marie Karlíková, Šárka Svobodová, Radek Kučera, Radka Fuchsová, Vladislav Třeška, Václav Šimánek, Ladislav Pecen, Jan Šoupal, Štěpán Svačina2, A78 Modern medical terminology (MMT) as a driver of the global educational reforms, Evgeniya Tretyak, Maria Studneva, Sergey Suchkov, A79 Juvenile hypertension; the relevance of novel predictive, preventive and personalized assessment of its determinants, Francesca M. Trovato, G. Fabio Martines, Daniela Brischetto, Daniela Catalano, Giuseppe Musumeci, Guglielmo M. Trovato, A80 Proteomarkers Biotech, George Th. Tsangaris, Athanasios K. Anagnostopoulos, A81 Proteomics and mass spectrometry based non-invasive prenatal testing of fetal health and pregnancy complications, George Th. Tsangaris, Athanasios K. Anagnostopoulos, A82 Integrated Ecosystem for an Integrated Care model for Heart Failure (HF) patients including related comorbidities (ZENITH), José Verdú, German Gutiérrez, Jordi Rovira, Marta Martinez, Lutz Fleischhacker, Donna Green, Arthur Garson, Elena Tamburini, Stefano Cuomo, Juan Martinez-Leon, Teresa Abrisqueta, Hans-Peter Brunner-La Rocca, Tiny Jaarsma, Teresa Arredondo, Cecilia Vera, Giuseppe Fico, Olga Golubnitschaja, Fernando Arribas, Martina Onderco, Isabel Vara, on behalf of ZENITH consortium, A83 Predictive, preventive and personalized medicine in diabetes onset and complication (MOSAIC project), José Verdú, Francesco Sambo, Barbara Di Camillo, Claudio Cobelli, Andrea Facchinetti, Giuseppe Fico, Riccardo Bellazzi, Lucia Sacchi, Arianna Dagliati, Daniele Segnani, Valentina Tibollo, Manuel Ottaviano, Rafael Gabriel, Leif Groop, Jacqueline Postma, Antonio Martinez, Liisa Hakaste, Tiinamaija Tuomi, Konstantia Zarkogianni, on behalf of MOSAIC consortium, A84 Possibilities for personalized therapy of diabetes using in vitro screening of insulin and oral hypoglycemic agents, Igor Volchek, Nina Pototskaya, Andrey Petrov, A85 The innovative technology for personalized therapy of human diseases based on in vitro drug screening, Igor Volchek, Nadezhda Pototskaya, Andrey Petrov, A86 Bone destruction and temporomandibular joint: predictive markers, pathogenetic aspects and quality of life, Ülle Voog-Oras, Oksana Jagur, Edvitar Leibur, Priit Niibo, Triin Jagomägi, Minh Son Nguyen, Chris Pruunsild, Dagmar Piikov, Mare Saag, A87 Sub-optimal health management – global vision for concepts in medical travel, Wei Wang, A88 Sub-optimal health management: synergic PPPM-TCAM approach, Wei Wang, A89 Innovative technologies for minimal invasive diagnostics, Andreas Weinhäusel, Walter Pulverer, Matthias Wielscher, Manuela Hofner, Christa Noehammer, Regina Soldo, Peter Hettegger, Istvan Gyurjan, Ronald Kulovics, Silvia Schönthaler, Gabriel Beikircher, Albert Kriegner, Stephan Pabinger, Klemens Vierlinger, A90 Rare disease diobanks for personalized medicine, Ayşe Yüzbaşıoğlu, Meral Özgüç, Member of EuroBioBank - European Network of DNA, Cell and Tissue Banks for Rare Diseases
This guide accompanies the following article: Daniel H. Nickolai, Steve G. Hoffman, and Mary Nell Trautner. 2012. 'Can a Knowledge Sanctuary also be an Economic Engine? The Marketing of Higher Education as Institutional Boundary Work', Sociology Compass 6(3):205–18.Authors' introductionThe marketing of higher education refers to a structural trend towards the adoption of market‐oriented practices by colleges and universities. These organizational practices blur the boundary between knowledge‐driven and profit‐driven institutions, and create tensions and contradictions among the three missions of the 21st‐century university: knowledge production, student learning, and satisfying the social charter. In this article, we highlight the historical contexts that nurtured the marketing of higher education in the US and Europe and explore the dilemmas that arise when market logics and business‐oriented practices contradict traditional academic values. We demonstrate that managing these dilemmas is a contested process of policing borders as institutional actors struggle to delineate the proper role of the university in a shifting organizational climate.Authors recommendArum, Richard and Josipa Roksa. 2011. Academically Adrift: Limited Learning on College Campuses. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.A book that asks a fundamental question in higher education: "How much are students actually learning?" The results do not reflect well on the institution. Arum and Roksa conduct longitudinal tests of critical thinking and analytic reasoning skills on a cohort of students at a variety of universities and colleges. They find that a majority of respondents demonstrate little to no improvement in learning outcomes. Even students who improve show modest gains. The authors' analysis of student surveys suggests that a major culprit is a combination of low rigor in the curriculum, a lack of effort among students, and the overly modest expectations of instructors.Barnett, Ronald. 2010. 'The Marketised University: Defending the Indefensible.' Pp. 39–51 in The Marketisation of Higher Education and the Student as Consumer, edited by M. Molesworth, R. Scullion and E. Nixon. New York: Routledge.Barnett suggests that debates about the effects of marketization on higher education often reflect pre‐existing ideologies about the nature of markets in general. He presents numerous arguments in favor of the conception of students as consumers. For example, the increased power students receive in choosing where and from who to take classes may encourage accountability and actually improve the learning experience as students take a more active role in charting their own course through their education. Barnett also reminds readers that different institutions create different contexts and the extent to which market models of higher education are applicable are largely dependent on these different contexts.Berman, Elizabeth Popp. 2012. Creating the Market University: How Academic Science Became an Economic Engine. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.An in‐depth historical sociology of the entrepreneurial university, this book explores when and why academic science become increasingly tethered to commercial interests over the last four decades. Berman focuses primarily on patenting trends and the political history of patenting law, as well as the development of biotech entrepreneurship and the emergence of university‐industry incubators. She argues that the trend toward an entrepreneurial model were largely driven by the ideals of government officials about the importance of translating scientific and technological innovation into economic growth, along the way creating the organizational environment necessary to enable market‐oriented research to flourish.Kleinman, Daniel Lee. 2003. Impure Cultures: University Biology and the World of Commerce. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.Kleinman provides an in‐depth look into the daily work culture of a plant pathology lab at the University of Wisconsin. This participant observation study includes ambitious critiques of the dominant agency‐oriented approaches within science and technology studies by focusing on issues of structural constraint and institutional power. This study is especially good at demonstrating how university biologists are deeply, athough indirectly, constrained by commercial interests. The influence is not easily found in conflicts of interest or day‐by‐day decision making of scientists, who by and large conduct themselves ethically and in the fashion predicted by Mertonian norms of science. Instead, the culture of commerce impacts an array of daily lab practices, including the baseline epistemological assumptions around what is a "significant" finding. In the world of plant pathology, a successful trial is determined in relation to the metrics established by the field's resource dependency on the agro‐chemical industry.Leslie, Larry L. and Gary P. Johnson. 1974. 'The Market Model and Higher Education.'The Journal of Higher Education 45:1–20.This landmark article is among the first to interrogate the use of a market model as it applies to higher education. The authors trace several key legislative measures that altered federal funding practices and gave students discretion in choosing which schools would receive the most funding. While the authors draw similarities between market practices and the process of funding higher education through students, they also question the extent to which a market model of higher education is applicable. Drawing a contrast between higher education funding practices and a perfectly competitive market model, they provide an important critique of a funding system still in use today.McMillan, Jill J. and George Cheney. 1996. 'The Student as Consumer: The Implications and Limitations of a Metaphor.'Communication Education 45:1–15.This article warns of the dangers involved in recasting students as consumers. McMillan and Cheney synthesize arguments about the traditional goals of education and how treating students as consumers can threaten traditional classroom relations and alienate students from the learning process. Implicit in their discussion is an argument for more traditional classroom approaches to fostering democratic citizenship skills through critical analysis and communal sharing of ideas. They explicitly reject the notion of education as a product (rather than a process) and the demand for professors to deliver the product in the most entertaining and efficient manner.Owen‐Smith, Jason and Walter W. Powell. 2002. 'Standing on Shifting Terrain: Faculty Responses to the Transformation of Knowledge and Its Uses in the Life Sciences.'Science Studies 15:3–28.An interview‐based study of 80 scientists from two university campuses, this paper provides a typology of faculty identities and research strategies at the nexus of academic and commercial research within the life sciences. The typology includes "old" and "new school" orientations to commercial research as well as hybrid categories somewhere between these two extremes, such as "engaged traditionalists" and "reluctant entrepreneurs." Eschewing simplistic analyses that either condemn or glorify the commercial engagements of academics, Owen‐Smith and Powell point out that these various positions have created both novel fault lines and innovative research within the life sciences.Radder, Hans. 2010. The Commodification of Academic Research: Science and the Modern University. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press.This book is an edited collection of essays on the history, extent, and contemporary impacts of commodification on academic research in the US and Europe. Most of the essays converge at the intersection of science studies and research policy, but are written by an impressively eclectic group of authors pulled from philosophy, sociology, government studies, epidemiology, genomics, and bioethics.Vallas, Steven Peter and Daniel Lee Kleinman. 2008. 'Contradiction, Convergence and the Knowledge Economy: The Confluence of Academic and Commercial Biotechnology.'Socio‐Economic Review 6:283–311.This is an interview‐based study of biotech science that develops a theory of the "asymmetrical convergence" that characterizes the two sides of the university‐industry relation. Vallas and Kleinman describe the work situations of university and commercial scientists to show that there has been a convergence of norms and practices across academic and corporate institutional domains. The authors show that the open discovery ideals of academic science have been increasingly integrated the entrepreneurial values and practices imported from the private sector. Simultaneously, commercial laboratories brought scientific practices and concepts into their workplaces. However, the convergence is asymmetrical, in the sense that both fields of practice are dominated by the profit motive and bottom‐line economic development rather than the communal norms of public science.Online materialsResearch Commercialization and SBIR Centerhttp://center.ncet2.org/This web‐based organization provides an online venue for faculty and students to take virtual workshops and webinars on how to engage in research capitalization and entrepreneurial training. The site includes a variety of resources for faculty and graduate students looking to transition into industry jobs. This site also provides researchers interested in the marketization of higher education a glimpse into a cottage industry that has emerged to provide training services for academics looking to capitalize their research and pedagogy.The Institute for Triple Helix Innovationhttp://www.triplehelixinstitute.org/thi/ithi_drupal/An organization focused on facilitating cross‐sector (academia, industry, and government) collaborations in the production and dissemination of scientific research aimed at economic growth. Another example of a cottage industry established to promote research capitalization and professional networks aimed at knowledge transfer and research capitalization.Documentary, "College Inc." (2010)http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/collegeinc/This 55‐minute video from PBS' Frontline series examines the emergence of, demand for, and debates surrounding the consequences of for‐profit universities such as the University of Phoenix. Available streaming online until October 19, 2012, thereafter only as DVD purchase. Supplemental materials on the College, Inc. webpage include: (1) a teaching guide with lesson plans, discussion questions, student handouts, and lesson extensions; (2) responses from the colleges and universities highlighted in the video; (3) articles, reports, and documents related to for‐profit education; (4) transcripts of interviews conducted with numerous investors, reporters, lobbyists, and college presidents; and (5) a transcript and audiocast of the full program.Documentary, "Declining by Degrees: Higher Education at Risk" (2005)http://www.decliningbydegrees.org/This 120‐minute video from PBS examines the impact of market forces in higher education, specifically discussing factors such as declining government support for public education, changes to student loan programs, the pressure to attract students, college rankings, and college sports. The documentary shows viewpoints from administrators, students, and faculty. A companion book is available for purchase through the program's webpage.Sample syllabusThe "Marketization of Higher Education" article can be successfully incorporated in several types of undergraduate and graduate courses, including Introductory Sociology, Sociology of Education, Organizations and Institutional Change, and Science and Technology.For introductory or education‐focused courses, the article provides a succinct history of the relationship between higher education and the broader society while demonstrating how social institutions respond to social and cultural expectations/needs in different historical and national contexts. The article includes a short summary of the historical and contextual differences in the European and American models of higher education.For more advanced students of organizations, the article provides a case study demonstrating how macro level institutional changes influence organizational climate and social actors' perceptions of their own work. Further, advanced or graduate seminars in education may choose to highlight the various debates about the role of (higher) education in an increasingly knowledge‐based economy.Focus questions Discuss examples of how market logics may have influenced your coursework, choice of classes, or commitment to a class. What do you think about the informal economy and buying and selling course notes and study materials? Discuss examples in which you put more or less effort into a class based on your perception of the course's bottom‐line benefit to your post‐graduation career and/or income. How might the pressures faced by professors to bring in research funds from industry or venture capital influence their work and commitment to the classroom? In your experience, does this seem to be more common within those subject areas where knowledge capitalization is fairly common, such as biotech or computer science? Or, can we see the influence of knowledge capitalization in humanities or social sciences too? To the extent that students have adopted an understanding of higher education as a commercial exchange, in which they are customers who pay for grades, etc., what might be some ways in which we could change that perception? What changes would faculty need to make in order to change student attitudes? Administrators? Students themselves? Seminar/Project ideasExploring Institutional BoundariesInterview a few other undergraduate students plus at least one faculty. Ask students questions such as why they decided to come to college, how they decided which college to attend, what they like and do not like about their college education, and what they hope to get out of their college experience. Ask faculty to provide their perspective on why they became a professor, what they like about their job and what they dislike, and what they see as the purpose of college and what students should get out of the college experience. In what ways do faculty and student perspectives converge, and how do they differ? Do any of the differences suggest blurring boundaries between missions of the university (knowledge production, student learning, and satisfying the social charter)?Marketization in Your College/UniversityDo a content analysis of official university admissions brochures, websites, and videos. What messages does the college want you to get from these materials? In what ways might the marketization of higher education be evident in such materials? If the university makes historical materials available, ask students to compare such materials over time to discern an increase in marketization, and how such processes are manifested. Do admissions materials for undergraduates and graduate students emphasize the same things? What differences do you note? Why do you think such differences do or do not exist?
