Suchergebnisse

Unexpected and dramatic reforms in Myanmar since 2011 have begun a transition in this country from half a century of military rule to a hybrid system of government. The military continues to maintain significant power, but competitive elections, a lively parliament, a more vibrant media, and a growing civil society have allowed for debates on a range of issues concerning the nature of the state and the development agenda that were previously not possible. Changes of this magnitude are extraordinarily challenging to manage and can themselves generate new dynamics that may undermine both the nascent democratic reforms and efforts to find a lasting solution to decades of ethnic conflicts. The need to rebuild the country's political, economic and social institutions to meet the needs of citizens is critical, but is challenged by the significant capacity gap affecting all sectors while fundamental questions remain about the role of the military in the political system.

Over the last two decades, the focus of development policy initiatives to reduce poverty has undergone a significant shift. Known as the "inclusive finance" approach, these new initiatives advocate for a "Finance for All (FFA)" approach to bring excluded populations into the realm of mainstream banking, developing new schemes for ensuring better access to financial credit, and educating them about various financial products and services which may help them in making informed decisions. In the context of Bangladesh, the impact of these initiatives has already been felt and over the years, significant efforts have been made to facilitate the level and extent of financial inclusion of the poor into the mainstream banking sector. However, Bangladesh's approach towards inclusive finance differs from the broader FFA policy agenda. Whereas in general inclusive financial market approaches leave a focus on women and gender equality outside the core of the debate, special efforts have been made in Bangladesh for increasing women's access to finance. The introduction and implementation of these policy initiatives raise a few important questions: (1) What are the key barriers faced by women entrepreneurs in gaining access to markets and becoming engaged in different business ventures? (2) How effective are the existing policies and programs in addressing the challenges faced by the women entrepreneurs? (3) What actions can be taken to make the policy and programmatic interventions more helpful and effective? This paper focuses on finding answers to these key questions while providing a comprehensive and detailed analysis of the situation of the women entrepreneurs in Bangladesh. At the same time, this paper concentrates on both the demand side factors (i.e., issues related to the capacity and understanding of women entrepreneurs that may hinder their access to credit) and the supply side factors (i.e., the impact of policies developed by the Government of Bangladesh and Bangladesh Bank on women's entrepreneurship, as well as the capacity, willingness and commitment of commercial banks to support women entrepreneurs). Further, research suggests women's business chambers with adequate capacity can play a complementary role in advancing women's access to finance. This study explores the role played by the District Women Chambers in the context of Bangladesh.

Women in Nepal have long experienced poverty, social exclusion, and marginalization because of their gender, especially among ethnic minorities and low-caste groups. Between 2002 and 2013, the Asian Development Bank and the Government of Nepal developed and implemented the Gender Equality and Empowerment of Women Project to reduce poverty by empowering rural women and members of other disadvantaged groups through an integrated process of economic, social, legal, and political empowerment. This publication presents the case study of that project which contributed to Nepal's drive to eradicate gender-based inequality.

The Asia Foundation has been a leading advocate for women's empowerment in Afghanistan and works on the premise that improving social, economic, and political opportunities for women will improve society as a whole. We have pioneered projects to promote opportunities for Afghan women by forging strategic relationships with government institutions, local NGOs, and influential non state-actors, particularly traditional community leaders and religious leaders. By strengthening the formal and informal justice sectors, encouraging institutional reform, and raising awareness of women's rights within an Islamic framework, these projects contribute to a sustained reduction in violence against women and expand women's personal and social security.

From September 2012 through October 2015, The Asia Foundation implemented an innovative South Asia regional program to advance women's entrepreneurship. This program, supported by the U.S. Department of State, advanced the U.S. Government's "New Silk Road" goals of enhanced regional economic integration and increased trade across South and Central Asia. The program built directly on the DOS 2012 South Asia Women's Entrepreneurship Symposium (SAWES), and was implemented in Bangladesh, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, with engagement from the Maldives, Bhutan, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Myanmar.

La tesis doctoral de Martina Schuegraf, "La convergencia en los medios de comunicación y el desarrollo del yo", estudia el proceso de convergencia de los medios de comunicación desde la perspectiva del uso de medios por adolescentes y adultos jóvenes. El análisis comienza con una revisión del consumo de medios y se pregunta acerca de como la acción del uso combinado de medios de comunicación se convierte en parte de la vida diaria de los adolescentes utilizando el caso de Música TV y el internet. SCHUEGRAF intenta estudiar el comportamiento de los adolescentes y los adultos jóvenes a la luz del uso de la relación entre medios y cultura. El análisis se basa en entrevistas enfocadas y observación de los patrones de navegación en internet. Los patrones de interacción y navegación de los adultos jóvenes son usados para explicar el desarrollo de su "yo". Al fusionar dos tradiciones de investigación, el autor arroja nueva luz sobre el tema de la convergencia del uso de medios de comunicación en adolescentes y adultos jóvenes.