The military profession needs to be redefined by examination of its expertise and jurisdictions of practice, whereas previously the focus was on securing its professional identity. Twenty years ago, the original Future of the Army Profession research project responded to growing concerns among officers that the Army was no longer a profession in light of the post–Cold War drawdown and the onset of global operations including Iraq and Afghanistan. Today, the profession faces recurrent challenges raised by the changing character of war, the renewal of great-power competition, crises surrounding issues of sexual harassment and assault, the effects of a major global pandemic and associated social and political unrest, and the growing societal distrust toward professions in general. Richard Lacquement and Thomas Galvin propose that the questions of professional identity, while still important, are now less salient than those about the professions' jurisdictions of practice and domains of expert knowledge. Clarifying them will help better prepare US military professionals to exercise discretionary judgment effectively. They also propose a new Future of the US Military Profession research effort that addresses these jurisdictions across service, joint, and defense enterprises to clarify the divisions of professional work and responsibilities. This is a must-read for any steward of the military profession. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1941/thumbnail.jpg
Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. ; Master of Arts in Military History ; Week 11 Final Paper Wilsonianism in the First World War: Progressivism, American Exceptionalism, and the AEF Doughboy Brian P. Bailes A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Military History Norwich University MH 562B Dr. John Broom August 16, 2020 Bailes 2 While the duration of American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) involvement in First World War combat operations remained short compared to the armies of the European powers, the experience had a lasting impact on the United States' status as a global power. President Woodrow Wilson's mediation in the European affair throughout American neutrality, his integration of the AEF into Allied operations, and his contribution to the post-war peace process cast him as a central figure of the conflict as well as a harbinger of United States interventionist foreign policy. Through the more than a century since the end of the war, historians have analyzed and debated various facets of United States belligerency. Historians have explored President Wilson's ideologies and the decision making that ultimately led to him making his April 1917 appeal to Congress for American belligerency. Additionally, historians have expanded on AEF actions in Europe and argued how General Pershing's adamancy on maintaining an independent American command created tension with the Allied leaders. Historians have not connected these two topics to analyze how a reader can conceptually link Wilson's ideas and doughboy exploits in Europe. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Throughout the historiography of United States involvement in the First World War, specific themes reoccur as significant areas of consensus. The historiography presents two primary arguments in which historians agree. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives drastically differed from those of the Allies, and historians agree that these differences motivated Wilson's decisions regarding how the United States would enter the war. Historians also agree that friction existed between General Pershing and the Allied Commanders once the AEF arrived in Europe and began combat operations. These two commonalities in the historiography remain Bailes 3 relatively constant throughout the past 50 years of historical research, and even when portraying more positive sentiments expressed between AEF and Allied soldiers, historians still note some tension between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives differed significantly from those of the Allies. David Woodford argues that the gap between British imperial interests and Wilson's peace objectives affected the alliance between the United States and England throughout the war.1 William Widenor argues that Wilson failed in achieving his goals during the Versailles Peace Settlement because he attempted to make too many concessions for enduring peace, and he claims that Wilson grew at odds with the Allied leaders at the peace conference.2 George Egerton argues that British policymakers were closely monitoring the dispute within the United States Senate during the Treaty of Versailles conference, and he suggests that British leadership remained skeptical of Wilson's League of Nations.3 Historians capture Wilson's opposing peace aims throughout the European conflict, and they seemingly agree on how these aims influenced Wilson's policies and actions. Some historians cite the most significant gap in peace aims as existing between the United States and France. David Stevenson argues that French leaders were continually at odds with Wilson throughout the war as the French war aims focused much more on their national security, which they saw as requiring the destruction of Imperial Germany.4 Stevenson points out that while Wilson's peace aims differed from England as well as France, many French objectives 1 David R. Woodward, Trial by Friendship: Anglo-American Relations, 1917-1918 (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1993), 7-25, 35-43, 77-80, 125-9, 208-20. 2 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," Modern American Diplomacy, eds. John M. Carroll and George C. Herring (Lanham: SR Books, 1996), 46-59. 3 George W. Egerton, "Britain and the 'Great Betrayal': Anglo-American Relations and the Struggle for United States Ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, 1919-1920," The Historical Journal 21, no. 4 (December 1978): 885-911, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638973. 4 David Stevenson, "French War Aims and the American Challenge, 1914-1918," The Historical Journal 22, no. 4 (December 1979): 877-894, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638691. Bailes 4 were more aggressive against Germany as they involved reclaiming land lost to Germany in previous wars, specifically the 1870 Franco-Prussian War.5 Stevenson highlights the fact that Wilson could not get French officials to see the "two Germanys" concept that prevailed in American thinking at the time. While the American public generally saw two Germanys – the autocratic ruling party dominated by the Prussian elite and the German people living under that oppressive regime – Stevenson argues that France only saw Imperial Germany as a total enemy.6 Robert Bruce explains that during the post-war occupation period, the American doughboys perceived Frenchmen as distrustful and hateful toward German soldiers, and this sullied the alliance between France and the United States.7 In line with Wilson's ideology, historians cite Wilson's desire for Europe to achieve a "peace without victory" as he attempted to serve as a mediator during the United States period of neutrality. These historians ultimately conclude that Wilson believed any of the European powers achieving their aims through victory would lead to a continuation of balance of power politics in Europe. They argue that Wilson thought merely putting an end to the fighting would be the only way to achieve lasting peace. Ross Gregory argues that Wilson acted as a persistent mediator throughout the war as he strove for a "peace without victory."8 Arthur Link explains that Wilson believed a "peace without victory" and a "draw in Europe" proved the best solution for establishing a new system to replace the broken power structure in Europe.9 Ross Kennedy portrays Wilson as advocating the United States as a neutral mediator striving for a "peace 5 Stevenson, 884, 892-4. 6 Stevenson, 885. 7 Robert B. Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms: America & France in the Great War (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2003), 286-95. 8 Ross Gregory, The Origins of American Intervention in the First World War (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1971), 115-6. 9 Arthur Link, "Entry into World War I," Progress, War, and Reaction: 1900-1933, eds. Davis R.B. Ross, Alden T. Vaughan, and John B. Duff (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, Inc., 1970), 141. Bailes 5 without victory" before the U.S. entered the war, then as an advocate of "just peace" after they entered the war.10 Kennedy argues that Wilson blamed the international system that led to power politics and wanted to have a separate voice in the peace process to shape a new diplomatic and global political order.11 Historians point to Wilson's ideology as a reason for his differing peace objectives, and historians point to Wilson's Christian faith as a significant motivation for his progressive philosophy. Lloyd Ambrosius highlights Wilson's four tenets of national self-determination, open-door economic globalization, collective security, and progressive history as the framework in which he envisioned a global order shaped by American democratic ideals that would bring the world to peace.12 Ambrosius examines Wilson's embrace of "American Exceptionalism" and looks at how his Anglo-American bias clouded his vision and prevented him from seeing the various cultural factors throughout the world.13 Ronald Pestritto examines Wilson's progressive form of history while arguing that Wilson saw democracy emerging within society as a phenomenon only natural to specific groups of people, and he only saw a few civilizations as "progressed."14 Pestritto notes Wilson's Christian inspiration, referencing early manuscripts written by Wilson titled "Christ's Army" and "Christian Progress."15 William Appleman Williams argues that Wilson maintained a Calvinist idealism that intensified the existing doctrine 10 Ross A. Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," Diplomatic History 25, no. 1 (Winter 2001): 15, 29, https://doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00247. 11 Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," 2-3. 12 Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 2-47. 13 Ambrosius, Wilsonianism, 125-34; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 33-49; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism," The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17 (2018): 5-22, https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781417000548. 14 Ronald J. Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005), 6-61. 15 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 23, 40. Bailes 6 based on God's supposed ordination of American influence and expansion in the world.16 Richard Gamble explains that Wilson's vision and rhetoric nested with many of the Christian messages of progressive religious leaders in the United States during the First World War who saw the war as a Christian crusade to spread American ideals.17 Historians seem in unanimous agreement that Wilson's separate peace aims formed the primary impetus for him seeking an independent American presence in the war effort. David Esposito argues that Wilson wanted to have an American presence in the war because he realized that to establish a dominant American voice in the post-war peace talks, the United States needed to make a significant contribution to Allied victory.18 Edward Coffman details the United States' experiences in the First World War by explaining Wilson's desire to gain an independent voice in the peace process.19 David Trask maintains that Wilson wanted to "remain somewhat detached from the Allies" in defeating Imperial Germany to provide Wilson leverage so that he could directly influence the post-war peace process.20 Arthur Link explains that Wilson did see the benefit of not joining the Entente but keeping the United States independent of "any political commitments" with the Allies as providing a chance to ensure an American presence at the peace conference.21 Thomas Knock argues that Wilson faulted the "balance of power" politics of Europe and saw the United States as the actor to save Europe and create a new system of 16 William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1959; New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2009), 67-112. Page references are to the 2009 edition. 17 Richard M. Gamble, The War for Righteousness: Progressive Christianity, the Great War, and the Rise of the Messianic Nation (Wilmington: ISI Books, 2003), 22-3, 86-208, 254-5. 18 David M. Esposito, "Woodrow Wilson and the Origins of the AEF," Presidential Studies Quarterly 19 no. 1 (Winter 1989): 127-38, https://www.jstor.org/stable/40574570. 19 Edward M. Coffman, The War to End All Wars: The American Military Experience in World War I (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1968), 5-8. 20 David F. Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 1917-1918 (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1993), 2-6. 21 Link, "Entry into World War I," 141. Bailes 7 diplomacy.22 Overall, historians agree that President Wilson desired very different peace outcomes for a post-war Europe, and this influenced him as he made decisions regarding United States actions throughout the war. In addition to the agreement that Wilson's peace aims differed from the Allies, historians also agree that once the United States did enter the war and the AEF arrived in Europe, friction quickly developed between General Pershing and the Allied commanders. David Trask argues many instances of "increasing friction" existed between Pershing and the French and British command. Trask includes a case where the Allies "attempted to bypass Pershing" by working directly with Wilson even though Wilson had appointed Pershing as Commander in Chief of the AEF.23 Trask argues that Pershing believed that the preceding few years of trench warfare had "deprived the French and even the British of offensive spirit," and he maintains that with Pershing's "open warfare" tactics, his methods of training drastically differed from the Allies.24 Michael Adas cites disagreement between Pershing and the Allied commanders immediately after Pershing arrived in France due to Pershing's unwillingness to listen to the experienced French and British leaders as they tried to suggest ways to employ the AEF.25 Adas argues that Pershing's desire to pursue "open warfare" did not take into account the realities of trench warfare and resulted in costly casualties.26 Russell Weigley cites frequent tensions between Pershing and the Allied commanders, including an example in September of 1918 in which AEF 22 Thomas J. Knock, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest For a New World Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 30-69. 23 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 38-9. 24 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 25 Michael Adas, "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I," Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 705-7, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. 26 Adas, "Ambivalent Ally," 710. Bailes 8 "traffic congestion" caused a significant disturbance in a visit from Georges Clemenceau.27 Weigley explains that Pershing's belief in "open warfare" would not work due to the enormous American divisions built for the trenches, arguing that Pershing would need "smaller, maneuverable divisions" if he wanted his open warfare to work.28 All historians agree that the issue of AEF amalgamation with the French and British forces served as the primary reason for the friction between the military leaders. David Woodford cites the notion that AEF amalgamation would "undermin[e] the significance of the American military role." Hence, Pershing remained adamant in his stance not to let the Allies use American soldiers to fight under French or British flags.29 Woodward notes that Pershing felt his AEF superior to the Allies as he "believed that the Americans had almost nothing to learn from French and British officers."30 Woodford explains that war aims and peace objectives formed the basis of a fractured Anglo-American relationship that finally crumbled during the peace conference.31 Mitchell Yockelson argues that despite tension between Pershing and the Allied leaders regarding the question of amalgamation, the 27th and 30th Divisions contributed significantly to the Allied effort under British command. Yockelson highlights a fascinating illustration of Pershing's stubbornness in noting that Pershing did not follow the exploits of these divisions even though they proved instrumental in the offensive against the Hindenburg Line.32 As an enduring theme throughout the amalgamation debate, historians point to Pershing's desire for the United States to deliver the decisive blow against Germany with an independent 27 Russell F. Weigley, "Strategy and Total War in the United States: Pershing and the American Military Tradition," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 333. 28 Weigley, "Pershing and the American Military Tradition," 341-2. 29 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 57-8. 30 Woodward, 88. 31 Woodward, 7-80, 112-220. 32 Mitchell A. Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers: Americans Under British Command, 1918 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 92-228. Bailes 9 American army. Allan Millett argues that Wilson gave Pershing the explicit directive to keep the AEF separate from the Allies and allowed Pershing the freedom to make decisions on how to integrate the AEF.33 Millett cites Pershing's initial plan to use an AEF offensive on Metz as the critical blow that would decide the war and establish an American contribution to defeating Imperial Germany. Pershing would not have his AEF ready to carry out this offensive until 1919, and his stubbornness in dealing with the requests for amalgamation in the interim "frustrated the Allies."34 Bullitt Lowry narrates Pershing's attempt to shape the post-war peace terms by arguing that Pershing wanted to force Germany into an "unconditional surrender." While Lowry concludes that Pershing's effort to influence the political realm failed, he believed that the only way to "guarantee victory" would be to crush Germany in battle.35 David Woodward argues that Pershing believed that the AEF would decide the war by becoming "the dominant role in the war against Germany."36 Woodward cites Pershing's ideas regarding "the aggressive American rifleman, whose tradition of marksmanship and frontier warfare" could rid the Western Front of trench warfare and execute a great offensive against Germany.37 Historians cite the notion throughout the ranks of the AEF that the United States should remain independent from the Allies, and historians point to the fact that many doughboys saw themselves as superior soldiers to the Allies. Robert H. Zieger argues that "virtually the entire military establishment" agreed with Pershing's desire to have an independent American 33 Allan R. Millett, "Over Where? The AEF and the American Strategy for Victory, 1917-1918," Against All Enemies: Interpretations of American Military History from Colonial Times to the Present, eds. Kenneth J. Hagan and William R. Roberts (Westport: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1986), 237. 34 Millett, "Over Where?," 239. 35 Bullitt Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," The Journal of American History 55 no. 2, (September 1968): 281-291, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1899558. 36 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 81. 37 Woodward, 89, 207. Bailes 10 command.38 Still, Zieger does note that this separate American command relied heavily on the Allies for logistics support, and the AEF "misunderstood the military dynamics of the Western Front."39 Richard Faulkner argues that Pershing's doctrine rested on his belief that the "superior American rifle marksmanship, aggressiveness, and skilled maneuvering" could win the fight for the Allies.40 Faulkner argues that American soldiers saw themselves as intervening in the war effort to help the failing French and British, taunting their British partners by claiming AEF stands for "After England Failed." He devotes a chapter named as such to explain the AEF belief in the superiority of the American fighting man.41 Harold Winton argues that Pershing believed that the United States soldier was superior to his European counterpart.42 Jennifer Keene argues that issues such as the treatment of African-American soldiers and disagreements about which nation contributed the most to the Allied victory created rifts between the two allies.43 In her full text, Keene narrates AEF interactions with their French Allies, and she claims that doughboys saw themselves as superior fighters who could help turn the tide of war.44 Michael Neiberg explains that United States citizens and soldiers came away from the conflict with the belief in the "inherent superiority" of the American system over that of Europe.45 38 Robert H. Zieger, America's Great War: World War I and the American Experience (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000), 92-102. 39 Zieger, America's Great War, 96. 40 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders: The American Soldier in World War I (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2017), 285. 41 Faulkner, 281-304. 42 Harold Winton, "Toward an American Philosophy of Command," The Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1059, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2677266. 43 Jennifer D. Keene, "Uneasy Alliances: French Military Intelligence and the American Army During the First World War," Intelligence and National Security 13, no. 1 (January 2008): 18-36, https://doi.org/10.1080/02684529808432461. 44 Jennifer D. Keene, Doughboys, the Great War, and the Remaking of America (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 105-11. 45 Michael S. Neiberg, The Path to War: How The First World War Created Modern America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), 23. Bailes 11 Even when historians convey a more positive relationship between the AEF and their Allied counterparts, they still address the tension between Pershing and Allied leadership. Robert Bruce portrays a much more positive partnership between the doughboy and his French ally. Bruce documents Marshal Joseph Joffre's visit to the United States after Congress declared war against Germany to muster American support for the French. By comparing France's visit to Britain's, Bruce argues that Joffre established the framework for an intimate Franco-American partnership.46 Bruce maintains that the French respected the American soldier and viewed the entry of the AEF into the war as the saving grace of the Allies. Bruce narrates a bond between doughboys and French troops that increased as they trained and fought together.47 Despite this positive portrayal by Bruce of the French and AEF bond, Bruce still highlights the tension in Pershing's interactions with French commanders as well as noting the general perception amongst French commanders that Pershing thought "he knew everything there was to know about modern warfare."48 Bruce adds that different peace aims and post-war sentiments towards Germany created disagreements amongst American and French soldiers that fractured the relationship built during the war.49 Of note, Bruce suggests that the doughboys harbored what they saw as a "perceived lack of aggressiveness in the French."50 After synthesizing the historiography, the question remains regarding how these two arguments can be linked. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale 46 Robert B. Bruce, "America Embraces France: Marshal Joseph Joffre and the French Mission to the United States, April-May 1917," Journal of Military History 66 no. 2 (April 2002): 407-441, http://doi.org/10.2307/3093066; Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 32-59. 47 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 86-121. 48 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 128, 143. 49 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 286-95. 50 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 122. Bailes 12 coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. Perhaps a reader will identify that the AEF demonstrated trends in Europe that highlight an "American way of war" that still resonates in United States coalition operations today. When President Wilson brought the United States into the First World War in April of 1917, he sold it as an effort to make the world safe for democracy. In Wilson's war address to Congress, Wilson called Imperial Germany's resumption of their unrestricted submarine campaign "warfare against mankind."51 Wilson maintained that Imperial Germany had given the United States no other choice but to declare war when they resumed their submarine attacks on merchant ships in the early spring of 1917. Still, Wilson furthered his justification for war by appealing to the broader ideal of fighting to defeat the Imperial German autocracy. Wilson described the "selfish and autocratic power" against which a free people needed to wage war.52 Later in his address, Wilson stated that he found hope in what he saw as the restoration of power to the people demonstrated in the Russian Revolution. Wilson saw a pre-Lenin revolution as 51 Woodrow Wilson, "Address to a Joint Session of Congress Calling for a Declaration of War" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, ed. Mario R. DiNunzio (New York: NYU Press, 2006): 399, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.15. 52 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 400. Bailes 13 bringing democracy to the people of Russia, and it opened the door for the realization that the Allies fought because "the world must be made safe for democracy."53 Arthur Link comments on Wilson's initial optimism on hearing of the Russian Revolution overthrowing Czar rule.54 While the Russian Revolution took a different turn in the following years, the initial news of the Russian people revolting against the Czar gave Wilson confidence that democracy could spread in Europe since now the Allies truly represented a democratic system. Wilson had spent the first years of the war trying to mediate peace in Europe through United States neutrality, and he tried to negotiate an end to the fighting without a victory for any of the imperial belligerents. Wilson did not see a lasting peace coming to Europe if any of the imperial powers achieved their peace objectives, so he attempted to mediate a truce. Kendrick Clements narrates how Wilson's desire to keep the United States neutral grew at odds with his economic support for the Allies. War for the United States rose to be more likely as Imperial Germany became increasingly aggravated with the United States for supplying aid to France and Britain while professing neutrality.55 Fraser Harbutt argues that at the initial outbreak of war in Europe, leaders as well as citizens of the United States concerned themselves with the economic impacts of the war primarily, and the United States benefited economically by supporting the Allies, specifically in the steel trade.56 Imperial Germany's resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare, as well as the capture of Germany's Zimmerman Telegram in January 1917, soliciting an alliance with Mexico, prompted Wilson to support waging war on Imperial Germany. Now American entry into the conflict presented Wilson with some new options for shaping the post- 53 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401-2. 54 Link, "Entry into World War I," 122-3. 55 Kendrick A. Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 1 (March 2004: 62-82, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27552564. 56 Fraser J. Harbutt, "War, Peace, and Commerce: The American Reaction to the Outbreak of World War I in Europe 1914," An Improbable War? The Outbreak of World War I and European Political Culture Before 1914, eds. Holger Afflerbach and David Stevenson (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 320-1. Bailes 14 war world. Thomas Knock describes how even though the United States entry into the war meant the essential failure of Wilson's "Peace Without Victory," the international community had seemingly bought into Wilson's concept of "collective security."57 In the previous few years of American neutrality, Wilson had advocated for creating a collection of democratic nation-states to band together to prevent war, and by 1917 the international community seemed interested. Wilson would use American belligerency to shape his new world order for peace. Russia's withdrawal from the war in March of 1918 made the need for a United States presence all the more significant for the Allies. The American soldier would be a crusader of sorts, attempting to cure Europe of the diplomacy of old that had brought her to destruction. The European July crisis of 1914 that erupted in a full-scale war the following month proved to be the culmination of decades of the European balance of power diplomacy that led to rival alliances and an armament race between the feuding dynasties.58 European power politics had dominated the continent for centuries, which inevitably escalated into a world war, and the United States soldier would have the opportunity to save the nations from which most of their ancestors had descended. Michael Neiberg argues that by 1917, the American people felt an obligation to enter the war to save Europe. While the people of the United States supported neutrality initially, Neiberg explains that public opinion swayed over time toward a desire to save Europe from the terror of Imperial Germany.59 The United States Secretary of War from 1916-1921, Newton Baker, published a text almost two decades after the armistice in which he maintained that the United States went to war to stop Imperial Germany and make the world safe for democracy. Baker took issue with the 57 Knock, To End All Wars, 115. 58 James Joll and Gordon Martel, The Origins of the First World War, 3rd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013), 9-291. 59 Neiberg, The Path to War, 7-8, 31-3, 235. Bailes 15 historians of the 20s and 30s who claimed that economic interest influenced the United States entry into the war, and he argued they ignored the necessity of U.S. involvement to stop Germany. Baker explained that the American public remained overwhelmingly critical of the German autocracy and desired to intervene to save the European people.60 Private Alexander Clay of the AEF's 33rd Division demonstrated this sense of duty as he wrote regarding his 1918 deployment to France. As Clay's ship passed the Statue of Liberty while leaving the New York harbor, he thought to himself of the French leader Lafayette's role in securing United States victory during the American Revolution. He wrote that the AEF went to France to "repay the debt of our gratitude to your country for your country's alliance with our country in obtaining liberty from an oppressor England."61 For the United States to effectively reshape the world, there needed to be an independent American command that would ensure the United States contributed to the victory over Imperial Germany, which would give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks. In a January 22, 1917 address to the Senate in which he articulated his vision for peace in Europe, Wilson claimed that the warring European nations could not shape a lasting peace. While Wilson still did not advocate for United States intervention at this point, he did state that to achieve peace "[i]t will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, no probable combination of nations could face or withstand it."62 In this speech, Wilson advocated for a "peace without victory" because he did not envision a peaceful 60 Newton D. Baker, Why We Went to War (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1936), 4-10, 20, 160-3. 61 Private Alexander Clay in American Voices of World War I: Primary Source Documents, 1917-1920, ed. Martic Marix Evans (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 2001; New York: Routledge, 2013), 19, Kindle. 62 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 393. Bailes 16 outcome if any of the imperial powers achieved victorious peace terms.63 Wilson reiterated his stance that the United States should play a decisive role in shaping post-war Europe and ensuring that "American principles" guided the rest of the world.64 When the United States declared war against Imperial Germany a few months after this speech, it essentially put Wilson's vision into motion. Diplomatic historian William Widenor argues that Wilson realized that the United States needed to participate in the war "rather than as an onlooker" to achieve his visions for peace.65 Widenor notes Wilson's desire for the United States to enter the war as an "associate" to the Entente as opposed to an "ally," and Widenor maintains that Wilson desired to change the world and "democratize and also, unfortunately, to Americanize it."66 The late international historian Elisabeth Glaser captures the Wilson administration's balancing between maintaining an economic relationship with the Entente powers while attempting to remain "an independent arbiter in the conflict."67 Wilson appointed General Pershing to lead the American effort, and Wilson gave him the simple instruction to keep the American Expeditionary Forces as a command separate from the Allies. In 1928, the Army War College published The Genesis of the American First Army, which documented the details surrounding how the War Department created an independent army of the United States. The text includes a caption from Secretary of War Baker's memorandum to Pershing. Baker informed Pershing of Wilson's order to "cooperate with the forces of the other countries employed against the enemy; but in so doing the underlying idea must be kept in view that the forces of the United States are a separate and distinct component of 63 Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 394. 64 Wilson, 396-7. 65 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," 42. 66 Widenor, 42-3. 67 Elisabeth Glaser, "Better Late than Never: The American Economic War Effort, 1917-1918," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 390. Bailes 17 the combined forces, the identity of which must be preserved."68 The President did give Pershing the authority to decide how the AEF would integrate into Allied operations. Upon Pershing's June 13, 1917 arrival in Paris, he began making decisions regarding AEF employment as it pertained to logistics, training, and an initial American area of operations on the Western Front. With a plan of achieving a force of 1,328,448 men in France by the end of 1918, Pershing needed to ensure his troops were able to build combat power and prepare for war while simultaneously ensuring that he maintained a distinct American command.69 The following 17 months of conflict with American boots on the ground in Europe saw significant political and diplomatic friction between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Pershing attempted to keep his AEF intact while satisfying Allied requests for American soldiers to replace French and British casualties, especially when Germany launched their Spring 1918 offensives. Pershing described in his memoirs that the French and British requested American soldiers to fill their gaps on the front lines when they had each sent diplomatic missions to America shortly after the United States entered the war. Pershing maintained his adamancy against the United States "becoming a recruiting agency for either the French or British," and he recounted that the War Department retained his position as well.70 While Allied leaders ostensibly supported having an independent American army participate in the war effort, the need to replace casualties in the trenches proved to be their immediate concern. Russia withdrawing from the conflict allowed Germany to reinforce their strength on the Western Front and mount a series of offensives. Germany knew they had a limited window of time for victory 68 Army War College (U.S.) Historical Section, The Genesis of the American First Army (Army War College, 1928), Reprints from the collection of the University of Michigan Library (Coppell, TX, 2020), 2. 69 The Genesis of the American First Army, 2-9. 70 John J. Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1 (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931), 30-3. Bailes 18 with the United States continuing to build combat power, so they surged in the early months of 1918. Pershing faced a strategic dilemma of trying to support the Allies and get his troops in the fight while simultaneously attempting to build an independent American army. Ultimately, Pershing gave the Allies some of his army divisions as much needed replacements, and he made an effort to ensure that these divisions remained as intact as possible. Pershing endeavored to organize these divisions under a U.S. corps level command, but this corps command proved mostly administrative rather than tactical.71 By the time Pershing activated his independent American First Army, it only spent a few months in combat. The temporarily amalgamated doughboys Pershing gave to the Allies to meet their requests had contributed more to the defeat of Imperial Germany than Pershing's independent army. Mostly because Pershing had interspersed his divisions throughout the French and British fronts to meet the Allied requests for replacements, the American First Army did not activate until August of 1918. The September 20-25 Meuse-Argonne offensive would be the first significant operation for Pershing's independent army.72 David Trask concludes his critique of Pershing by recognizing the contribution that the American soldier played in providing manpower to the Allies. Trask commends the bravery of the American doughboy, but he argues that the amalgamated U.S. divisions contributed more to victory than the American First Army.73 In a similar vein, Mitchell Yockelson contends that the 27th and 30th Divisions who remained under British command throughout the war benefited over the rest of the AEF from extensive training led by the experienced British troops, and they contributed significantly to the Allied 71 The Genesis of the American First Army, 9-46. 72 John J. Pershing, Final Report of Gen. John J. Pershing: Commander-in-Chief American Expeditionary Forces. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919), 37-8; The Genesis of the American First Army, 45-58. 73 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174-7. Bailes 19 victory.74 Pershing detailed his plans to capitalize on the initiative gained with his Meuse-Argonne offensive to deliver his decisive blow against Germany. The November 11 armistice came before he could achieve his grand vision.75 While the American doughboy played a critical role in providing an Allied victory over Imperial Germany, Pershing never realized his concept of an independent American command autonomously crushing the German army. The American soldier contributed most significantly to the Allied victory by taking part in offensives planned and conducted under the control of French and British Generals. Understanding American motivation during the war effort requires understanding the Progressive Movement taking place in the early-twentieth-century United States. Michael McGerr writes a detailed account of the cause and effect of the Progressive Movement. McGerr describes the wealth disparity brought about by Victorian society and the Gilded Age, and the class conflict emerging from this gave birth to a social and political movement that attempted to enact massive change in the American system.76 McGerr claims that the Progressive Movement attempted such major reform that no social or political action since has tried "anything as ambitious" due to the adverse reactions of such massive change.77 The Progressive Movement engulfed American society and brought about changes in family structures, race relations, and governmental powers. Herbert Croly illustrated the drive for monumental change rooted in the Progressive Movement with his text Progressive Democracy. In his narrative, Croly advocated for a complete overhaul of the American system to achieve freedom and alleviate wealth disparity. Croly saw governmental reform as the method for spreading democracy to all 74 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 213-23. 75 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 355-87. 76 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 3-146. 77 McGerr, 315-9. Bailes 20 citizens.78 In describing American public opinion during the time of United States entry into World War I, David Kennedy argues that for those Americans who championed progressive ideals, "the war's opportunities were not to be pursued in the kingdom of commerce but in the realm of the spirit."79 While the United States maintained a formidable economic link with the Allies throughout American neutrality, Wilson appealed to American ideals to garner public support for the war. United States entry into the war did not come as the natural development of the Progressive Movement. Still, the American public's reason for supporting the war certainly borrowed progressive sentiments. Wilson championed progressive initiatives that had ingrained themselves in the national mood of early-twentieth-century America. Wilson ran for President in 1912 on the principles he codified the following year in his text The New Freedom. Wilson argued that the Jefferson era of United States democracy had long ended. Wilson maintained that because of the new complexities found in American society, a "reconstruction in the United States" needed to occur to achieve real economic and social freedom.80 Ronald Pestritto articulates Wilson's vision for a governmental system as it relates to a society's history and progress. According to Wilson, the method of government that works for people depends on how far that population has progressed. In that manner, the government should always change to reflect the progression of its people best.81 Pestritto argues that a major theme found in Wilson's 1908 text Constitutional Government in the United States rests in the idea that: [T]here are four stages through which all governments pass: (1) government is the master and people are its subjects; (2) government remains the master, not through 78 Herbert Croly, Progressive Democracy (New York: Macmillan, 1914; New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers; Second printing 2006), 25, 103-18. 79 David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980; New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 39. 80 Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People (New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1913), www.philosophical.space/303/Wilson.pdf. 81 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 34-42. Bailes 21 force but by its fitness to lead; (3) a stage of agitation, when leaders of the people rise up to challenge the government for power; and (4) the final stage, where the people become fully self-conscious and have leaders of their own choosing.82 Wilson epitomized the Progressive Movement's ideals regarding the government adapting to the changes of the people to create a more representative system of government. He would appeal to these principles in advocating for United States intervention in Europe. An underlying sentiment existed within the Progressive Movement that sought to bring about massive change, and this energy extended into the war effort. Lloyd Ambrosius explains the rise of the United States as an imperial power during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. The outcome of the American Civil War created a more powerful central government, and economic growth during the following decades allowed more opportunity for global expansion.83 As the United States extended its global presence, the ideals that formed the nation began to influence foreign policy. David Kennedy writes about the shift in prominent progressives toward support of the war effort. Kennedy references John Dewey as a significant advocate for utilizing the war to satisfy progressive initiatives. According to Kennedy, progressives found appeal in Wilson's reasons for American belligerency in Europe as "a war for democracy, a war to end war, a war to protect liberalism, a war against militarism, a war to redeem barbarous Europe, a crusade."84 Michael McGerr states that the First World War "brought the extraordinary culmination of the Progressive Movement."85 Regardless of the typical progressive view of war, progressives could find merit in Wilson's justification for United States involvement. 82 Pestritto, 37. 83 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 26-32. 84 Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society, 50-3. 85 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 280. Bailes 22 Even though a vast segment of the United States population did not support going to war in Europe, the notion of saving Europe still permeated throughout American society. In a series of essays published in the July 1917 edition of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, multiple thinkers of the time expressed the necessity of the United States entering the war to save Europe. Miles Dawson argued the importance of the United States' mission in the war by documenting the five "fundamentals" that made the United States unique, and he explained the importance of spreading those principles globally. Dawson advocated for the spreading of American ideals throughout the rest of the world.86 George Kirchwey argued that the United States must go to war to defeat Imperial Germany and secure peace. Kirchwey suggested that the war was a fight against an autocratic empire and a crusade to make the world safe for democracy. Kirchwey maintained that the United States needed to lead the effort in creating a world order for peace.87 Samuel Dutton saw the purpose of the United States as transcending party lines. Dutton suggested that the aim of defeating autocratic Imperial Germany needed to be a united American mission.88 Emily Greene Balch wrote that the United States "enters the war on grounds of the highest idealism, as the champion of democracy and world order."89 Walter Lippman argued that once the United States entered the war, they were obligated to fight to make the world safe for democracy. Lippman placed the blame for the war squarely on Germany and their aggression in Belgium and unrestricted submarine warfare. Similar to Wilson in his war address, Lippman drew parallels to the Russian Revolution and the 86 Miles M. Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 10-13, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013639. 87 George W. Kirchwey, "Pax Americana," Annals, 40-48, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013645. 88 Samuel Dutton, "The United States and the War," Annals, 13-19, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013640. 89 Emily Greene Balch, "The War in Its Relation to Democracy and World Order," Annals, 28-31, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013643 Bailes 23 importance of it signaling that the Allies truly represented democracy.90 Wilson's reasons for war had found a voice in the academic circles of the United States, and they nested well with the progressive message. Wilson's goals for peace illustrate how Progressive initiatives manifested into the global sphere. In his August 18, 1914 address advocating for the American population to remain neutral during the European conflict, Wilson maintained that the United States held a responsibility "to play a part of impartial mediation and speak the counsels of peace and accommodation, not as a partisan, but as a friend."91 Similarly, when addressing the Senate over two years later communicating his persistent intent of mediating peace in Europe through American neutrality, Wilson criticized the demands for peace submitted by the Entente that sought revenge over Imperial Germany rather than a lasting peace. Wilson instructed that "peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again."92 In line with his progressive ideology, Wilson believed in United States intervention in the European conflict that would fundamentally improve their diplomatic system entirely. The United States would intervene in Europe to not only end the conflict but restructure the political climate in a more peaceful, progressive manner. Kendrick Clements argues that Wilson's economic and diplomatic decisions throughout United States neutrality drew him into the war gradually as he continued to side with the Allies. Wilson attempted to maintain his ideals for peace as the United States continued to get closer to belligerency.93 When the United States entry into the war proved virtually inevitable, Wilson 90 Walter Lippman, "The World Conflict in Its Relation to American Democracy," Annals, 1-10, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013638. 91 Woodrow Wilson, "An Appeal for Neutrality in World War I," 390. 92 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 392. 93 Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," 63-81. Bailes 24 ensured that the reasons for fighting aligned with the progressive energy that moved within American society. A religious vigor inspired military action that can be seen as a product of the Progressive Movement as well. Richard Gamble narrates the origin of the opinion that the United States represented a light for the rest of the world, and he describes how this concept brought the nation into the war. Gamble argues that these Christian ideals drove the political climate as Wilson's vision echoed the religious sentiment, and they prompted men to fight.94 Gamble describes the "social gospel" movement that had energized progressive Christians in the United States as extending into the international realm. The same energy that had influenced Christians to enact domestic change had transcended into a desire to improve the world, and Wilson ensured these sentiments carried over into United States foreign policy.95 Ronald Pestritto argues Wilson's religious conviction and explains that Wilson linked his faith with his duty to help shape the rest of the world. Pestritto explains the belief that "America was a key battleground in the victory of good over evil."96 Richard Gamble's mention of literature such as Washington Gladden's 1886 "Applied Christianity" highlights the popular message of progressive faith that nests with Pestritto's argument.97 Wilson illustrated the linkage of religion and progressive reform when he spoke in Denver, Colorado, in a 1911 build-up to his run for the Presidency. Wilson commented that "liberty is a spiritual conception, and when men take up arms to set other men free, there is something sacred and holy in the warfare."98 Wilson went on to champion the necessity of finding truth in the Bible's message, and he concluded by warning against believing "that 94 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 5-87. 95 Gamble, 69-87. 96 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 40-3. 97 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 49-67. 98 Woodrow Wilson, "The Bible and Progress" in "On Religion," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.7, 54. Bailes 25 progress can be divorced from religion."99 To Wilson, Christianity taught the spiritual duty of working toward social progress, and most progressive men of faith believed in these same sentiments which carried over toward United States actions in France. At the core of this Progressive energy and Wilson's peace aims were the sentiments surrounding an idea of American Exceptionalism. Many of the same ideas found in the religious aspect of the need to work for social progression catered to a sense of American Exceptionalism. In the same May 7, 1911 address in Denver, Colorado, Wilson spoke of the greatness of the United States as a direct correlation to the religious zeal and Biblical principles with which the founders had established the nation. According to Wilson, "America has all along claimed the distinction of setting this example to the civilized world."100 Wilson believed that the United States should serve as the model of Christian values for the rest of the world as "America was born to exemplify that devotion to the elements of righteousness which are derived from the revelations of Holy Scripture."101 In his text In Search of the City on a Hill, Richard Gamble describes how the United States narrative utilized an interpretation of divine providence to create an image of a nation built on religious principles that should serve as an example for the rest of the world.102 Lloyd Ambrosius describes the prevalent belief in the early twentieth-century United States that considered the United States a "providential nation" as citizens attempted to justify global expansion.103 If the United States existed as a providential manifestation of God's will, then that could rationalize the spread of the American system into the international realm. 99 Wilson, "The Bible and Progress," 53-9. 100 Wilson, 56. 101 Wilson, 59. 102 Richard M. Gamble, In Search of the City on a Hill: The Making and Unmakng of an American Myth (London: Continuum International Publishng Group, 2012), 6-119. 103 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and Ameriam Internationalism, 33. Bailes 26 Men of faith found a divine message in the need for the United States to intercede in the global sphere to mold the world in her image. Wilson's brand of progressive history nested well with his idea of American Exceptionalism. Lloyd Ambrosius explains Wilson's fundamental belief that "primitive peoples moved toward greater maturity over the generations."104 Wilson applied this to the history of the United States. As Ronald Perstritto describes, Wilson believed that "the history of human progress is the history of the progress of freedom."105 As people progressed, they, in turn, developed a governmental system that allowed for more representation for its citizens. According to Ambrosius, Wilson believed that "the United States represented the culmination of progressive historical development."106 The American people had achieved real progression in Wilson's historical model, and democracy achieved through the American Revolution solidified his theory. Wilson certainly made this point evident in his writings regarding history. Wilson suggests that "the history of the United States demonstrates the spiritual aspects of political development."107 The United States embodied the ideal form of Wilson's progressive history. Wilson saw it as the responsibility of the United States to spread its exceptional personification of progressive history with the rest of the world. Wilson acknowledged his views on the uniqueness of the United States in his New Freedom. While arguing for progressive reform in the states, Wilson stated that "[t]he reason that America was set up was that she might be different from all the nations of the world."108 Indeed, Wilson believed in the providential nature of the United States, and he desired to shape the rest of the world. 104 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 105 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 37. 