Of Illegitimacy -- The HDR consists of three volumes. The first one is a report on the work carried out over the last fifteen years which gives its title to the set, Of Illegitimacy (Volume 1, 124 p.). It proposes an epistemological reflection on a research career, on reflexivity and the social science perspective from several research themes : the anthropological history of Palestinian refugees; gender, body and affects; secular and religious feminisms in Arab and Muslim societies; images and regimes of visibility and invisibility; borders, confinement and mobility in Israeli-Palestinian spaces; prison in Israel/Palestine; the challenges of narrative in the social sciences and post-disciplinarity around documentary cinema; engagement and alternative citizenships in Palestine and the Middle East. The issue of illegitimacy is at the core of this analysis. It deals with illegitimacy as an approach and with the illegitimate ones, those who are out of frame. It sets out the contours of an epistemology of illegitimacy constructed from a radical feminist positioning and a cinematographic epistemology.The second volume is an original manuscript, The Prison Web. A History of Imprisonment in Palestine (504 p., forthcoming), and finally the third one is a a selection of articles and works (624 p.).Since 1967, in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, incarceration in Israeli prisons has strongly impacted personal experiences and collective history. Massive arrests for political reasons have over time created a Prison web. A Prison web that is as much reality as it is virtuality: a possibility of imprisonment, a suspension without contours. It is both visible and always out of frame. It stands as an uncertainty. The penal practices applied to Palestinians residing in the Occupied Territories are decisive control mechanisms that contribute to a bordering system that is anchored on a specific mobility regime. They are part of the management of the nation's borders. Such borders are non-linear, have multiplied, are partly dematerialized, mobile and networked. At the same time, they are individualized and endless. Node and nucleus of the rhizome of control, the prison is not an isolate. Because of the porosity between the Inside and the Outside of the prison facilities, it is a key place to analyze the political processes and mobilizations in Palestine, and the prison citizenships that are developed there. The effects of this intertwining of Inside and Outside extend not only to the community of prisoners and former prisoners, but also to partisan and activist circles, to society, to Palestinian communities in the West Bank, Jerusalem, Gaza and Israel, and to the inhabitants of the occupied Golan Heights. Over time, this porosity has melted the Inside and Outside into a shared prison ethos. The Prison web has captured territorial and relational space, bodies and minds. This text addresses the borders between these spaces. It analyzes the relations, the interconnections between the Inside and the Outside. It deals with the prison subjectivities from 1967 onwards, through generations of inmates. The omnipresence of the prison has strongly influenced subjectivities in the Territories. As a socialization process, prison is incorporated. It affects deeply gender relations, masculinities, feminities and personal experiences. For some, it is an endless place whose hold lasts post-mortem. ; Ce dossier de HDR est composé de trois volumes. Le mémoire de synthèse, L'illégitime (Volume 1,124 p.) donne son titre à l'ensemble. Autour de la question de l'illégitime comme trame, comme approche, et des illégitimes - celles et ceux qui se trouvent hors-champ - comme sujets, ce texte propose une réflexion épistémologique sur un parcours et sur le point de vue à partir de grands thèmes de recherche : l'histoire anthropologique des réfugié·es palestiniens ; le genre, le corps et les affects ; les féminismes, séculiers et religieux, dans les sociétés arabes et musulmanes ; les images et les régimes de visibilité et d'invisibilité ; les frontières, l'enfermement et les mobilités dans les espaces israélo-palestiniens ; le carcéral en Israël/Palestine ; les enjeux de la narration en sciences sociales et de la post-disciplinarité autour du cinéma documentaire ; l'engagement et les citoyennetés alternatives en Palestine et au Moyen-Orient. Il pose les contours d'une épistémologie de l'illégitime construite à partir d'un positionnement féministe radical et d'une épistémologie cinématographique. Le manuscrit original La toile carcérale. Une histoire de l'enfermement en Palestine compose le Volume 2 (504 p, en cours de publication), et une sélection d'articles et travaux le Volume 3 (624 p.).Dans les Territoires palestiniens, depuis l'occupation de 1967, le passage par les prisons israéliennes a marqué les histoires personnelles et collective. Les arrestations et les incarcérations massives pour des motifs d'ordre politique ont au fil du temps installé une toile carcérale. Une toile carcérale qui est tout autant réalité que virtualité : une possibilité d'emprisonner, une suspension sans contours, à la fois visible et toujours hors-champ, une incertitude. Les pratiques pénales appliquées aux Palestiniens résidents des Territoires occupés sont des dispositifs de contrôle déterminants qui contribuent à un système frontalier (bordering system) qui s'ancre sur un régime de mobilité spécifique. Elles participent de la gestion des frontières de la nation : des frontières non-linéaires, qui se sont multipliées, sont en partie dématérialisées, mobiles et réticulaires (networked) et, dans le même temps, individualisées et sans fin. Nœud et noyau du rhizome de contrôle, la prison n'est pas un isolat. En raison de la porosité entre l'intérieur et l'extérieur des facilités carcérales, entre Dedans et Dehors, elle est un lieu clef pour analyser les processus politiques et les mobilisations en Palestine, à partir des citoyennetés carcérales qui s'y élaborent. Les effets de cette imbrication entre Dedans et Dehors s'étendent non seulement à la communauté des prisonnières, des prisonniers et des anciens détenu·es mais aussi aux milieux partisans et militants, à la société, aux communautés palestiniennes de Cisjordanie, de Jérusalem, de Gaza et d'Israël, aux habitants du Golan occupé. Avec le temps, cette porosité a fondu le Dedans et le Dehors dans un ethos carcéral partagé. La toile a capté l'espace territorial, relationnel, les corps et les têtes. Ce texte se situe dans l'entre-deux entre Dedans et Dehors, à la frontière entre ces espaces. Il analyse les relations, les interconnexions entre le Dedans et le Dehors, les subjectivités carcérales de 1967 à aujourd'hui, à travers les générations carcérales qui se sont succédé. L'omniprésence de la prison a fortement agi sur les subjectivités dans les Territoires. Mode de socialisation, la prison est aussi incorporée. Elle a eu des effets profonds sur les relations de genre, les masculinités, les féminités, et sur les vécus personnels. Elle est, pour certains, un lieu sans fin dont l'emprise perdure post-mortem.