106 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 107 Woodrow Wilson, "The Historian," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 216, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.10. 108 Wilson, The New Freedom, 16. Bailes 27 Early in the war during the period of United States neutrality, Wilson's reasons for remaining neutral stemmed from his belief in the exceptional nature of the American system and his desire for the United States to stay clear of European affairs. Even in American neutrality, Wilson still sought to mediate a peace in Europe because he perceived a chance to spread the democracy of the United States to Europe. Wilson believed that he needed to mediate in the European conflict because "mere terms of peace between the belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themselves," and he questioned whether the Entente and Central powers fought "for a just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of power."109 Wilson's peace aims were in sharp contrast to the Allied leaders, which illustrated his emphasis that the United States should mold a post-war Europe, and this tied directly to American Exceptionalism. While the British leadership concerned themselves with imperial interests, the French sought revenge on Germany from the 1870 Franco-Prussian War. Wilson made it clear in his war address that the United States had "no quarrel with the German people."110 Wilson's vision for a post-war world remained focused on a lasting peace rather than what he perceived as selfish imperial gains or senseless revenge. American Exceptionalism formed the foundation for the interventionist foreign policy of the Progressive Era, and it profoundly motivated Wilson as well as the bulk of American society. Diplomatic historian William Appleman Williams details the rise of the United States as a global power. Williams argues that most Americans in the early twentieth-century United States agreed not only with "Wilson's nationalistic outlook," but they also agreed that the nation should serve as an example for the rest of the world.111 As mentioned previously, Miles Dawson contributed 109 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 393. 110 Woodrow Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401. 111 Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, 86. Bailes 28 to the July 1917 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science to voice the justification of United States intervention in France. In his text, Dawson defined the five uniquely American fundamentals as: 1. The inalienable right of every man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness – not as a mere dead saying, but as a living reality. 2. The right of local self-government, within territories possessing or entitled to claim such right, embracing every power of government not expressly granted to the union. 3. The guaranty to each state of a forum for the redress of grievances of one state against another with full power to enforce the verdict of that forum. 4. The guaranty of a republican form of government to each constituent state. 5. The right and duty to maintain the union.112 To thinkers like Dawson, this unique set of traits not only provided United States citizens with a system of government that separated them from the rest of the world, but it inherently gave them a duty to spread the American ideology to the rest of the world. Fundamentally, the idea that the world should take the lead from the United States exemplified the broad theme of American Exceptionalism inspiring AEF actions in the war. With Progressivism and American Exceptionalism at the root of the war effort, the citizen-soldier of the AEF found inspiration in the same rhetoric. Nelson Lloyd described the "melting-pots" of the army cantonment areas in which soldiers who were born outside of the United States "have become true Americans. They have learned the language of America and the ideals of America and have turned willing soldiers in her cause."113 Michael Neiberg argues that a lasting legacy of United States involvement in the war became a unified American mission superseding any cultural allegiance, and "disagreements would no longer be based on ethnicity 112 Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," 11. 113 Newson Lloyd, How We Went to War (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922), 58, https://archive.org/details/howwewenttowar00lloyrich/page/n7/mode/2up. Bailes 29 or religion."114 United States entry into the war gave the American citizen-soldier a reason for fighting to preserve a democratic system in Europe, and Wilson's belief that the United States would play a central role became widespread amongst the ranks of the AEF. Lieutenant Willard Hill of the Transport Division and 94th Aero Pursuit Squadron claimed when hearing of the United States entry into the war "that this war is not over yet and that the U.S. troops will play a very decisive factor."115 The purpose of United States entry into the war inspired an idealism that would unify soldiers and champion a belief that the AEF would save Europe from the autocracy of Imperial Germany. Private Willard Newton of the 105th Engineers, 30th Division, exclaimed his joy during the September offensives by stating, "[a]t last we are at the beginning of a real battle between Prussianism and Democracy! And we are to fight on the side of Democracy that the world may forever be free from the Prussian peril!"116 The sentiments of these soldiers expressed a voice that echoed Wilson's desire to utilize an American army to bring peace to Europe, and Pershing dutifully followed his instructions. Pershing's stubbornness in not giving in to the Allies' request to amalgamate troops remained the most significant source of friction between him and the Allied military leaders. Still, Pershing's belief that the doughboy remained a superior warrior to the French and British soldier intensified Pershing's negative feelings toward his Allied counterparts. Pershing did not hide his views regarding coalitions when he wrote early in his memoirs that "[h]istory is replete with the failures of coalitions and seemed to be repeating itself in the World War."117 Russell Weigley argues that Pershing believed "that only by fighting under American command would 114 Michael S. Neiberg, "Blinking Eyes Began to Open: Legacies from America's Road to the Great War, 1914-1917," Diplomatic History 38, no. 4 (2014): 812, https://doi:10.1093/dh/dhu023. 115 Lieutenant Willard D. Hill (Cleburne, Texas) in American Voices of World War I, 47. 116 Private Willard Newton (Gibson, North Carolina) in American Voices of World War I, 140. 117 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1, 34. Bailes 30 American soldiers retain the morale they needed to fight well."118 This assertion proved incorrect as those American doughboys who fought under French and British command performed extraordinarily.119 David Trask maintains that Pershing's "presumption that the American troops were superior to others in the war helps explain his stubborn insistence on an independent army even during the greatest crisis of the war."120 Although the German Spring Offensives of 1918 put the Allies in desperate need of replacements, Pershing held his ground in resisting amalgamation. He only agreed to temporary amalgamation after much deliberation. Pershing's plan required maintaining a separate and distinct American force if the United States was to play a critical role in defeating Imperial Germany. This plan did not always synchronize with General Foch's overall plan for the Allied strategy for defeating Imperial Germany. Mitchell Yockelson describes an instance in late September 1918 in which a newly established AEF officers' school near Pershing's headquarters pulled a bulk of American officers from the front lines, which "affected the AEF First Army divisions that were about to attack in the Meuse-Argonne operation."121 United States political leadership back home undoubtedly noticed the friction between Pershing and the Allied leaders. David Woodward mentioned that at one point, Wilson and Secretary Baker intervened to plead with Pershing to be more accommodating to the Allies. According to Woodward, "Pershing proved as immovable as ever when it came to wholesale amalgamation and introducing Americans to trench warfare before he deemed them ready for combat."122 118 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 335. 119 Weigley, 335. 120 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 61. 121 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 127. 122 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 168-9. Bailes 31 Pershing's doctrine of "open warfare" proved predicated on a firm belief in the exceptional quality of the American fighting man. In his memoirs, Pershing documented his view that the results of the Battle of the Marne had placed the opposing forces in a trench defensive that had taken away their aggression and ability to fight an offensive battle. Pershing maintained that "victory could not be won by the costly process of attrition, but it must be won by driving the enemy out into the open and engaging him in a war of movement."123 Sergeant-major James Block of the 59th Infantry, 4th Division, wrote after an offensive near Belleau Wood that his troops "had proven to ourselves that we were the Hun's master, even in our present untrained condition. The Hun could not stand before us and battle man to man."124 David Trask argues that Pershing's reliance on the rifle and bayonet under his open warfare doctrine limited the AEF's ability to adapt to the combined arms fight as quickly as did the French and British.125 In his Final Report, Pershing praised the Allied training system that prepared his inexperienced troops for combat on the Western Front. Although he admitted that his soldiers needed to learn from the experiences of the combat tested French and British, he stated that "[t]he long period of trench warfare had so impressed itself upon the French and British that they had almost entirely dispensed with training for open warfare."126 Pershing relied heavily on his infantrymen, and he saw the rifle and the bayonet as the superior weapon. He did not factor advances in the machine gun, tanks, and artillery to integrate all lethal assets onto the battlefield. According to Richard Faulkner, Pershing planned on using his troops – who he believed were 123 Pershing, 151-4. 124 Sergeant-major James W. Block (Marquette, Michigan) in American Voices of World War I, 108. 125 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 126 Pershing, Final Report, 13-5. Bailes 32 better suited for offensive warfare – to "force the Germans from their trenches into open terrain where the Allies' greater resources would then destroy the unprotected enemy army."127 Perhaps nothing exhibited Pershing's obtuse attitude toward his Allied counterparts more than his desire to beat the French in seizing Sedan from the Germans. Pershing outlined his wishes that his "troops should capture Sedan, which the French had lost in a decisive battle in 1870."128 Russell Weigley comments on Pershing's intent "to try to snatch from the French army the honor of recapturing the historic fortress city of Sedan, where the Emperor Napoleon III had surrendered to the Prussians on September 1-2, 1870."129 Sergeant-major Block described the fierce German resistance during the late September Allied offensives. Still, he claimed that "[o]nce the Americans penetrated that line, their advance northward would be comparatively easy. Sedan would fall next."130 The AEF performed well during the offensives in early November, and the crumbling Imperial German army made Sedan easily attainable for either Pershing's Second Army or the Franco-American armies.131 David Trask points out the diplomatic issue that would ensue if Pershing were to "deprive the French army of this honor."132 The new commander of the American First Army, General Liggett, ultimately did not carry out the attack, which undoubtably prevented a political and diplomatic disaster.133 Russell Weigley maintains that Liggett changed plans after "the offended French" updated him of Pershing's plans on November 7.134 The idea that Pershing wished to take away French retribution by giving 127 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 285. 128 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 381. 129 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 342. 130 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 135. 131 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 282-3. 132 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174. 133 Trask, 174, 134 Weigley, 343. Bailes 33 his troops a decisive victory and morale boost demonstrated his disconnect from the sentiments of his Allied counterparts. Pershing's belief in the superiority of the American soldier to his French and British counterpart extended to the lower ranks of the AEF. While perhaps sensationalizing his account, Scout Corporal Edward Radcliffe of the 109th Infantry, 28th Division wrote regarding actions around St Agnon "that the French of the 10th or 6th army had fallen back, their officers being shot by our men when they ordered them to retreat."135 In a post-World War I survey, Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler of the 16th Infantry, 1st Division answered a question about what he learned about America and Americans from the war. Sergeant Kyler stated that "Americans are inclined to brag about their systems and accomplishments which may or not be superior to those of other peoples or cultures."136 In many of the accounts of AEF actions in Europe, General Pershing and his doughboys showcased American Exceptionalism. Richard Faulkner devotes a chapter of his text to argue that most of the AEF doughboys perceived inferiority in the French way of life compared to the United States. The majority of white AEF soldiers came away from the war, believing that, in terms of technology as well as general health and welfare, American society remained superior to that of France and England.137 Faulkner makes note that "with the notable exception of the African Americans, the soldiers generally believed that their society was markedly superior to anything they encountered in Europe."138 Sergeant-major Block wrote a letter home to his parents during the post-war occupation period. He wrote of the perception that "Paris makes up for the backwardness of the rest of France."139 135 Corporal Edward Radcliffe in American Voices of World War I, 94. 136 Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler (Fort Thomas, Kentucky) in American Voices of World War I, 196. 137 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 188-93. 138 Faulkner, 189. 139 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 191. Bailes 34 While the bond formed between the French and British soldiers and the AEF doughboy proved strong, there still seemed to be a sentiment of American superiority amongst the AEF ranks. Tasker H. Bliss, who served as Army Chief of Staff from September 1917 to May 1918, documented the challenge of absent unified Allied command in a 1922 essay. Bliss wrote a detailed piece in which he criticized the lack of a unified Allied mission while praising General Foch and championing his eventual selection as "Allied Commander-in-Chief."140 Bliss condemned the Allied leaders for waiting so long before establishing any sort of unified command, and he argued that for the first years of the war, they fought for their national goals only. Bliss maintained that this hindered United States integration into the war effort as well.141 Charles Pettit wrote an account of his time on the Western Front. Initially serving in the British army, Pettit joined the AEF once they arrived and concluded his 42 months of combat with the Rainbow Division. Pettit commented that "[w]e know why the French and English didn't win the War. They was waiting for us."142 Robert Bruce expands on the relationship between the American and French soldiers during the post-war occupation period. The doughboys believed that the Allied victory had eliminated the threat of autocratic Imperial Germany. At the same time, the French soldiers still demonstrated distrust of the German for fear of a future war. According to Bruce, "Americans did not want to hear about the need to prepare for a future war with Germany. They believed that victory in the Great War and the conversion of Germany to a democracy was enough to end the menace; Americans were unwilling to do more."143 For the AEF doughboy, the United States' actions in the war had saved Europe from the threat of the 140 Tasker H. Bliss, "The Evolution of the Unified Command," Foreign Affairs 1, no. 2 (December 1922): 1-30, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20028211. 141 Bliss, 7-30. 142 Charles A. Pettit in Echoes From Over There: By the Men of the Army and Marine Corps who Fought in France, eds. Craig Hamilton and Louise Corbin (New York City: The Soldiers' Publishing Company, 1919), 107-9. 143 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 289. Bailes 35 Imperial German autocracy. United States' involvement in its first large-scale coalition operation had solidified the dominance of the American soldier and the system for which he fought. The American doughboy contributed significantly to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany. Without American boots on the ground in France, Imperial Germany may have defeated the Allies. Allan Millett argues that Pershing's independent army did not achieve all that Pershing had hoped. Still, Millett maintains that an accurate assessment of the war would be that the "Allies might have lost the war without the American Expeditionary Forces."144 With the Russian withdrawal from the war and Germany's surge in the Western Front in the Spring of 1918, the Allies desperately needed more boots on the ground. AEF actions in Cantigny, Belleau Wood, and the attack on the Hindenburg line proved the value of the doughboys to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany and the Central Powers. Acknowledging the contribution of the American soldier to the Allied victory should remain a critical focus of any study of United States involvement in the war. While the presence of American troops on the ground benefited the Allies and did give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks, Pershing did not realize his grand vision of an independent American army crushing Imperial Germany. Bullitt Lowry documents Pershing's desire to capitalize on increasing the United States combat power to continue pressing a weakening German army and deliver a crushing blow.145 The Germans signed the armistice before Pershing could make this happen. While Wilson gained his seat at the peace conference and Pershing did not get his chance to win a tactical victory, the French and British still received their original desires and delivered Germany "harsh armistice terms."146 144 Millett, "Over Where?," 251. 145 Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," 286-91. 146 Lowry, 291. Bailes 36 With the eventual collapse of the League of Nations, Wilson never achieved his vision of a new world order for peace. Still, the United States government had established its importance and commenced its entry into the realm of global powers. United States involvement in the First World War helped solidify a national identity as well as establish an American presence on the international stage. Theodore Roosevelt Jr. wrote a letter on May 15, 1919, in which he documented the benefit of the war and what he saw as "Americanizing and democratizing" the soldiers through military service.147 Roosevelt commented that through service in support of the war effort, "love of the men for their country has been deepened, that their sense of real democracy has been sharpened and steadied and that insofar as any possible bad effect goes, the men are more than ever ready and determined to see order and fair play for all."148 In a similar vein, Italian born AEF Sergeant Morini wrote that the war provided him a chance "to make good on my Americanism."149 To Morini, fighting in the war provided him with "the right to the name Yankee all right."150 While the United States' efforts in the war were in support of the Allies, the war became a chance for the nation to claim its identity. A country that had been torn apart by civil war half a century before utilized the war effort to continue to unify and recover its self-proclaimed providence. The war ostensibly became an effort to Americanize its own citizens. The historiography of United States involvement in the First World War presents various arguments. Some historians such as David Trask and Russell Weigley remain critical of General Pershing and his decision making. While some scholarly history shows a narrative less scathing of Pershing, most of the description found in popular history showcases valiant actions of 147 Theodore Roosevelt in Echoes From Over There, 95. 148 Roosevelt, 95. 149 Sergeant Morini in Echoes From Over There, 115. 150 Morini, 115. Bailes 37 Pershing and his efforts in maneuvering the American Expeditionary Forces to achieve victory for the Allies against Imperial Germany. The fact remains that while the doughboys contributed significantly to the Allied victory, they helped the most when they were not fighting Pershing's fight. In his Final Report, Pershing highlights the benefit that the Allies provided to the American forces. In terms of training as well as logistics, the Allies provided the doughboys with the resources they needed to defeat Imperial Germany and the Central Powers effectively.151 Pershing recognized what the Allies had supplied him and his men, but his stubbornness and arrogance still clouded his vision to a degree. While Pershing did build a trusting relationship with the Allied commanders, and his troops were efficient, he did not always operate per their same vision. At times, Pershing's desire to maintain an independent American army superseded his desire to enable the Allied strategy. Pershing strived to meet Wilson's intent of keeping a distinct American command. The question remains if, in carrying out his President's instructions, Pershing prolonged the war and delayed the defeat of the Central Powers. Secondary and primary source literature from the First World War showcases both Wilson's peace aims – which were shaped by his ideology – as well as General Pershing and AEF actions while attempting to remain an independent command in the war. When war broke out in August 1914 in Europe, Wilson tried to mediate a peace while maintaining United States neutrality. When continued trade with the Allies brought the United States into the war in April of 1917, he seized the chance to shape a new world order by establishing an independent American command to defeat Imperial Germany. Primarily because of the Progressive Movement in the United States and the concepts surrounding American Exceptionalism, the American soldier embraced Wilson's ideologies for fighting and fought valiantly to defeat the 151 Pershing, Final Report, 90. Bailes 38 Imperial German autocracy. The Progressive Movement had established itself in American society by the time the citizen-soldier went to war in France, and the principles of American Exceptionalism permeated in virtually every facet of American culture. The American doughboy carried both of these concepts with him to France. Despite Pershing not attaining his decisive blow against the German army, and Wilson not achieving his vision for a new world order, the United States still met a significant amount of Wilson's original intent for entering the war. Wilson's ideologies influenced how the AEF fought in France. As the First World War shaped the United States standing as a global power, it also demonstrated the critical nature of maintaining relationships with coalition partners. Hew Strachan begins the conclusion to his history of the war by stating that "[t]he First World War was a coalition war."152 The American doughboy established a positive relationship with his French and British counterparts. The ability of the American soldier to learn from the experiences of the combat tested Allies, to adapt to the rigors of trench warfare, and to perform well in battle fighting beside his international partners shows the success of the AEF's performance in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. Despite these successes, the AEF doughboy exhibited American Exceptionalism in the First World War. As the United States built its presence in the international realm over the following century, and the need for maintaining partnerships with allied nations continued to increase, the precedent set by the AEF in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation would be essential. 152 Hew Strachan, The First World War (New York: Viking Penguin, a member of Penguin Group, 2004; New York: Penguin Group, 2013), 303. Bailes 39 Bibliography Secondary Sources Adas, Michael. "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I." Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 700-712, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism." 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"Toward an American Philosophy of Command." The Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1035-1060. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2677266. Woodford, David R. Trial by Friendship: Anglo-American Relations, 1917-1918. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1993. Yockelson, Mitchell A. Borrowed Soldiers: Americans Under British Command, 1918. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008. Zieger, Robert H. America's Great War: World War I and the American Experience. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000. Bailes 42 Primary Sources Army War College (U.S.) Historical Section. The Genesis of the American First Army. Army War College, 1928. Reprints from the collection of the University of Michigan Library Coppell, TX, 2020. Baker, Newton D. Why We Went to War. New York: Harper & Brothers for Council on Foreign Relations, 1936. Balch, Emily Greene. "The War in Its Relation to Democracy and World Order." 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Edited by Craig Hamilton and Louise Corbin. New York City: The Soldiers' Publishing Company, 1919. Evans, Martin Marix, ed. American Voices of World War I: Primary Source Documents 1917-1920. New York: Routledge, 2013. Kindle. Kirchwey, George W. "Pax Americana." The Annals of the American Academy for Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 40-48. http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013645. Lippmann, Walter. "The World Conflict in Its Relation to American Democracy." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 1-10. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013638. Lloyd, Newson. How We Went to War. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922. https://archive.org/details/howwewenttowar00lloyrich/page/n7/mode/2up. Pershing, John J. Final Report of Gen. John J. Pershing: Commander-in-Chief American Expeditionary Forces.Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919. ———. My Experiences in the World War. 2 vols. New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931. Bailes 43 Wilson, Woodrow. Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President. Edited by Mario R. DiNunzio. New York: NYU Press, 2006. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.1-18. ———. The New Freedom: A Call For the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People. New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1913. www.philosophical.space/303/Wilson.pdf.
"El diseño universal en productos de consumo masivo y la experiencia del usuario con discapacidad visual moderada" (2015)
Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación Nº 65
ISSN: 1668-0227
Maestría en Diseño de la Universidad de Palermo [Catálogo de Tesis. 5ª Edición. Ciclo 2014-2015]
Año XVIII, Diciembre 2017, Buenos Aires, Argentina | 236 páginas
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Introducción
Planteamiento del problema
Desde el año 2007 la Argentina forma parte de la Convención de Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos de las Personas con Discapacidad, la cual entró en vigencia en 2008. En ella los Estados partes se comprometen a emprender o promover la investigación y el desarrollo de bienes, servicios, equipos e instalaciones de Diseño Universal, que requieran la menor adaptación posible y el menor costo para satisfacer las necesidades especificas de las personas con discapacidad, promover su disponibilidad y uso, y promover el Diseño Universal en la elaboración de normas y directrices (ONU, 2006).
El Diseño Universal es un concepto creado y desarrollado por Ronald Mace (1989), arquitecto de la Universidad de Carolina del Norte, y lo define como el diseño de productos y entornos para ser usados por todas las personas, al máximo posible, sin adaptaciones o necesidad de un diseño especializado.
El desarrollo de este trabajo de investigación se centra en el Diseño Universal, y en la búsqueda del mismo en los empaques de productos de consumo masivo. Encontrar Diseño Universal ha de suponer una fácil tarea ya que el mismo tiene 20 años desde su creación y más de cinco años en vigencia en la Argentina.
Silvia Coriat en Lo urbano y lo humano. Hábitat y Discapacidad (2003 p. 15-17) comenta que las dificultades en el campo del diseño se reflejan no sólo en el escaso conocimiento de las normativas y la legislación vigentes en la materia desde hace 20 años, sino también en profesionales que, con acceso a dichas normas, en tanto resultan extrañas, ajenas a las pautas aprehendidas y asumidas hasta el momento, no saben qué hacer con ellas y las perciben como restricciones al proceso creativo. Las normas y pautas de diseño sin barreras dejarán de resultar extrañas y ajenas cuando puedan visualizarse como el resultado de una cadena de procesos sociales de los cuales forman parte, tanto los profesionales como las propias personas con discapacidad, expone la autora. Es así como la misma trae a colación la distancia que existe entre el diseñador y las normas que están en vigencia en su campo con respecto al diseño sin barreras (Diseño Universal) y cómo el diseñador se desliga de ser parte del proceso social en el cual tiene un rol importante.
Por otro lado Ana Arboleda (2007) comenta la importancia de los productos en los individuos acotando que los productos hacen parte de la experiencia de vida de los mismos. Por esta razón, los consumidores tienen la capacidad para asociar formas y colores con determinadas características que integran categorías.
Es por ello que es importante resaltar lo que señala Gloria Martínez (2008), y es que la mayoría de los productos y servicios básicos ignoran a los consumidores ciegos o con deficiencias visuales. Ello requiere de los diseñadores una actitud más participativa y responsable en cuanto al diseño de empaques se refiere. Al proyectar, los diseñadores deben contemplar las necesidades de acceso a la información de todas las personas, considerando las diferentes y complejas problemáticas perceptivas.
Por otro lado, según la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) (2013) en el mundo hay aproximadamente 285 millones de personas con discapacidad visual, de las cuales 39 millones son ciegas y 246 millones presentan bajan visión. Según la nota descriptiva de la OMS con el arreglo de la Clasificación Internacional de Enfermedades, la función visual se subdivide en cuatro niveles: visión normal, discapacidad visual moderada, discapacidad visual grave y ceguera. La discapacidad visual moderada y la grave se reagrupan comúnmente bajo el término baja visión; la baja visión y la ceguera representan conjuntamente el total de casos de discapacidad visual.
La distribución mundial de las principales causas de discapacidad visual coloca a los errores de refracción (miopía, hipermetropía o astigmatismo) no corregidos con un 43%. Es por ellos que esta investigación toma como eje temático a los discapacitados visuales moderados, colocándolos como objeto de estudio ya que representan una mayoría que según acota Gloria Martínez (2008) ha sido ignorada.
Así mismo las personas con discapacidad visual moderada son también consumidores de los productos de consumo masivo, y al igual que cualquier otro consumidor, son participes de un nicho que no toma en cuenta su discapacidad, lo que puede traer como consecuencia que su experiencia de compra sea diferente a la de otros. Pues como Vargas Bianchi (2003) explica, a través de la experiencia, la actividad de compra, la publicidad y la recomendación, el consumidor aprende acerca del producto, las características del empaque, el uso y el desempeño. Pero ¿qué sucede cuando la experiencia y la actividad de compra se encuentran afectadas por el diseño del empaque? ¿Cuándo una persona con dificultad para ver no puede entender las características del empaque, el uso y el desempe- ño? ¿Es posible llegar a todos los usuarios con el Diseño Universal? ¿El Diseño Universal mejora la experiencia y la actividad de comprar? Es por ello que durante el desarrollo de este trabajo de investigación busca centrarse en el concepto de Diseño Universal, el empaque de productos de consumo masivo, el discapacitado visual moderado con la experiencia de uso. Debido a que cuando se habla de experiencia de uso conlleva no solo al análisis de los factores que influyen en la adquisición o elección de un determinado producto, sino analizar cómo los consumidores usan el producto y la experiencia resultante del mismo a través del diseño del empaque de dicho producto. El Diseño Universal ha de estar insertado en el diseño de productos desde hace seis años y sin embargo se encuentran empaques de productos como el arroz, la pasta, la azúcar y otros de uso diario que no poseen Diseño Universal, pero sin embargo tampoco poseen un diseño amigable y eficaz para las personas que poseen dificultades para ver, lo que conlleva a una experiencia diferente que la del resto de los usuarios que no poseen ninguna discapacidad. La unión de estos tres ejes temático (Diseño Universal específicamente en empaques de producto de consumo masivo, discapacidad visual moderada y experiencia de usuario) tiene como propósito demostrar como un eje se relaciona con otro, es decir, cómo un empaque realizado bajo los principios de Diseño Universal facilita la experiencia de un usuario con discapacidad visual moderada al momento de que éste interactúa con el empaque, es decir, al momento de la compra y al momento de ser usado el producto. ¿Puede realmente el Diseño Universal marcar una diferencia?
Objetivo general
El objetivo general propone investigar la aplicación de los principios del Diseño Universal (uso equitativo, uso flexible, uso simple e intuitivo, información perceptible, tolerancia al error, mínimo esfuerzo físico y adecuado tamaño de aproximación y uso) utilizados en los productos de consumo masivo en empaques tipo caja plegadiza de cartón y de qué manera facilitan la experiencia de uso de los mismos, en usuarios con discapacidad visual moderada.
Objetivos específicos
Los objetivos específicos se proponen identificar las características del Diseño Universal en los empaques de caja plegadiza de cartón que se encuentran en el mercado; definir los principios del Diseño Universal que son aplicados en cada empaque de caja plegadiza de cartón; investigar las valoraciones del usuario con discapacidad visual moderada en relación a los productos de consumo masivo en empaques de caja plegadiza de cartón; indagar en las facilidades que tiene el discapacitado visual de identificar el producto de consumo masivo en empaques de caja plegadiza de cartón con Diseño Universal; e identificar de qué manera afecta el Diseño Universal a la experiencia de compra y uso de productos de consumo masivo en empaques de caja plegadiza de cartón en usuarios con discapacidad visual moderada.
Hipótesis
La hipótesis plantea que la aplicación de los principios del Diseño Universal (uso equitativo, uso flexible, uso simple e intuitivo, información perceptible, tolerancia al error, mínimo esfuerzo físico y adecuado tamaño de aproximación y uso) utilizados en los productos de consumo masivo en empaques tipo caja plegadiza de cartón facilitan la experiencia de uso en usuarios con discapacidad visual moderada (Argentina, Buenos Aires 2014).
Estado de la cuestión
Para los consumidores, el empaque de un producto con armonía es aquel que, además de ser funcional, le proporciona información veraz y de fácil acceso. Cuando se habla de discapacidad visual no sólo se hace referencia al no vidente, también a las personas que por alguna u otra razón (edad avanzada, problemas psicomotores, etc.) tienen deficiencia visual. Para ellos no es aplicable el método Braille1 , pero sí herramientas del diseño que los ayuden a distinguir los productos, como la tipografía, el alto contraste de colores, el uso de macrotipos, la disposición de los elementos, etc.