Elba Rosario Sánchez was born 1949 in Atemajac, Mexico, a small town near Guadalajara. She is the oldest of three girls. Her father worked in the cotton mill until an accident injured one of his eyes. The accident sent him to the United States in search of work, first to Chicago, where the family had relatives, and then to San Francisco, where he worked as a bus boy at the Fairmount Hotel. After about eighteen months, he brought his family to San Francisco in 1960, where they lived at Divisidero and Pine, in a Black neighborhood. At the neighborhood elementary school, Elba was one of very few non-Black children; ironically, even as she struggled to adapt to a white-dominated country, in the racial definitions of that time she was considered white. She learned English quickly, and soon became the translator for her family. Within a few years of her arrival, the social movements of the 1960s altered the national landscape. Witnessing the brutal repression of Black civil rights protestors on television was formative for Sánchez's growing political consciousness and her eventual activism as a young supporter of the United Farm Workers movement. Her early activism with the United Farm Workers boycott on grapes was impressive, particularly since her family did not approve of her protest. This activism grew intertwined with her passion for writing and for language. In the oral history, Elba vividly recalls that her first pieces of poetry were written on small pieces of paper that she then crumpled up and hid in a drawer. Her first poem, "The Price of Color," was published in her parochial high school's yearbook. After graduation, Sánchez attended San Francisco City College. There she was inspired by the Chicano activist spirit of several classmates who had been taking courses at San Francisco State College, where the student protests had shut the campus down. But after a semester and a half she dropped out of college to marry and have a child. In the late 1970s, Sánchez and her husband relocated to Santa Cruz so that her husband could attend UC Santa Cruz. Sánchez became a bilingual counseling aide at Santa Cruz High School. In search of UCSC students who could serve as English tutors at Santa Cruz High, Sánchez met Paco Ramirez, a lecturer in Spanish who coordinated the tutorial program at Stevenson College and Paul Lubeck, a professor in sociology. Both encouraged her to return to college and finish her B.A., which she did, graduating in Latin American studies from Merrill College. At UCSC, Sánchez was a nontraditional student who lived off campus with her husband and her three-year-old child. This experience, plus the class and cultural differences between her and the mostly white middle-class student body of UCSC at that time, led to feelings of alienation and isolation. Professor Roberto Crespi, Sánchez's advisor in Latin American studies, encouraged her to go on to graduate school in literature at UCSC, which she did, earning her MA from UCSC. Crespi was one of very few Latino professors at UCSC in the early years of the campus. He was also one of the founders, with J. Herman Blake, of Oakes College. In 1979, Crespi also hired Sánchez as a tutor in the Spanish for Spanish Speakers Program (SPSS), which he had founded, and which was then only in its second year. Sánchez spent the next fifteen years teaching in, coordinating, and directing the multidisciplinary Spanish for Speakers Program. This pioneering, cutting-edge program, incorporated poetry readings, theatrical performances, cultural nights, political discussions, visual arts exhibitions, and small press publishing into its curriculum. Students studied Latin American history and literature in SPSS courses, and honed critical thinking, speaking, translation, and writing skills. Sánchez credits SPSS for higher levels of retention of Latino students at UCSC, and also for the successful careers of many of those students after graduation. Also while at UCSC, Sánchez was one of the founding and primary editors of REVISTA MUJERES, a bilingual literary and visual arts journal published at UC Santa Cruz from January 1984 to 1993. According to their mission statement, "REVISTA MUJERES: In Our Words and Work, Our Vision," REVISTA was dedicated to interviews, poetry, essays, as well as visual art work and set a page in the history, struggles, and contributions of Chicana and Latina undergraduate and graduate students, staff, and faculty members…REVISTA was also envisioned and produced as a response to the lack of access in mainstream publications for Chicana/Latina bilingual, budding as well as experienced writers, whose work was unpublished. Its aim was to promote and encourage a community of writers and artists, to plant a seed of reality and creativity. Sánchez's commitment to honor the Spanish language, teach Latin American history, and to offer a keen critique of colonization is part of her legacy on the UC Santa Cruz campus. This commitment was particularly evident in her fervent dedication to SSSP and the co-production of Revista Mujeres. In her oral history, Sánchez describes the organizational work that went into funding, editing, producing, and distributing this groundbreaking journal, which was distributed far beyond UCSC and was the first of its kind published in the state of California. Sánchez locates REVISTA in a cultural effervescence of Chicano-Latino writing and publishing in the 1980s and 1990s. Sánchez recalls that at the time of her earliest publications, there were very few Chicana and Chicano writers who were published. Sánchez's own development as a writer flourished during that cultural flowering. She participated in a bilingual writer's workshop in San Francisco with several other key Chicana and Chicano writers. She is the author or coauthor of several books of poetry including Tallos de luna /Moon Shots (Moving Parts Press, 1992), From Silence to Howl (Moving Parts Press, 1993) and is a contributor to many anthologies, including Chicana Feminisms: A Critical Reader (Duke University Press, 2003), Making Face, Making Soul/Haciendo Caras: Creative and Critical Perspectives by Feminists of Color (Aunt Lute Books, 1990). She continues to write and is currently working on flash fiction and children's books. Elba Sánchez was interviewed in three sessions by Susy Zepeda in several locations in the East Bay of the San Francisco Bay Area. The interviews took place on February 8, 2013, March 1, 2013, and April 5, 2013. The interviews were transcribed by Irene Reti and a transcript was returned both to Zepeda, who audited it for accuracy of transcription, and Sánchez, who edited it for flow and accuracy, corrected the Spanish. Both Zepeda and Sánchez added some footnotes. We chose not to italicize the Spanish in the transcript, a political decision that recognizes that italics can "other" Spanish words as "foreign," or non-normative. This is a style preferred by many Latino/a writers today. It was an honor and a pleasure to interview Elba Sánchez. Her storytelling was full of heart, joy, and animation. Her oral history offers a sense of her strength, vision, and dedication to forms of resistance.

The article draws on the interrelations of manifestation, representation, and distribution on the basis of historical examples, cases of "Femen" and "Pussy Riot", and the analysis of actions of the art groups "Voina" and "Zmena". The paper maintains that contemporary persuasion is based on the political economy of images rather than on the semiotics and psychoanalysis of images. The creation, reproduction, and distribution of popular images as well as political ones depends more on the market needs and art/science of marketing than on power and representation. Monopolies and corporations of the media could dictate the content of representations and define consumption in the period of analogous paper media, as G. Debord wrote about it. However, multichannel and self-organising informational networks are based not on the dictat of the propaganda or commercial spectacle, but on the semi-free social distributions and creative consumption. Besides, the contemporary semantic value and the significance of public icons depend equally on the form and process of dissemination as well as on the artistic, original content. This means that the circulation of images and the accumulation of symbolical and, as a consequence, financial capital doesn't necessarily demand a special artistic value or developed aesthetic characteristics. Diminishing of artistry and targeting of protest actions in order to satisfy the desire of consumers are combined with both civic and commercial objectives. The synergy of civic and consumer interests, political activism and consumption in the media characterizes the contemporary political consciousness. Deterioration of art to the elementary street or labour art, adjustment of visuality in order to supply policy requirements and social networking needs blends with the growth of influence of digital technologies, the social and commercial distribution of reportages. The desire to watch the inspirational art as well as the political visions is supported and satisfied by the production and reproduction of special political events.The article considers two cases: the Ukrainian semi-commercial movement "Femen" and non-commercial art activists as well as the punck rock band "Pussy Riot" as two possible tactics in the contemporary protest movement. The aim of the article is to analyse various possibilities for protest art tactics in the contemporary media. The social movement "Femen", its sexism and declarative feminism, its conspicuous activism are an example of manufacturing protest events for political and commercial purposes, for consolidating the interests of corporative capital and civic society. On the contrary, "Pussy Riot" demonstrates manifestations independent of the corporative capital. They are very anarchistic and develop the protest street art. However, the problems of the distribution of art production involved the band into an active participation in the social media and into the creation of independent, communal circles of the circulation of images.Intentions of civic-consumer consciousness directly depend on the content of messages, artistic images and the possible euphoria affects that were disseminated in the digital internet spaces. It is the reason to re-evaluate the interrelations among their manifestation, representation, and distribution in the contemporary social media. The contemporary market oriented to the distribution dictates the demands for the reproduction of representations as also in the new media. If the propaganda is based only on the mass production of messages, its information is ineffective and doesn't correspond on the logic of the contemporary market research and control, on the process of visuality consumption. The stories about the popularization of the art groups "Voina", "Zmena" and especially "Pussy Riot" are examples of a well organized artistic protest in the political field and on the political arena with a different dependence on commercial corporations. Their activities cover the spheres of artistic manifestations, the digital market of the distribution and production of consumers' desires and euphoria. The distribution of protest art goes on in the civic political field, and the growth of the protest movement means the development of demands for protest art production. Creative and informational industries seek to delay mass euphoria and then to keep it in order to exploit the enthusiasm and energy of masses for commercial purposes. The purpose of visible and invisible industries is the accumulation of various forms of capital, but not specific moral or political ideals. Critical thinking and political leadership correspond to different narratives of visual scene and the logic of the mass distribution of the visible. Critical thinking and political leadership need artistic experiments in the streets and in the media as models for political behaviour and demands. Artistic examples help to create the diversity of political manifestations and representations, the multiplicity of the political field. The Ukrainian, Russian, Belorussian modern political protests use different tactics from semi-conformism with the official power up to the antagonistic negation of the government, from the semi-commercial "Femen" and its collaboration with the corporate media up to the completely autonomous and anarchistic "Pussy Riot". I think that all forms of artistic activism are acceptable for the development of free civic society, but they demand a critical perception and development. ; Straipsnyje, remiantis istoriniais pavyzdžiais, protesto grupių Femen ir Pussy Riot atvejais, meno grupių Voina ir Zmena veiklos analize, kalba­ma apie vaizdingų pranešimų manifestacijos, reprezentacijos ir skaitmeninio paskirstymo santykį. Meniškumo mažėjimas ir protesto akcijų rengimas sie­kiant bent iš dalies patenkinti politikos vartotojų geismus ir iš jų kylančius poreikius šiandien derinamas su pilietiniais ir komerciniais siekiniais vienu metu. Meniškumo supaprastėjimas iki elementaraus gatvės, darbininkiško meno, iki populiarių vaizdų pasiūlos, kuri kartu tenkina ir politikos paklau­są socialiniuose tinkluose, dera su didėjančia skaitmeninių technologijų ir pranešimų sklaida. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad ne tiek komunikaciniai veiks­mai, kaip manė J. Habermasas, kiek komercinis ir politinis juslumo ir este­zio paskirstymas – tai aprašė J. Ranciere'as, bei menamai laisvas vartojimas veikia vartotojiškas-pilietines nuostatas. Naujasis komunikacinis, vartotojiš­kas-pilietinis sąmoningumas priklauso nuo skaitmeninėje erdvėje platinamų turinio, kalbos, sukeliamos euforijos, kurią šiuolaikinės kūrybinės ir infor­macinės industrijos išlaiko, reprodukuoja komerciniais tikslais, o ne norėda­mas atitikti specifinius moralinius ar politinius idealus. Tuo galima paaiškinti Femen iš dalies antifeministinį elgesį, nuolatinį apsinuoginimą, komercinį bendradarbiavimą, kuris lemia pilietinį pasirinkimą. Kritinis mąstymas ir lyderystė masinio paskirstymo ir vartojimo atveju yra ne vieno ideologinio naratyvo išpažinimas ir kitų atmetimas, o keleto skirtingų pasakojimų ar vi­zualių siužetų atitikimas. Taip yra sukuriama laisvės, kritiškumo, revoliu­cingumo iliuzija. Kaip priešybė paskirstomajai-spektakliškai manipuliacijai nagrinėjami performatyvaus išcentrinimo ir skaitmeninio kūrybinio situacio­nizmo veiksmai, kuriuos iš dalies atitinka Pussy Riot atvejis. Vis dėlto Voina ir Zmena meno grupių veiklos analizė rodo, kad nekomercinis protestas, be kryptingo informacijos paskirstymo ir sąveikos su masine paklausa elektro­niniuose tinkluose, yra mažai efektyvus. Todėl straipsnio pabaigoje aptaria­ma pasipriešinimo taktika, apie kurią kalbėjo situacionistai (G. Debord'as, R. Vaneigeimas) ar postsituacionistai (J. Boudrillard'as), šiuolaikinio pa­skirstymo kritikai (J. Ranciere'as). Straipsnyje diskutuojama apie kūrybinių situacijų sudarymą ir nekomerciškumą naudojantis skaitmeninėmis erdvėmis ir komercinio paskirstymo analogais.

Dass man mit Tieren gut denken könne, behauptete Claude Lévi-Strauss 1962 in Le totémisme aujourd'hui (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, S. 128) und entlarvte damit in seinem bahnbrechenden strukturalistischen Text den Totemismus als eine Fiktion, die, indem sie einer universellen klassifikatorischen Logik gehorcht, die Konstruktion des Verhältnisses von Kultur und Natur erst ermöglichte. In ihrer inhaltlich und wissenschaftspolitisch neue Maßstäbe setzenden Publikation greifen die beiden Herausgeberinnen und der Herausgeber – Anikó Imre, Timothy Havens und Katalin Lustyik – Lévi-Strauss' Pioniergeist und das Zitat auf, um es sich folgendermaßen anzueignen: "It would seem that old television is, to appropriate Lévi Strauss's now famous quote, good to remember with" (S. 5). Die Analyse televisueller Programme und Ästhetiken aus dem osteuropäischen Raum, die Erinnerungsmodi der sozialistischen Vergangenheit befeuern und teilweise selbst generieren, steht daher auch im Zentrum von Popular Television in Eastern Europe During and Since Socialism. Auffällig an den untersuchten Fernsehprogrammen ist das Aufgreifen sozialistischer TV-Formate ('old television'), die in der Auseinandersetzung mit der Vergangenheit sowie hinsichtlich der Neubildung postsozialistischer Identitäten eine wesentliche Rolle übernehmen. Sozialistische Fernsehfilme und Serien, Animationsfilme für Kinder und Jugendliche, sogar Werbeeinspielungen, so Imre, Havens und Lustyik in der Einleitung, "have re-appeared on local programming since 1989 as an irreplacable source of national and regional memory and identity and have also inspired serious historical and critical scholarship" (S. 3). Anikó Imre (University of Southern California, School of Cinematic Arts) hat in den letzten zehn Jahren in den Bereichen der feministischen Film- und Fernsehwissenschaft sowie der Osteuropa Studien herausragende Publikationen vorgelegt. In Transnational Feminism in Film and Media (2005), East European Cinemas (2007), Identity Games. Globalization and the Transformation of Media Cultures in the New Europe (2009) hat sie eindringlich gezeigt, welche Herausforderungen die postsozialistische Ära für eine transnationale (und feministische) Film- und Medienwissenschaft bereithält. Nun reicht sie gemeinsam mit Timothy Havens (University of Iowa, Communication Studies) und Katalin Lustyik (Ithaca College, Faculty Television-Radio) eine weitere Publikation zu diesem Themenkomplex nach und reagiert damit auf die "Western centric perspective" (S. 2) der europäischen Fernsehwissenschaft, die auch in der aktuell vorliegenden Publikationen mit 'europäischem' Fernsehen vor allem 'westeuropäisches' Fernsehen meint. Osteuropäische Fernsehwissenschaft erfolgt aber nicht nur an den Rändern der internationalen Fernsehwissenschaft, sondern sie nimmt auch innerhalb der osteuropäischen Medienwissenschaft, deren Fragestellungen sich vorwiegend den Printmedien, dem Journalismus und dem demokratischen Gemeindeleben widmen, einen marginalen Platz ein (vgl. S. 1). Popular Television in Eastern Europe During and Since Socialism schreibt sich in einen westeuropäischen Theorie- und Forschungskontext der Fernsehwissenschaft ein, den es gleichzeitig kritisch reflektiert (vgl. S. 1) und schlägt Analysen von Fernsehsendungen vor, die sich stark an fernsehwissenschaftlichen Konzepten und Theorien der Cultural Studies, der Memory Studies und des Audience Research orientieren. Erklärtes Ziel der Anthologie ist es, "to bring popular culture into Eastern European studies, to highlight the relevance of Eastern European realities in the study of globalization, and to de-Westernize television and media studies" (S. 9). Für die Unterrepräsentation osteuropäischer Thematiken in der internationalen Fernsehwissenschaft führen Imre, Havens und Lustyik gleich mehrere Gründe an. Als Folge eines fortbestehenden ideologischen und disziplinären Erbes des Kalten Krieges wurde osteuropäisches Fernsehen als populärkulturelles (und staatlich kontrolliertes) Medium lange nicht ernst genommen. Weder westeuropäische Forscherinnen und Forscher noch osteuropäische Filmemacher oder Autoren (hier vor allem Männer) interessierten sich für das Fernsehen. Letztere, weil sie ihren politischen Auftrag in der Herstellung politisch subversiver kinematographischer und literarischer Arbeit sahen, die sich in der europäischen Hochkultur verortet. Aber auch das intime Verhältnis des Mediums zu nationalen Sprachen und Kulturen stellt ein Hindernis dar, das Non-Natives den Zugang zu den Programmen erschwert (vgl. S. 3). Für den Zusammenhang von osteuropäischer Geschichte und Identität ist das Fernsehen aber ebenso zentral wie umgekehrt die Untersuchungen osteuropäischer Fernsehkulturen fernsehwissenschaftliche Forschung insgesamt vorantreiben könnten. Die auf dem Gebiet des postsozialistischen Fernsehens erfolgenden Transformationen seit dem Fall des Kommunismus bieten nämlich in besonderem Maße die Möglichkeit, die Funktionsweisen televisueller Technologien zu untersuchen. Die Entwicklung von staatlich kontrollierten Rundfunksystemen, die nationale, regionale und stark gefilterte westliche Programme ausstrahlten, hin zu 'transnationalen Multiplattformen', die vor allem amerikanische und westeuropäische Unterhaltungsprogramme senden, "provide[s] opportunities to examine the complex interactions among economic and funding systems, regulatory policies, globalization, imperialism, popular culture and cultural identity" (S. 2). Ausgehend von der Prämisse, dass die Episteme der Fernsehwissenschaft – 'Identität', 'Repräsentation', 'kulturelle Macht', 'populäre Form', die Bedeutung der Institutionen – für das Verständnis osteuropäischer Kultur hochrelevant sind, versammeln die Herausgeberinnen und der Herausgeber vierzehn Beiträge von Forscherinnen und Forschern aus Budapest, Groningen, Halle, Ljubljana, Prag, Salzburg und von acht Universitäten in Großbritannien und den USA, die darlegen, wie "national identity, nostalgia, globalization, local production and minority popular culture are articulated in Eastern European television culture in ways that differ significantly from Western European or Anglophone television cultures" (S. 3). Popular Television in Eastern Europe During and Since Socialism ist in drei thematische Teile unterteilt. Im ersten Teil "Popular Television in Socialist Times" finden sich fünf Beiträge über das Fernsehen in der Ära des Sozialismus mit Fallbeispielen aus Rumänien, Polen und der DDR; im zweiten Teil, "Commercial Globalization and Eastern European TV", geht es in vier Beiträgen um den Einfluss von Globalisierung und Liberalisierung der Märkte auf die Repräsentationen nationaler Identitäten mit Fallbeispielen aus Polen, Rumänien, Tschechien, Ungarn und der Slowakei; im dritten Teil, "Television and National Identity on Europe's Edges", steht der Nexus von Fernsehen und nationaler Identität im Zentrum der analytischen Bemühungen von fünf Beiträgen mit Fallbeispielen aus Rumänien, Slowenien, Tschechien, Ungarn. Obwohl die Autorinnen und Autoren des Bandes die Unterschiede der soziopolitischen Veränderungen in den Ländern des ehemaligen Ostblocks berücksichtigen, sind der transnationale Zugang und die Bezeichnung der Region als 'Osteuropa' programmatisch zu verstehen. Der Aspekt der "intricate regional and transnational connections and interwoven television cultures" (S. 5f.) wurde bisher in der Osteuropaforschung vernachlässigt. Traditionell folgten Forscherinnen und Forscher geographischen sowie disziplinären Unterteilungen und fokussierten vor allem auf die Eigenheiten der osteuropäischen Kinematographien. Damit spielten sie aber auch einer sowjetischen Politik in die Hände, die kontinuierlich damit beschäftigt war, die Differenzen zwischen den Satellitenstaaten überdimensional darzustellen. Als ein Medium, das Erinnerungsdiskurse im osteuropäischen Raum maßgeblich (mit-)gestaltet, generiert das Fernsehen Räume, in denen sozialistische Vergangenheit und der traumatische oder nostalgische Umgang damit vermittelt und diskutiert, verhandelt und verarbeitet werden. Im Zentrum des Sammelbandes steht so das Dispositiv Fernsehen als ein Instrument der Erinnerung, das zur Aufarbeitung der sozialistischen Vergangenheit und zum Verständnis der Funktionsweisen des 'kulturellen Gedächtnisses' maßgeblich beiträgt. "Spanning decades and nations, the scholarship […] on television and cultural memory in Eastern Europe not only adds to the ongoing theorization of post-communist nostalgia and trauma, but also makes a powerful case for the centrality of popular television in the production, continuation and study of cultural memory" (S. 5). Es ist wohl zutreffend zu behaupten, dass das Fernsehen mit seinen Angeboten der Vergangenheitsbewältigung in einigen Ländern des ehemaligen Ostblocks ein Versäumnis postsozialistischer Politik nachholt. Dies trifft beispielsweise auf den Fall Tschechiens zu, wo die öffentliche Diskussion aufgrund einer nach 1989 von öffentlicher Seite sehr stark vorangetriebenen 'Entkommunisierung' (Françoise Mayer), die mit einer völligen Tabuisierung der kommunistischen Vergangenheit einherging, noch am Anfang steht. Ähnlich tabuisiert ist seit dem Fall des Kommunismus die Frage, wie sich ethnische Minderheiten und speziell die Roma-Bevölkerungen in Osteuropa, in das nationale Imaginäre integrieren (lassen). Das Fernsehen spielt hier eine Schlüsselrolle, wie die Beiträge von Annabel Tremlett und Ksenija Vidmar-Horvat aufzeigen. Aus der Lektüre des hochinformativen Bandes ergibt sich ein Paradox, das ich hier als kritisches Moment zwar kurz anführen, aber gleichzeitig mit dem Hinweis versehen möchte, dass es die Diskussion über die televisuellen Kulturen der Region befruchten und weiter vorantreiben könnte. In einigen Beiträgen der Anthologie wird einerseits die Differenz zwischen aktuellem west- und osteuropäischen Fernsehen dekonstruiert, deren Konstruktion zuallererst einer westlichen Perspektive auf den Forschungsgegenstand zugeschrieben wird. Andererseits ist aber auch die Rede von der Dominanz westeuropäischer (hier auch US-amerikanischer) Fernsehformate und von der 'Entfremdung' von der "idealized, local past" (S. 7), die wenngleich als idealisiert bezeichnet, dennoch positiv konnotiert ist. Der Einfluss westeuropäischer Programme und TV-Formate auf osteuropäische TV-Produktionen wird also zum einen als transnationales Phänomen einer sich gegenseitig befruchtenden, gleichberechtigten globalen Fernsehlandschaft hervorgehoben. Zum anderen werden in der Rede von innereuropäischem Medienimperialismus (zurecht) Aspekte von Hegemonie und von Macht adressiert, die die Differenz von west- und osteuropäischem Fernsehen aktualisieren. In ihrem Artikel "Intra-European Media Imperialism: Hungarian Program Imports and the Television Without Frontiers Directive" zeigen Timothy Havens, Evelyn Bottando und Matthew S. Thatcher beispielsweise, dass Importe aus dem Westen in das ungarische Fernsehen vom wirtschaftspolitischen Versuch herrühren, Osteuropa zu rekolonialisieren. Adina Schneeweis bespricht in ihrem Beitrag "To Be Romanian in Post-Communist Romania: Entertainment Television and Patriotism in Popular Discourse" die rumänische Serie Garantat 100 %, die aus der Sicht der Autorin zwischen der Aneignung von westlichen Idealen und dem Rückzug in eine idealisierte, lokale Vergangenheit oszilliert. Möglicherweise liegt eine Annäherung an die Problematik des Widerspruchs in der konzeptuellen Fassung des Fernsehens als Schauplatz von Mikropolitiken[1], der die Zuschauerinnen und Zuschauer als am Dispositiv Fernsehen Partizipierende begreift. Der Text von Irena Carpentier Reifová, Katerina Gillarova und Radim Hladik mit dem Titel "The Way We Applauded. How Popular Culture Stimulates Collective Memory of the Socialist Past in Czechoslovakia – The Case of the Television Serial Vypravej and its Viewers" scheint mir diesbezüglich richtungsweisend. In ihrem auf empirischen Daten aus Zuschauerbefragungen beruhenden Beitrag beanstanden die Autorinnen und der Autor, dass die im Rahmen der Memory Studies erfolgte Forschung bisher noch keine schlüssige Analyse der "principles of commemoration, remembering and forgetting" anzubieten hätte, "that help post-socialist Europe make sense of the state-socialist experience" (S. 200). Die Frage, die sie anhand der Zuschauerbefragungen beantworten möchten, ist jene, wie das Fernsehprogramm in die Herstellung postsozialistischer Identität interveniert. Anstatt allerdings einseitige Diagnosen zu stellen, die in miteinander konkurrierenden Erinnerungsgenres wie Nostalgie, Trauma oder Amnesie festgeschrieben sind, leiten Carpentier Reiferová, Gillarova und Hladik aus ihrer qualitativen Analyse ab, dass sich diese Konzepte vielmehr gegenseitig bedingen und "diskursiv koexistieren" (S. 200). Abgesehen von ihrer unanfechtbaren wissenschaftspolitischen Bedeutung innerhalb einer neu perspektivierten europäischen Fernsehwissenschaft sei die Anthologie Popular Television in Eastern Europe During and Since Socialism auch als höchst spannendes und breit gefächertes Nachschlagewerk für aktuelle Fernsehproduktionen aus dem osteuropäischen Raum empfohlen. --- [1] Andrea Seier: Mikropolitiken der Medien. Mediale Praktiken der Selbstführung. (Habilitationsschrift, eingereicht an der Universität Wien im März 2013, erscheint 2014 im LIT Verlag).

Abortion Care as Moral Work brings together the voices of abortion providers, abortion counselors, clinic owners, neonatologists, bioethicists, and historians to discuss how and why providing abortion care is moral work. The collection offers voices not usually heard as clinicians talk about their work and their thoughts about life and death. In four subsections--Providers, Clinics, Conscience, and The Fetus--the contributions in this anthology explore the historical context and present-day challenges to the delivery of abortion care. Contributing authors address the motivations that lead abortion providers to offer abortion care, discuss the ways in which anti-abortion regulations have made it increasingly difficult to offer feminist-inspired services, and ponder the status of the fetus and the ethical frameworks supporting abortion care and fetal research. Together these essays provide a feminist moral foundation to reassert that abortion care is moral work

This Discussion Paper will examine the 2018 City Life Survey (CLS) data through a gender lens focusing on three key topics: the triple burden, agency and influence, and employment. The paper will analyze how the 2018 CLS data challenges or complements other research on gender issues in Myanmar, highlighting the ways in which the triple burden limits gender equality and participation in public life and the ways in which city infrastructure for example could address such barriers.

This is the first country operations business plan (COBP) under the country partnership strategy (CPS), 2020–2024 of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) for Indonesia. Against the backdrop of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, the lending assistance for 2021–2023 supports the overall goal of the CPS: achieving inclusive, competitive, and sustainable development in Indonesia. The goal will be achieved through three strategic pathways: (i) improving well-being, (ii) accelerating economic recovery, and (iii) strengthening resilience. This COBP is also aligned with the government's National Medium-Term Development Plan (RPJMN), 2020–2024. 2. The COBP reflects an expanding country program that focuses on five of the seven operational priorities of ADB's Strategy 20302—(i) tackling climate change and disaster risk and enhancing environmental sustainability; (ii) addressing remaining poverty and inequality; (iii) making cities more livable; (iv) strengthening governance and institutions; and (v) promoting rural development and food security. The other two priorities—accelerating gender equality and fostering regional cooperation and integration—will be mainstreamed across projects in the lending pipeline. ADB will explore opportunities for nonsovereign investments as well as public–private partnership options through transaction advisory services. The country assistance results areas are shown in Appendix 1, and the portfolio performance indicators are in Appendix 2.

Existing literature has documented a significant gender gap in various sectors including health, labour market opportunities, education and political representation in India. The objective of this compendium is to move the gender policy focus towards the underlying trends and causes of these gender gaps. In particular, we highlight three areas of interaction of gender inequality with modern Indian society. The first three essays in this book explore the relationship between gender and electoral politics including women as voters, as candidates and as agents of change. The second part of the compendium includes essays on gender inequality in opportunities through labour market and education. Within the education space, we particularly analyse the area of science and higher education within India. The final chapter in the compendium focuses on street children, particularly girls, as a very vulnerable section with multiple risk factors at play. Each essay makes specific policy recommendations to alleviate gender inequality within a heighted area.