Durante el desarrollo del estado de la cuestión se notará la preocupación de algunos de los autores de los artículos allí nombrados, acerca de la falta de Diseño Universal en espacios, productos y servicios. Existe un gran desconocimiento no solo en Latinoamérica sino en otras partes del mundo donde no se conoce esta metodología. En el que aplicar los siete principios (uso equitativo, uso flexible, uso simple e intuitivo, información perceptible, tolerancia al error, mínimo esfuerzo físico y adecuado tamaño de aproximación y uso) marcará una diferencia en los usuarios, especialmente los que poseen una discapacidad. Sin embargo, el Diseño Universal tiene sus limitaciones no sólo por la falta de conocimiento sino, como expresan otros autores, porque no es posible ser universal y no considerar los valores sociales, históricos y culturales de cada región. Los autores del artículo llamado A Framework and Representation for Universal Product Design, Daniel McAdams y Vincent Kostovich (2001) presentan un marco de análisis de los productos para mejorar la investigación y la práctica en el Diseño Universal. Resaltan que 17 % de la población en EE.UU tiene algún tipo de discapacidad y que, a pesar de esto, muchas empresas no conocen aún los principios del Diseño Universal. Está en los diseñadores determinar las necesidades de los clientes, la función del producto y la actividad del usuario pues en el contexto de la realización de Diseño Universal, el diseñador debe enfocar la atención en la función del producto y en el modo en que interactúa con el usuario. En este artículo los investigadores resaltan el papel protagónico del diseñador a la hora de hacer la diferencia tomando en cuenta a todos los usuarios al momento de diseñar un producto. Resaltan que los diseñadores no pueden dejar a un lado las necesidades de los clientes y la función del producto, que es tan o más importante que su estética.
Siguiendo con la misma línea que los investigadores anteriores, Víctor y Silvia Margolin (2004) profesores de la Universidad de Illinois, Chicago, especializados Diseño Gráfico, Diseño Industrial y Tecnología, exponen en Un "modelo social" del diseño, que cuando la mayoría de las personas piensan en diseño de productos, visualizan productos hechos para el mercado, generados por un fabricante y dirigidos a un consumidor a lo que ellos refutan señalando que existen otras posibles opciones aparte del diseño de productos para el mercado, que no se ha conducido aún hacia un nuevo modelo de práctica social. Ellos sostienen que las teorías sobre el diseño para el mercado se han desarrollado muy bien abarcando diversas áreas, desde métodos de diseño hasta estudios de manejo gerencial y semiótica para la mercadotecnia; esto ha influido en que exista una rica y vasta bibliografía que ha servido para que el diseño se adapte a nuevas circunstancias tecnológicas, políticas y sociales generando, a su vez, nuevos procesos que han implantado estructuras, métodos u objetivos para el diseño social. Para los autores aun no se han atendido las necesidades sociales y tampoco se ha puesto atención en cambiar la educación de los diseñadores de productos, quienes tienen en sus manos la posibilidad de incluir y unificar la sociedad.
Entre las áreas aplicables de Diseño Universal se encuentra también la arquitectura y es por ello que Fernando Alonso (2007) director de ACCEPLAN, organización que realiza estudios sobre accesibilidad y adaptación del medio construido; explica en su investigación Algo más que suprimir barreras: Conceptos y argumentos para una accesibilidad universal, la falta de accesibilidad a los distintos entornos y servicios para el discapacitado. Expone que nadie parece poner en duda la necesidad y oportunidad de esa mejora de accesibilidad, sin embargo se detecta un minúsculo avance sobre ese tema en algunas adaptaciones en espacios públicos, equipamientos y edificios. El mismo menciona que se está reconociendo la implicancia que la accesibilidad tiene para la calidad de vida de todas las personas a través de un diseño de mayor calidad y orientado hacia la diversidad de usuarios.
Por último, Fernando Alonso (2007) explica que el progreso de accesibilidad es un proceso de mejora que se proyecta hacia otros ámbitos, como la movilidad, la optimización de uso de los espacios públicos y la ergonomía, causando reacciones favorables que pueden incidir tanto en los deseos de integración de unos, como en las mejoras de confort y funcionalidad de otros.
Por otro lado, continuando con el Diseño Universal pero enfocando en la tercera edad; la investigación realizada por Julio Lillo y Humberto Moreira (2004) sobre las ventajas del enfoque del Diseño Universal en el discapacitado, los autores hacen explícito que el diseño ha excluido socialmente al anciano quien va perdiendo facultades auditivas, visuales y motoras "Diseña para el joven y excluirás al anciano. Diseña para el anciano e incluirás al joven". Por añadidura Lillo y Moreria comentan que durante la vejez, la persona reduce o pierde la capacidad para combinar la información de los dos ojos para percibir la distancia y esto conlleva a desarrollar la coordinación ojo-mano.
De este modo los investigadores concluyen que las soluciones de diseño que se encuentren a esta problemática no sólo beneficiarán a las personas de la tercera edad sino a todas aquellas que, de forma permanente o transitoria, sufran las mismas limitaciones que ellas. Otra investigación realizada por Julio Lillo y Humberto Moreira (2008) llevan el Diseño Universal y la vejez al ámbito laboral, y explican cómo la aplicación de los principios de diseño universal incluye y facilitan la participación del anciano. Pues el diseño ergonómico basado en principios de diseño universal, además de servir para compensar los efectos de las limitaciones ya mencionadas, puede ser útil para retrasar su desarrollo.
La vejez no es la única dificultad que puede presentar un consumidor, también están las discapacidades con las que muchos viven día a día o temporalmente. Alan Colburn (2010) señala en Diseño Universal, que el Diseño Universal no sólo beneficia al discapacitado que no ve, o que se traslada en sillas de ruedas, sino también a los padres que van con el coche, al repartidor que entra con cajas y otras situaciones de la vida cotidiana. Los subtítulos en la TV también son parte del Diseño Universal ya que hace la programación accesible a aquel con problemas auditivos y a aquel que no pueda escuchar la TV por el ruido externo, dejando otra vez en claro que el Diseño Universal es inclusivo para todos.
Otros investigadores han desarrollado sus trabajos de Diseño Universal con una discapacidad específica, como lo es el trabajo de investigación desarrollado por Gloria Angélica Martínez de la Peña (2008). La autora explica de qué manera se puede usar el braille y otros símbolos táctiles en las etiquetas de productos de usos cotidianos y de los medicamentos especialmente, resaltando que la información es un elemento clave en los envases, empaques y etiquetas de los diferentes productos comerciales, donde la calidad visual de muchos packagings no responde a la necesidad de establecer una comunicación efectiva, ya que resulta imprecisa en las diferentes situaciones de uso.
La autora concluye que es importante que los diseñadores tengan una actitud más participativa y responsable en cuanto al diseño de empaques se refiere, incorporando el sistema braille o los macro tipos.
Para los investigadores Neves, Barreto y Neves (2011), el objetivo fue ayudar a las personas con discapacidad visual en la compra de ropa y en la organización de cómo esto se iba a llevar a cabo. Las pruebas se realizaron en las etiquetas con el usuario real, en las que fuese posible identificar el símbolo con el tacto, sin embargo les llevo tiempo adaptarse a la simbología. La etiqueta tuvo resultados positivos ya que todos los usuarios fueron capaces de identificar los símbolos e indicaciones de la composición y de materia prima, esto último escrito en Braille. Se colocaron los símbolos de lavado, cuidado y abreviaturas de los colores de las composiciones de las materias primas. Esta investigación fue pionera al llevar al discapacitado visual a conectarse con la simbología. Con esto se logra facilitar, ayudar y mejorar la calidad de vida de las personas con discapacidad visual y les genera sensación de independencia ya que ellos mismos pueden seleccionar su ropa. A partir de esta investigación se ha desarrollado una etiqueta bordada en Braille la cual fue mejorando luego de ser evaluada por personas con discapacidad visual. Esta investigación contribuyó al conocimiento de una necesidad que existe de productos específicos para este nicho de mercado y a la que los autores consideran una gran oportunidad de negocio para explotar. Existen varias dificultades con las que se encuentra el discapacitado visual diariamente y es por ellos que constantemente existen personas investigando y desarrollando proyectos en pro de estos usuarios, un ejemplo de esto es la investigación realizada por Marina Días de Faria y Jorge Ferreira (2009), Compuesto para restaurantes: atendiendo consumidores con deficiencia visual, tuvo como objetivo identificar los atributos más importantes y los niveles relativos de la experiencia de consumo de las personas con discapacidad visual en los restaurantes en la ciudad de Río de Janeiro, en ocasiones de ocio. Los resultados de grupo de enfoque apuntaban a ocho atributos, cada uno con dos o tres niveles, lo que llevo a concluir que los restaurantes que invierten en la formación de sus asistentes y la accesibilidad parecen ser capaces de retener a los consumidores con discapacidad visual, esto se vio en los grupos focales en donde el discapacitado visual expresaba que cuando va a un restaurante y está bien servido, siempre vuelve; además de ser difícil para ellos encontrar un restaurante que sea accesible. Los resultados indican que hay mucho por modificar en estos establecimientos para que puedan reunir los atributos valorados por las personas con discapacidad visual.
Estos investigadores encontraron la manera de realizar un estudio saliéndose del típico enfoque que suelen tener las investigaciones de comportamiento del consumidor, pues se enfocaron en un consumidor que no es tomado en cuenta a la hora de hacer el estudio de mercado y estudiaron el comportamiento del mismo con respecto al servicio que suelen ofrecer los restaurantes no solo por la atención sino también por la infraestructura.
A pesar de existir muchas investigaciones de acuerdo con lo que propone el Diseño Universal, existen otros que le encuentran fallas a esta metodología. Para Jane Bringolf (2008), el Diseño Universal falla en sus propios principios, pues ella explica que el uso sinónimo de "universal" y "accesible" es parte de no conocer lo que constituye el diseño universal. El término "Diseño Universal" fue creado en EE.UU. En Europa se conoce como "Diseño para todos" y en Gran Bretaña como "Diseño inclusivo". Todos estos términos se basan en un mismo concepto el cual es dar la máxima utilidad para el número máximo de personas independientemente de la edad, cultura, educación, nivel socioeconómico o habilidad. Jane Bringolf (2008) señala los siete principios del Diseño Universal y expone que existe una brecha entre los conocimientos de diseño y la diversidad de la población. Los críticos afirman que estos principios se centran demasiado en la función y no abordan cuestiones como la accesibilidad y participación social; estas críticas sugieren que los principios son de poca ayuda e indican que la principal falla esta dentro del mismo concepto de Diseño Universal en sí; que no es fácil o simple de entender e intuitivo a la hora de aplicarlo.
Existen diversas opiniones entre los investigadores, diseñadores y usuarios que ya están familiarizados con el Diseño Universal. Sin embargo aunque tiene ya varios años, el Diseño Universal es aún muy desconocido, incluso dentro del ámbito de los diseñadores de productos, y gráficos que elaboran las etiquetas y los envases. Las pocas personas que conocen sobre el tema no han hecho eco del mismo. En tal sentido convendría que esta filosofía estuviese integrada dentro de los programas de las escuelas de diseño y, de esta manera, no se dejaría de diseñar con Diseño Universal por desconocimiento del tema. ¿Por qué el Diseño Universal aún no es parte de la mente social? Y más importante aún, del diseñador. Existe poca información sobre esta metodología a pesar de que la Argentina firmó en el 2008 un acuerdo de las Naciones Unidas donde se comprometía a aplicar los principios del Diseño Universal.
Para los discapacitados visuales moderados no resulta fácil entender lo que comunica un empaque y el diseñador no ofrece soluciones, al contrario, suma un problema, un problema de comunicación.
Sin embargo hay que considerar factores que pueden resultar ajenos a la voluntad del diseñador, como lo son los costos del Diseño Universal. Hacer Diseño Universal ¿es económico?. Puede que seguir los siete principios del Diseño Universal implique elevar los costos de los productos, cosa que puede afectar al consumidor cuando la idea es ayudarlo. Hay que tener en cuenta los efectos colaterales que trae aplicar Diseño Universal, porque es una cadena, si aumenta el costo de la producción aumentará también el precio de venta. Se podrá notar que se han abordado temas similares referentes al Diseño Universal y, cuando se habla de las etiquetas de los productos, sólo se habla de incluir el Braille en las mismas sin ningún tipo de criterio. Sin embargo, lo que el Diseño Universal propone es que no se haga ninguna adecuación especial a los objetos, en este caso, los envases, para que tengan el mayor número de usuarios posibles sin importar su capacidad. A pesar de que se han realizado investigaciones referentes al Diseño Universal, al comportamiento del usuario con discapacidad visual y la mejora de algunos espacios y servicios, ninguna se ha ocupado de estudiar los aspectos formales de los envases de alimentos que forman parte del día a día de las personas, pues es una necesidad básica alimentarse y, por lo tanto, tener acceso a los mismo, sin importar la capacidad.
Sin embargo, el Diseño Universal no es una teoría muy conocida en el ámbito del diseño, pues de ser así sería más probable encontrar productos realizados bajo los siete principios y estudios que hablen del mismo. Es muy poca la información que se encuentra sobre ello, además que es una metodología que no se aprehende durante la formación de los profesionales de diseño.
En el área de diseño de empaque tampoco se ha mostrado preocupación sobre el Diseño Universal teniendo en cuenta que el diseño de un empaque que logre comunicarse correctamente con el usuario genera una mejor experiencia y, por ende, un mejor comportamiento del usuario. Es por ello que, a través de este estudio, se quiere investigar si aplicando los principios del Diseño Universal se puede obtener un buen diseño de empaque que cumpla con sus funciones comunicacionales lo que traerá como consecuencia una mejor experiencia de usuario, en este caso, el usuario que posee alguna discapacidad visual moderada, es decir, aquellos que tienen algún error de refracción (miopía, astigmatismo, hipermetropía y presbicia) pero que éste no les impide realizar sus actividades diarias, sólo presentan cierta dificultad con la que aprenden a vivir.
Orden del trabajo
Esta investigación se desarrollará en cuatro capítulos que abarcaran desde la teoría de Diseño Universal hasta la experiencia del usuario.
En el primer capítulo se exponen varias teorías desarrolladas por distintos autores sobre el concepto de diseño para hacer una referencia de cómo éste concepto se fue adecuando y adaptando para ser usado como base para desarrollar el Diseño Universal, el cual será definido desde la visión del creador del concepto Ronald Mace, y luego dar entrada a la explicación y desarrollo de los siete principios del Diseño Universal: uso equitativo, uso flexible, uso simple e intuitivo, información perceptible, tolerancia al error, mínimo esfuerzo físico y adecuado tamaño de aproximación y uso.
En el segundo capítulo se hacen definiciones sencillas y concisas sobre la función visual y la discapacidad visual, pues sólo se exponen los conceptos necesarios para desarrollar este estudio y que se entienda qué es la discapacidad visual moderada, cuales son los errores de refracción que conllevan a esta y la explicación de cada uno.
En el tercer capítulo titulado Envase, empaque o packaging, se define cada uno de los elementos nombrados en el título para establecer las diferencias que existe entre cada uno de ellos y la importancia de tenerlas en cuenta para entender esta variable de la investigación como lo es el empaque, su diseño y su uso. También se llevarán a cabo las definiciones de los materiales de cada uno, ya que el material define qué tipo de empaque será y ayuda a crear atributos al producto que pueden ser beneficiosos o no para la venta del mismo. Dentro de este mismo capítulo se desarrollará, también, el marketing del empaque y se explicará cómo los elementos utilizados a la hora de diseñar ayudan e influyen a la venta del producto.
En el cuarto capítulo titulado experiencia del consumidor, se desarrollan conceptos relacionados con el comportamiento del consumidor al momento de comprar un producto, y lo que pasa después de que ya lo adquirió. Se definirán conceptos de producto, se hablará sobre el comportamiento de usuario y todo lo que este conlleva y para finalizar se indagará y razonará sobre la satisfacción del cliente.
Para finalizar, se mostrarán los instrumentos de recolección de datos, los cuales son: Observación y Matching; con sus respectivos resultados y conclusiones de cómo finalizó el estudio y la comprobación o no de la hipótesis que muestra el problema que condujo al desarrollo de este trabajo.
Líneas temáticas
Esta investigación se encuentra enmarcada en dos líneas temáticas, Medios y estrategias de comunicación y Diseño y producción de objetos, espacios e imágenes.
En este trabajo de investigación se desarrollan conceptos del packaging, se estudia el proceso de diseño del mismo, desde la idea hasta que llega al supermercado; es así como se introduce la línea temática de Diseño y producción de objetos, espacios e imágenes, ya que como describe la misma se estudian los procesos de formación y cualidades del objeto, en este caso, el packaging. No solo del objeto, sino también otros factores que participan en el proceso del mismo como lo es el diseñador y la sociedad que lo rodea para ese momento histórico. Por otra parte se reflexiona sobre la comunicación del empaque encontrado en góndolas y de cómo el Diseño Universal puede mejorar la estrategia de venta del mismo si son aplicados los siete principios que él ofrece. Es así como se introduce la línea temática Medios y estrategias de comunicación, ya que se hace una investigación profunda sobre el proceso de compra del usuario, de su comportamiento y las estrategias previas usadas por el packaging para su venta., es decir, la experiencia ofrecida por el producto a través del diseño del empaque y la forma en que es usado en casa tras el acto de compra.
Notas
1. Método Braille es sistema de lectura y escritura ideado para personas ciegas.
"The news from Delaware is crystal clear: it's Sarah Palin's party now." Senator John Kerry The Tea Party insurrection against the establishment is causing some headaches for the Republican leadership. Republican primary elections everywhere are being won by Tea Party candidates, some of which are credible and electable in national contests (Marco Rubio in Florida, Joe Miller in Alaska), but many of which are an embarrassment to the party. Christine O'Donnell, who won the Delaware primary, last week, falls into the latter category. The Republican Party had fielded a very strong candidate, Mike Castle, who had already been elected seven times to Congress, and would most likely have won the coveted seat in the national election. But he was considered "too liberal" and "too wedded to the establishment" by the Tea Party. Instead, victory went to Tea Party candidate O'Donnell, who had been endorsed by Sarah Palin. During her campaigning the 41-year old O'Donnell, fresh faced and attractive, adopted the dress style, body language and folksy speech of her flashy mentor, lending some credence to Senator John Kerry's claim that the GOP "is Sarah Palin's party now." O'Donnell had been signed out as not credible by the GOP: not only does she lack any experience and qualifications, but she has a questionable personal finance history and a bizarre background that includes having "practiced witchcraft" before becoming a Christian youth counselor and defender of sexual abstinence. She had run for a House seat twice before and lost, getting only about 4.5% of the vote statewide. Her story brings into focus the dire position the GOP finds itself in: by stirring up the anger and frustration of a public deeply affected by the Great Recession and worried about their economic future, and by using the Tea Party movement's energy and populism to mobilize the electorate, Republicans now find themselves in the awkward situation of having to support and fund fringe candidates for the November election. The Tea Party upheaval has been compared to the Reagan Revolution of 1980. Ronald Reagan transformed the Republican Party by creating a new coalition of social and fiscal conservatives and foreign policy hawks. He brought in the Southern Democrats and the Christian Right, and many moderates from the North East were purged from the party. He forged a new majority, renewed the party's cadre and dominated the national political agenda at least for a decade. Similarly, the Tea Party is imposing a "purity test" on Republicans that includes long-held party principles such as fiscal discipline, balanced budgets and low taxes. But it also demands adherence to more intrusive social dogmas such as opposition to abortion and gay marriage, and blatantly reactionary ideas against immigration and free trade, and in favor of the right to carry guns. With its populist, nativist rhetoric it is feeding the frenzy and anger prevalent in certain sectors of the country today to the point of rendering it ungovernable. Indeed, in order to win, Republican candidates everywhere find that they have to adopt Tea party language and principles even when some of these run counter to the realities of governing. In deep contrast with their extreme views of closed borders, Reagan gave amnesty to a huge mass of illegal immigrants, and was a staunch supporter of free trade, a central tenet of the conservative business class that is anathema to the Tea Party insurgents. Their brand of rampant populism was quite absent from the Reagan revolution: he was a leader who understood where the country was historically and emotionally, and he had the convictions and the policies to move it forwards. His philosophy of hard work, sacrifice, fiscal responsibility and smaller government has endured and influenced many conservative and moderate politicians around the world. In addition, he had the great gift of communication and persuasion, and knew how to use history and logic to back up his actions. Few would compare the Great Communicator with the grammatically challenged elements that lead the Tea party: they tend to speak in sound bites, have poor syntax and grammar, and make obscure, often absurd references that few people are able to follow (for example, Sarah Palin's 2008 comment that "as Putin rears his head and enters U.S airspace, the first thing he sees is Alaska" as an justification of why being governor of that state gave her some foreign policy experience; or Christine O'Donnell's "mice with human brains" reference when explaining her opposition to stem cell research). Their inexperience, rampant populism, and contempt for intellect and knowledge do not bode well for next Congress. Others consider late Senator Barry Goldwater, a blunt-spoken conservative libertarian from Arizona, as the predecessor of the Tea Party. Goldwater, who ran for president in the 1960s against Lyndon Johnson, wanted to abolish the whole welfare state established by the New Deal, and advocated the use of nuclear weapons in Vietnam. He lost to LBJ by a landslide, bringing the Republican Party down with him. But he was a libertarian and this put him at odds with the Christian right agenda of the 1970s. Although it is true that there is a libertarian, Goldwater-like element in some groups of the Tea Party, most of its members embrace an ultra-conservative social agenda of government intrusiveness into people's lives, and that is already a source of contention and conflict within the movement. Given its grassroots, decentralized approach, its platform is a hybrid of sometimes conflicting ideas, but at its core, it is an anti-federalist movement. It officially appeared in the political map on tax-filing day, April 15 of 2009, when "tea parties" were organized in several states to protest against government spending. It grew as a bottom-up organization but, as it gathered strength, it was courted by the GOP as an instrument to revive the party and mobilize its supporters. The Tea Party in its nature and its approach to politics is more reminiscent of the movement that coalesced around Ross Perot in the 1990s. He was against the expansion of the federal government, against free trade and open borders, against Washington "insiders" of both parties, and in favor of balanced budgets and lower taxes. The main difference is that the Tea Party is trying to transform the Republican Party from the inside, instead of running against it as a third party, as Perot did in 1992, thereby preventing the re-election of President Bush senior, and delivering a victory to the Democrats. The question is whether the Tea Party movement will succeed and, whether, by moving the party to the Right, it will have a "corrective" effect, or whether, due to its populist excesses, it will self destroy and bring the party down with it. The Perot movement dissolved because of its internal dissent and lack of leadership, and the Tea Party may encounter the same fate. What the Tea Party movement has in vigor and energy, it lacks in logic, organization and cohesiveness. They would most certainly not have been so successful if they had had to find their own moneys to fund their campaigns. Unfortunately for the GOP, there are at least two Political Action Committees (PACs) that are giving financial support to these fringe-quality candidates: Sarah Palin's own PAC, and the Tea Party Express run by old Republican political operative and entrepreneur Sal Russo, who identifies "promising" candidates that can attract contributions and bring treasure into his own formerly moribund PAC. A third PAC, FreedomWorks, run by former Representative Dick Armey, has been more selective in the Tea Party candidates it supports. It refused to fund Christine O'Donnell, who instead received substantial campaign funds from the other two. Some serious conservative voices are being raised against the Tea Party, but it may be too late. Charles Krauthammer, one of the leading conservative intellectuals, called O'Donnell's triumph a "stunning but pyrrhic victory" that will prevent the Republicans from regaining control of the Senate. While conceding that the Tea Party itself was "the most vigorous and salutary grass-roots movement of our time" and a "source of electoral energy", he still cautioned Republicans that they had to be selective. He said that O'Donnell was problematic and most likely unelectable. Showing his frustration with the defeat of Mike Castle, he stated that the so-called "Buckley rule"-"Support the most conservative candidate that is electable" -had been violated. Also, Karl Rove from his new column in the Wall Street journal called her "unfit for office" and "not a credible" candidate. O'Donnell was the seventh Tea Party candidate to defeat an incumbent, so now the National Republican Committee will most likely have to fund their national campaigns. Not all are unelectable, but the question is, once in power, will they follow the party line or their own? As the GOP moves to the extreme Right to please the Tea Party supporters, it is the moderates that are left out of place. In Florida, the unstoppable Senate race of Tea Party candidate Marco Rubio has forced his opponent Charlie Crist, whom Rubio defeated in the primary, to leave the GOP and run as an Independent. Unlike O'Donnell, Rubio is a very credible candidate who may some day run for president, while Crist has been too much of a moderate for the present political climate, and as governor has supported several of Obama's initiatives. Tea Party Senate candidate Joe Miller, who beat incumbent Republican Senator Lisa Murkowski in the Alaska primary, is also a candidate with solid credentials (WestPoint graduate, then Yale Law), but he is still outside the mainstream on basic issues such as Social Security, which he considers "unconstitutional, because it is not in the Constitution". This is what most worries the party moderates: that a huge part of the electorate, frustrated with the expansion of US government, debt and deficits, will feel so disgruntled as to elect a Republican Congress majority populated with extremist candidates that will ignore the party line, and will try to impose their simplistic, atavistic views of government, turning the clock back one or even two centuries. Unquestionably, not all is said and done in this election, and the Republican primary results are cautiously being watched by Democratic candidates who now see an opening to regain the moderate Independents' vote. But the generalized anger against incumbents in the electoral may very well lead many of them to vote for Tea party newcomers all the same, no matter how extreme and erratic they may seem. Objectively, one can understand and respect philosophical differences and the traditions of this country's two-party politics. In order to survive in the post-Bush era, the Republican Party needed to undergo a correction towards smaller government and balanced budgets, which are the core principles of their ideology. During his eight years in power, Republican George Bush oversaw the biggest expansion of the federal government since the 1960s; he made the decision to fight two wars while at the same time lowering taxes across the board and deregulating private financial institutions. It should thus come as no surprise that his course of action brought about the biggest economic crisis since the Great Depression, and that a public backlash against government spending ensued. A year and a half of frantic efforts by the Obama White House and Congress, which obviously demanded more government spending for the short-term, have not delivered palpable results and, although the Recession has officially ended, unemployment is still at 10%. The popular outcry against big government is to be expected. But some groups have used this opportunity to propose hare-brained schemes based on ignorance, nescience and prejudice. Whether they are railing against immigrants, taxes and social welfare programs, or in favor of armed insurrection against the federal government, quite often, to legitimize their demands, they refer their critics to the US Constitution of 1787. To the extent that the Constitution established the federal government and its relative power over the states, their claims have little merit. Perhaps they confuse it with the Articles of Confederation that preceded it and vested power in the states. In any case, the infantile worship of a three centuries old document in an era of globalization, interdependence and a communications revolution speaks for itself: the Tea Party is reactionary, regressive, and irritating to mainstream Americans. But given the level of anger and disenchantment with Washington, they may linger in the political landscape longer than initially predicted. Tea Party supporters tend to confuse their candidates' folksiness with authenticity, their simple- mindedness with sincerity and their populist slogans with serious policy proposals. The truth is that the United States, for all its failures, has governmental institutions that have endured, and is governed by the rule of law and not by mob rule. It is normal and healthy in a democracy to protest against an unresponsive government. It is quite a different thing to put opportunistic, unproven, inexperienced people at the helm in order to role back institutions that took years to build and that the newcomers in their ignorance scorn upon. There is no telling that they would be less greedy or more competent than those they replace. More likely, a Tea-Party-dominated Congress would be a complete disaster as they focus on their petty interests and ideological vendettas; they repeal existing social legislation and refuse to fund the federal government; they start handing out subpoenas to investigate made-up claims against the Executive, and they do not address any of the real problems facing the country. Their narrow-mindedness, their disdain for the realities of democracy and their disinterest in the welfare of others is quite alarming. It may come back to haunt the other Republicans in Congress, who will realize too late that they have to rely on Democrats in order to pass any spending bill and that anger cannot be turned into an agenda for governing. Ironically, this week has been proclaimed Education Week in America, as the White House unveils its new plan to reform the public school system and to bring American students up to par with other advanced democracies. Although the new emphasis will be on science, math and a longer school year, one can only hope there is room in the curriculum for more civic education, a better understanding of American History and a greater appreciation for democracy and its institutions. Only when that happens will this kind of movement be forever confined to the fringes of society, where it belongs. Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia