Suchergebnisse

"Wenn über das Grundsätzliche keine Einigkeit besteht, ist es sinnlos, miteinander Pläne zu schmieden." – Konfuzius (551-479 v.Chr.).Der grundsätzliche universelle Geltungsanspruch der Menschenrechte besagt, dass die Menschenrechte jedem Menschen auf der Welt zustehen. Die Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte aus dem Jahr 1948 drückt das folgendermaßen aus: "Jeder hat Anspruch auf alle in dieser Erklärung verkündeten Rechte und Freiheiten, ohne irgendeinen Unterschied, etwa nach Rasse, Hautfarbe, Geschlecht, Sprache, Religion, politischer oder sonstiger Anschauung, nationaler oder sozialer Herkunft, Vermögen, Geburt oder sonstigem Stand […]" (UN-Vollversammlung 1948, Artikel 2). Jedoch ist dieser universelle Geltungsanspruch der Menschenrechte in der Realität häufig noch ein Ideal. Mit der Deklaration von Bangkok, die einige südostasiatische Staaten Anfang der 1990er Jahre unterzeichneten, wurde er sogar explizit in Frage gestellt. Was ist die Sichtweise dieser südostasiatischen Staaten auf die Universalität der Menschenrechte und wie begründen sie diese? Wie könnten Perspektiven für einen interkulturellen Menschenrechtsdialog aussehen? 
In diesem Beitrag werden die Menschenrechte durch eine Definition und einen Abschnitt zur Geschichte kurz vorgestellt. Anschließend wird die Debatte um Universalität und (Kultur-)Relativismus erläutert, welche überleitet zur "asiatischen Perspektive" auf die Menschenrechte und zu den "asiatischen Werten". Abschließend werden die Kritik und Perspektiven für einen interkulturellen Dialog aufgegriffen.Menschenrechte – eine Definition

Zerstörung, Elend, menschliches Leid und der Völkermord an den europäischen Juden führten in "dramatischer Weise die Notwendigkeit eines wirksamen Schutzes grundlegender Menschenrechte durch verbindliche internationale Normen und kollektive Mechanismen" vor Augen (Gareis/Varwick 2014, S. 179).


Die Idee, dass jedem Menschen, "unabhängig seines Geschlechts, Alters, seiner Religion oder seiner ethnischen, nationalen, regionalen oder sozialen Herkunft, angeborene und unveräußerliche Rechte zu eigen sind, die sich aus seinem Menschsein ableiten", verfestigte sich und führte am 10. Dezember 1948 zur Allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte (Gareis/Varwick 2014, S. 179).

Erstmals wurde in einem internationalen Dokument festgehalten, dass jedem Menschen wegen "grundlegender Aspekte der menschlichen Person" grundlegende Rechte zugesprochen werden. Diese Rechte sind unveräußerlich und vorstaatlich, was bedeutet, dass der Staat sie nicht vergeben kann, denn jeder Mensch hat sie aufgrund der "biologischen Zugehörigkeit zur menschlichen Gattung" inne (Human Rights 2018). Dem Staat obliegt es, diese Rechte zu schützen.

Menschenrechte besitzen demnach vier Merkmale: Sie sind universell (alle Menschen sind Träger dieser Rechte), egalitär (eine ungleiche Verteilung dieser Rechte ist ausgeschlossen), individuell (der Träger der Menschenrechte ist ein individueller Mensch, keine Gruppe) und kategorial (wer der menschlichen Gattung angehört, besitzt sie automatisch) (vgl. Lohmann 2010, S. 36).

Die Erklärung der Menschenrechte aus dem Jahr 1948 ist keine rechtlich bindende Resolution. Doch auch wenn sie rechtlich nicht bindend ist, hat sie "moralische Wichtigkeit bekommen" (Human Rights 2012). Sie wird dem Gewohnheitsrecht zugeordnet, was bedeutet, dass sie sowohl allgemein anerkannt als auch angewendet und deswegen als verbindlich angesehen wird (vgl.: Human Rights 2012). Sie ist das "weltweit am meisten verbreitete und am meisten übersetzte internationale Dokument" (Gareis/Varwick 2014, S. 179) und dient als Grundlage für zahlreiche Abkommen (vgl. Maier 1997, S. 39).

Juristisch können die Menschenrechte wie folgt definiert werden: "Internationale Menschenrechte sind die durch das internationale Recht garantierten Rechtsansprüche von Personen gegen den Staat oder staatsähnliche Gebilde, die dem Schutz grundlegender Aspekte der menschlichen Person und ihrer Würde in Friedenszeiten und im Krieg dienen" (Human Rights 2012).

Seit 1948 haben sich die Menschenrechte weiterentwickelt, und es hat sich etabliert, von den Menschenrechten in drei Generationen zu sprechen. Zur ersten Generation gehören "die klassischen bürgerlichen und politischen Freiheits- und Beteiligungsrechte" wie das Recht auf Leben, Freiheit und Sicherheit oder das Verbot von Folter (Krennerich 2009). Die zweite Generation der Menschenrechte umfasst wirtschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Menschenrechte, so beispielsweise das Recht auf Bildung, Teilhabe, aber auch auf Freizeit und Erholung. Die dritte Generation der Menschenrechte "bezeichnen allgemeine, noch kaum in Vertragswerken konkretisierte Rechte wie etwa das Recht auf Entwicklung, Frieden oder saubere Umwelt" (Krennerich 2009). Alle drei Generationen "sollten gleichberechtigt nebeneinander bestehen" (Barthel, zitiert nach Hamm 1999, S. 23).

Der Gedanke der angeborenen Rechte, die ein Mensch qua Menschsein besitzt, ist jedoch älter als die Erklärung der Menschenrechte aus dem Jahr 1948 und die Vereinten Nationen selbst. 

Eine kurze Geschichte der Menschenrechte


Der Ursprung der Menschenrechte geht auf das antike Griechenland zurück. Der "revolutionäre Gedanke der Stoiker, der beschreibt, dass alle Menschen gleich sind", wurde durch die im 18. Jahrhundert entstandene Naturrechtslehre weiter gefestigt (vgl.: Müller 2017, 03:06-03:20). Die "überlieferten konkreten Freiheiten der Ständegesellschaft wurden dort in eine allgemeine Freiheit des Menschen umgedacht" (Maier 1997, S. 11). Wegweisend war, dass diese Rechte nun allen Menschen zugesprochen wurden und diese Rechte Ansprüche an den Staat stellten (vgl. Maier, 1997 S. 11f). Denn "[er sollte] nicht tun dürfen, was ihm beliebt, [und] in substantielle Bezirke individueller Freiheit nicht […] eingreifen dürfen" (Maier 1997, S. 12). Als vorstaatliche Rechte kann der Staat diese nur akzeptieren, nicht aber verleihen.

Die Idee der unveräußerlichen Menschenrechte kulminierte schließlich in der Unabhängigkeitserklärung der 13 britischen Kolonien 1776 in Nordamerika (zentrales Dokument: Virginia Bill of Rights) und fand schließlich 1789 in der Französischen Revolution (zentrales Dokument: Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen) in Europa ihren Durchbruch. Diese Dokumente legten den Grundstein für die modernen Menschenrechte, die nun als Grundrechte in zahlreichen Verfassungen verankert sind. Schließlich, im Jahr 1966, wurden die ersten völkerrechtlich bindenden Menschenrechtsabkommen durch die Vereinten Nationen verabschiedet (vgl.: Wagner 2016).

Besonders eindrücklich zeigt die Geschichte der Menschenrechte, dass ihre Idee auf "konkrete Unrechtserfahrungen der Menschen des Okzidents zurückgehen" (Tetzlaff 1998, S. 60). Darauf, nämlich dass die Menschenrechte 'im Westen' ihren Ursprung haben und individualistisch geprägt seien, bezieht sich im Wesentlichen die Kritik an ihnen. Diese Kritik zieht auch in Zweifel, ob die Menschenrechte universell sind. (Kultur-)Relativismus vs. Universalismus

Verfechter des Universalismus verstehen die Menschenrechte als unveräußerliche, angeborene Rechte eines jeden Menschen. "Niemand kann, mit Bezug auf welche Eigenschaft auch immer, von der Trägerschaft ausgeschlossen werden" (Lohmann 2010, S. 37). Ausgeschlossen ist hierbei auch die "ungleiche Verteilung" der Rechte (vgl. Lohmann 2010, S. 37). So muss der Staat seinen Pflichten nachkommen und für die Einhaltung, Wahrung und Durchsetzung der Menschenrechte sorgen. 

Jedoch werden die Menschenrechte, wie sie 1948 verabschiedet wurden, in ihrem universellen Gültigkeitsanspruch von vielen Ländern und Kulturen auf der Welt nicht akzeptiert. Der (Kultur-) Relativismus in seiner extremen Form sieht die Menschenrechte als nicht vollständig übertragbar und "nur relativ zu einem bestimmten Kultursystem 'begründbar'" (Lohmann 2009). Manche Staaten gehen sogar so weit und verstehen die Menschenrechte als ein westliches Produkt, das "dem Osten" aufoktroyiert wurde. Auch seien die Menschenrechte nicht, wie der universalistische Anspruch behauptet, unabhängig von Zeit, Raum und kulturellem Hintergrund gültig. Sie seien aus der europäisch-nordamerikanischen Aufklärung entstanden, abendländisch geprägt und somit nicht in dieser Form in anderen Kulturkreisen anwendbar. Zudem sei ihre "weltweite Propagierung Ausdruck einer Mentalität der Einmischung, welche die Tradition des Kolonialismus mit anderen Mitteln fortsetze" (Hilpert 2019, S. 230). Tatsächlich sei "das Menschenrechtsverständnis in erster Linie abhängig von dem Menschenbild in einer spezifischen Kultur […], wonach es keinen Standard gibt, der unabhängig von bestimmten sozialen Lebensformen wäre" (Pohl 2002, S. 7).

Von (Kultur-)Relativisten konkret kritisiert werden häufig die "individuelle Selbstbestimmung, die körperliche Unversehrtheit, das Vorrangverhältnis zwischen Individuum zur Gemeinschaft, die Gleichheit von Männern und Frauen, die religiöse Toleranz und die Einschätzung demokratischer Mitbestimmung" (Lohmann 2010, S. 41).

Zum anderen wird bemängelt, dass bei der Verabschiedung der Allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte im Jahr 1948 die westlichen Länder dominierten, während die meisten Länder des Globalen Südens noch unter kolonialer Herrschaft standen. Viele Staaten werfen dem Westen sogar "moralischen Chauvinismus" (Pollis/Schwab 2006, S. 68), "Ideologismus" und eine "quasi-religiöse" Auslegung der Menschenrechte vor (Pohl 2002, S. 7).

Genau an diese Dichotomie, Universalismus und (Kultur-)Relativismus, knüpfte die 1993 vorgelegte Deklaration von Bangkok an, welche von vielen (süd-)ostasiatischen Ländern unterzeichnet wurde. Bevor die Wiener Menschenrechtskonferenz im Jahr 1993 begann, zweifelten diese Länder die Universalität der Menschenrechte an und legten eine "asiatische Perspektive" auf die Menschenrechte und sogenannte "asiatische Werte" vor. 

Die asiatische Perspektive auf die (Universalität der) Menschenrechte und 'asiatische Werte'

Die ,asiatische Sicht' auf die Menschenrechte und die 'asiatischen Werte' werden im Grunde kulturrelativistisch begründet. Im folgenden Abschnitt werden die 'asiatischen Werte' zeitgeschichtlich eingeordnet und näher erläutert. 

Die zeitgeschichtliche Einordnung der 'asiatischen Werte'

Die Kontroverse, dass sich die Menschenrechte in (Südost-)Asien anders entwickelt hätten, spitzte sich Anfang der 1990er Jahre zu und erlangte mit der Verabschiedung der Deklaration von Bangkok weltumspannende Beachtung. Die Gründe für den Ausbruch dieser Debatte sind vielfältig. Zum einen genoss 'der Westen', vor allem die Europäische Union und die Vereinigten Staaten, zu dieser Zeit beispielloses politisches und ökonomisches Selbstbewusstsein. Der Ost-West-Konflikt war beendet, die Demokratie und der Kapitalismus schienen 'die' Erfolgsmodelle zu sein, die "das Ende der Geschichte" einläuteten (Fukuyama 1992). Die Globalisierung schritt unaufhaltsam voran, während der Kommunismus in vielen osteuropäischen Ländern in sich zusammenbrach. Zudem gewann die Idee des politischen und wirtschaftlichen Liberalismus mehr und mehr an Bedeutung.

In dieser Zeit gingen die Vereinigten Staaten und viele Mitgliedsstaaten der EU auf die Forderung vieler Menschenrechtsorganisationen ein, die Menschenrechte und die Demokratie in anderen Ländern zu verbreiten. Die Regierung unter Präsident Bill Clinton ging sogar so weit und erklärte sowohl die Verbreitung der Menschenrechte als auch der Demokratie zu einer der drei Säulen der US-amerikanischen Außenpolitik (vgl.: Barr 2000, S. 313). Allerdings missbilligte insbesondere China den menschenrechtlichen Druck vieler westlicher Staaten, der durch das Massaker von Tiananmen im Jahr 1989 und Chinas Tibet-Politik stetig zunahm.

Hinzu kam, dass viele ostasiatische Staaten, allen voran China, Malaysia, Japan, Hongkong, Taiwan, Singapur und Südkorea, als 'ostasiatische Wirtschaftswunder' bezeichnet wurden (vgl.: Ernst 2009). Diese wirtschaftliche Prosperität ließ ein "neues Selbstbewusstsein und eine neue politische Elite entstehen, die vom 'Westen' das Recht auf einen eigenen entwicklungspolitischen Weg einforderte und die Vormachtstellung der alten Industriestaaten Europas und Nordamerikas herausforderte" (Ernst 2009). Darüber hinaus sahen sie in der Rolle des starken Staates eine wichtige "Erklärungsvariable" für den wirtschaftlichen Erfolg (Heinz 1995, S. 11).

Die Bestimmtheit, mit der die Europäische Union und die Vereinigten Staaten um die Durchsetzung der Menschenrechte in Asien rangen, wurde von (ost-)asiatischen Ländern als Versuch verstanden, ,Asien' ,dem Westen' unterwürfig zu halten. Zudem wurde die Kritik als "Einmischung, irrelevant und kulturfremd abgewehrt" (Heinz 1995, S. 12).Schließlich, im Vorfeld der Wiener Menschenrechtskonferenz im Jahr 1993, "bestritten [unter anderem] die Regierungen Indonesiens, Singapurs und Chinas die Universalität der Menschenrechte" (Heinz 1995, S. 16). Stattdessen müssten die jeweiligen wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und politischen Bedingungen betrachtet werden, weil sie nur anhand derer verwirklicht werden könnten (vgl.: Heinz 1995, S. 15f). Deshalb wurden sogenannte 'asiatische Werte' vorgestellt. 
Was sind 'asiatische Werte'?

'Asiatische Werte' beschreiben eine (kultur-)relative Sicht auf die Menschenrechte, die in den frühen 1990er Jahren von asiatischen Politiker*innen und Wissenschaftler*innen vorgestellt und von 34 Staaten verabschiedet wurden. Sie umfassen im Groben die Bereiche Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur (vgl.: Tai 2005, S. 34). Federführend bei der Debatte waren Lee Kuan Yew, der damalige Premierminister von Singapur, und Mahathir bin Mohamad, der damalige Premierminister von Malaysia. Sie, die 'asiatischen Werte', sollen eine Anpassung zum aus asiatischer Sicht "westlichen Modell der Menschenrechte" darstellen (Henders 2017). Die regionale Bezeichnung 'Asien/asiatisch' bezieht sich in diesem Zusammenhang eher auf (Süd-) Ostasien beziehungsweise pazifisch-Asien als auf den Nahen oder Mittleren Osten. Das bedeutet auch, dass sich die 'asiatischen Werte' hauptsächlich auf die "konfuzianische Kultur" stützen und weniger vom Islam oder dem Hinduismus geprägt sind (Ernst 2009).

Allerdings lehnen die ostasiatischen Länder die Menschenrechte nicht grundsätzlich ab. Schließlich haben einige dieser Länder, darunter China, die Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte 1948 verabschiedet und bekräftigten 1993 in Wien nochmals ihren Einsatz für Prinzipien, die in der Erklärung enthalten sind (vgl.: Tay 1996, S. 751). Sie plädierten mit der Deklaration von Bangkok stattdessen für nationale und regionale Unterschiede in der Schwerpunktsetzung und auch in der praktischen Umsetzung der Menschenrechte (vgl.: Tay 1996 S. 751f).

Befürworter der 'asiatischen Werte' bestanden zudem darauf, dass sie nicht nur durch den wirtschaftlichen Erfolg, den die ostasiatischen Staaten in den Jahrzehnten vor der Wiener Menschenrechtskonvention 1993 erlebt hatten, legitimiert würden, sondern auch maßgeblich für diesen Erfolg verantwortlich seien. Darüber hinaus müsse die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung bei ökonomisch aufstrebenden Ländern über allem stehen; bürgerliche und politische Rechte sollten den ökonomischen und sozialen Rechten deswegen untergeordnet sein (vgl.: Henders 2017).

Bisher wurde keine offizielle "umfassende, verbindliche Liste" vorgestellt (Heinz 1995, S. 25), aber häufig genannte 'asiatische Werte', die bei der Wiener Menschenrechtskonvention 1993 vorgelegt wurden, waren: "Disziplin, harte Arbeit, eine starke Führungskraft" (Tai 2005, S. 34ff), "Sparsamkeit, akademischer Erfolg, die Balance zwischen individuellen und gemeinschaftlichen Bedürfnissen, Respekt vor Autorität" (Henders 2017) und ein starker, stabiler Staat (Barr 2000, S. 310). Darüber hinaus wird "nationales Teamwork", die Erhaltung einer "moralisch sauberen Umwelt" (das Magazin 'Playboy' wird in Singapur beispielsweise nicht verkauft) und keine absolute Pressefreiheit für zentral erachtet (Heinz 1995, S. 26). 

Die asiatische Perspektive auf die Universalität der Menschenrechte

Im Diskurs um die ,asiatische Perspektive' haben sich mehrere häufig genannte Argumente herausgebildet. Einige davon sollen näher beschrieben werden, nämlich die Behauptungen, dass Rechte kulturspezifisch seien, die Gemeinschaft in Asien über dem Individuum stehe, dass Rechte ausschließlich den jeweiligen Staaten oblägen und dass soziale und ökonomische Rechte über zivilen und politischen Rechten ständen. 

Rechte sind kulturspezifisch

Die Idee der Menschenrechte entstand bereits in der Antike auf dem europäischen Kontinent und entwickelte sich schließlich unter bestimmten sozialen, ökonomischen, kulturellen und politischen Bedingungen ebendort und in Nordamerika (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 19). Die Umstände, die die Umsetzung der Menschenrechte voranbrachten, könnten aber nicht auf diese Art auf Südostasien übertragen werden. So beschreibt China in seinem 1991 veröffentlichten Weißbuch, dass sich aufgrund des eigenen historischen Hintergrunds, des Sozialsystems und der jeweiligen ökonomischen Entwicklung die Länder in ihrem Verständnis und ihrer Auslegung der Menschenrechte unterscheiden würden (vgl.: Weißbuch 1991, Vorwort). Das ist eine Haltung, welche auch 1993 auf der Menschenrechtskonferenz in Wien nochmals bekräftigt wurde (vgl.: Li 1996, S.19). 

Die Gemeinschaft steht über dem Individuum

Die südostasiatischen Länder insistierten, dass die Bedeutung der Gemeinschaft in asiatischen Ländern nicht mit dem Primat des Individuums vereinbar sei, worauf die Vorstellung der Menschenrechte beruht (Li 1996, S. 19). Zudem stünden Pflichten über Rechten (vgl.: Nghia 2009, S. 21). Dies seien auch die entscheidenden Faktoren, die 'Asien' fundamental vom 'Westen' unterschieden. Die Menschenrechte seien von Natur aus individualistisch geprägt, was nach (süd-)ostasiatischer Auffassung eine Bedrohung für den (süd-)ostasiatischen sozial-gemeinschaftlichen Gesellschaftsmechanismus darstellen könnte. Als Begründung für diese Behauptung führten die (süd-)ostasiatischen Staaten den Zusammenbruch vieler Familien, die Drogenabhängigkeit und die hohe Zahl an Obdachlosen im 'Westen' an (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 20). 

Soziale und ökonomische Rechte stehen über zivilen und politischen Rechten

Zentral bei der ,asiatischen Auslegung' der Menschenrechte waren die Priorisierung der Gemeinschaft gegenüber der Individuen und die Suche nach dem Konsens im Gegensatz zum Konflikt. Dominanz und Autorität würden nicht limitiert oder gar als suspekt betrachtet, sondern gälten im Gegenteil als vertrauens- und förderungswürdig (vgl.: Tay 1996, S. 753ff). Die asiatische Auslegung, so wurde argumentiert, lege den Fokus auf ökonomische und soziale Rechte, die durch ein starkes wirtschaftliches Wachstum und Wohlstand legitimiert würden, worauf Asiat*innen Wert legten und was ihnen wichtig sei. So proklamiert das Weißbuch der chinesischen Regierung aus dem Jahr 1991, dass "sich sattessen und warm kleiden die fundamentalen Bedürfnisse der chinesischen Bevölkerung seien, die lange unter Hunger und Kälte leiden mussten" (Weißbuch 1991, Kapitel I). Wohlstand könne nur effizient erreicht werden, wenn die Regierenden autorisiert seien, die politischen Rechte ihrer Bürger*innen zu limitieren, um wirtschaftlichen Wohlstand zu garantieren (Li 1996, S. 20).
Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung müsse deswegen bei ökonomisch aufstrebenden Ländern über allem stehen; zivile und politische Rechte sollten den ökonomischen und sozialen Rechten untergeordnet sein (vgl.: Henders, 2017). Implizit schwingt bei dieser Behauptung mit, dass erst alle basalen Bedürfnisse und eine stabile politische Ordnung sichergestellt werden müssten, um politische und bürgerliche Rechte zu implementieren (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 20f). Befürworter der Idee der asiatischen Perspektive erachten es somit für wichtig, den Staat als Oberhoheit zu sehen (vgl.: Henders 2017). 

Rechte sind die Angelegenheit der jeweiligen Staaten

Das Recht eines Staates zur Selbstbestimmung schließe den Zuständigkeitsbereich der Menschenrechte mit ein. So seien Menschenrechte innenpolitische Angelegenheiten, in die sich andere Staaten oder Organisationen nicht einzumischen hätten (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 20). "Die Bestrebung des Westens, auch bei Entwicklungsländern einen universellen Geltungsanspruch der Menschenrechte durchzusetzen, sei versteckter kultureller Imperialismus und ein Versuch, die Entwicklung [wirtschaftlich aufstrebender Länder] zu behindern" (Li 1996, S. 20). 

Kritik an der asiatischen Perspektive  Generell wurde bemängelt, dass nicht einfach über 'asiatische' Werte geredet werden könne, weil es die einzelnen asiatischen Länder simplifiziere, stereotypisiere und sie um ihre Vielfalt bringe (vgl.: Henders 2017). Des Weiteren seien die genannten Werte nicht alleinig in Asien zu finden, sondern hätten auch in anderen Teilen der Welt Gültigkeit (vgl.: Tai 2005, S. 35). Tatsächlich, so wurde argumentiert, gebe es  keine ,asiatischen Werte', denn der Begriff sei mit "seiner Allgemeinheit und Undifferenziertheit ein Konstrukt, das ganz bestimmten Zielen dienen soll" (Schreiner 1996, S. 57). Außerdem seien nur mächtige Politiker*innen leitender Teil der Debatte gewesen; die Argumente seien weder in die Gesellschaft getragen noch philosophisch (fort-)geführt worden.
Die einzelnen 'asiatischen' Argumente gegen die Universalität der Menschenrechte wurden jedoch auch einzeln kritisiert. Einige Kritiker*innen stellten die Ansicht der Kulturspezifizität in Frage. Das Argument impliziere, dass soziale Normen, die in anderen Ländern und Kulturkreisen ihren Ursprung hatten, in der asiatischen Kultur keine Anwendung finden sollten oder könnten. Kapitalistische Märkte und die Konsumkultur, welche ebenfalls außerhalb der asiatischen Länder entstanden sind, konnten jedoch sehr wohl von asiatischen Kulturen aufgenommen werden (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 20). Die schwerfällige Akzeptanz und Umsetzung der Universalität der Menschenrechte könne somit nicht ausschließlich auf ihre kulturelle Herkunft zurückgeführt werden.

Die zweite Behauptung, dass Asiat*innen die Gemeinschaft über das Individuum stellten, würde als kulturelles Argument missbraucht werden, um aufzuzeigen, dass unveräußerliche Rechte eines Einzelnen sich nicht mit der Idee von asiatischen Gesellschaften verstünden. Kritiker*innen der ,asiatischen Perspektive' sahen hier die Gefahr der generellen Verdammung der Rechte des Einzelnen. Dabei würden individuelle Freiheiten den asiatischen Gemeinschaftswerten nicht generell oppositionell gegenüberstehen. Vielmehr seien grundlegende Rechte, wie eine Versammlungs- und Meinungsfreiheit sowie Toleranz, wichtig für eine Gemeinschaft (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 21).

Beim dritten Argument, welches die südostasiatischen Länder vorlegten, kritisierten viele Verfechter*innen der Universalität der Menschenrechte, dass die nationale ökonomische Entwicklung nicht gleichzusetzen sei mit der ökonomischen Absicherung (sozio-)ökonomisch benachteiligter Gruppen einer Gesellschaft. Nationales ökonomisches Wachstum garantiere schließlich nicht automatisch Rechte für ökonomisch benachteiligte Mitglieder einer Gesellschaft. Stattdessen würden sich politisch-zivile und sozial-ökonomische Rechte bedingen und nur effektiv wirken, wenn alle vier Ebenen garantiert werden könnten (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 22).

Abschließend wurde kritisiert, dass die vorgebrachten Argumente, insbesondere die Forderung der Nichteinmischung in innerstaatliche Angelegenheiten, als Vorwand für einen illiberalen und autoritären Regierungsstil verwendet werden würden. Zudem sollten diese Argumente die Schwäche des wirtschaftlichen Entwicklungsmodells der asiatischen Länder verschleiern (vgl.: Henders 2017). Das sind beides Kritikpunkte, die während der asiatischen Wirtschaftskrise 1997/1998 weitgehend bestätigt wurden und zur Verabschiedung der asiatischen Erklärung der Menschenrechte im Jahr 1998 führten. 

Was ist mit 'asiatischen Werten' passiert?

Der Dialog über die in der Deklaration von Bangkok vorgestellten 'asiatischen Werte' begleitete staatliche und nicht-staatliche Akteure sowie Wissenschaftler*innen bis in die 1990er Jahre hinein. Als im Jahr 1997 eine Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise Asien ereilte, wurde es jedoch nicht nur still um die 'asiatischen Werte', sie wurden nun sogar "als Ursache der Krise gedeutet" (Ernst 2009). Insbesondere die staatliche Intervention und die starken Familienwerte wurden als Verursacher genannt (vgl.: Ernst 2009). Um den wirtschaftlichen Anschluss an den industriellen 'Westen' nicht zu verlieren, waren Menschenrechtsorganisationen in Südostasien bemüht, den Menschenrechtsschutz bottom-up durchzusetzen. Die Asiatische Menschenrechtscharta, die die 'asiatischen Werte' ablehnt, wurde 1998 von Menschenrechtsorganisationen in Kwangju, Südkorea, verabschiedet. Sie ist auch ein Versuch, asiatische Regierungen bei Menschenrechtsverstößen zukünftig in die Verantwortung nehmen zu können. 

Seit dem Ausbruch der asiatischen Wirtschaftskrise ist die Debatte um 'asiatische Werte' nahezu versiegt. Gleichwohl werden interkulturelle Dialoge über die Menschenrechte weiter geführt. 
Zwischen Kulturrelativismus und Universalismus – Perspektiven für einen Dialog

Eine globale Durchsetzung der Menschenrechte bleibt nach wie vor ein Ideal, ebenso wie deren uneingeschränkte Einhaltung. Die ostasiatischen Länder sind nur ein Beispiel von vielen, denn Kritik an der Universalität der Menschenrechte kommt auch aus anderen Ländern und von anderen Religionen. Dabei hat die Forderung nach weltweiter Umsetzung der Menschenrechte nicht an Dringlichkeit verloren. Wie kann aber ein Dialog über die Menschenrechte oder gar ein Konsens vorangebracht werden?

Bei dieser Problematik ist es wichtig zu bedenken, dass die Menschenrechte kein starres System sind, sondern auch nach ihrer Verabschiedung im Jahr 1948 weiterentwickelt wurden. Zudem hat die Idee der Menschenrechte zwar primär in der Zeit der europäisch-amerikanischen Aufklärung ihre Wurzeln, konnte ihre volle Durchsetzungskraft jedoch erst in der Moderne entfalten (vgl.: Bielefeldt 1999, S. 59f). Insbesondere im Hinblick auf das Argument der Nichtumsetzbarkeit der Menschenrechte in kulturell anders geprägten Regionen "wäre es verfehlt, den Begriff der 'Aufklärung' auf eine bestimmte Epoche der europäischen Geschichte zu verkürzen" (Bielefeldt 1999, S. 60). Schließlich muss es auch für andere Kulturen möglich sein, "humane Anliegen der eigenen Tradition in moderner Gestalt in den Menschenrechten wiederzuerkennen" (Bielefeldt 1999, S. 61).  

Aufgrund dessen sprechen sich viele Wissenschaftler*innen für eine Adaption der Menschenrechte aus. Die US-amerikanische Politikwissenschaftlerin Alison Dundes Renteln, beispielsweise, "möchte am Begriff universaler Menschenrechte durchaus festhalten, ihn zugleich aber auf interkultureller Basis inhaltlich neu bestimmen […], indem sie nach einem weltweit gemeinsamen Nenner in den Wertorientierungen unterschiedlicher Kulturen sucht" (Bielefeldt 1999, S. 45f). Der kanadische Philosoph Charles Taylor spricht sich für einen "ungezwungenen Konsens" aus, der anderen kulturellen Normen Verständnis entgegenbringt (Taylor 1999, S. 124). Der Dialog über die Menschenrechte zwischen Asien und 'dem Westen' solle sich global ausweiten und eine Auseinandersetzung über eine Übereinstimmung an Normen, die menschliches Verhalten und politisches Handeln leiten sollten, starten. Dieser Grundkonsens auf der Basis der Menschenrechte soll bindend sein, darf sich aber in seiner Begründung unterscheiden (vgl.: Carnegie Council 1996). Der deutsche Philosoph Georg Lohmann vertritt wiederum die Position, dass der "Universalismus" nicht zwingend eine "Einheitskultur darstellt oder in einer solchen resultiert" (Lohmann 2009). Für ihn sind Universalismus und Relativismus auch keine Gegensätze; er sieht im Partikularismus das Gegenteil zum Universalismus. Deshalb ist er der Ansicht, dass ein "verwirklichter und rechtlich wie politisch konkretisierter universeller Menschenrechtsschutz die Möglichkeiten einer kulturellen Vielfalt der Menschen erweitern wird" (Lohmann 2009). Kulturelle Vielfalt ist hier aber nicht mit Willkür gleichzusetzen. Unterscheiden muss man zwischen "Besonderheiten, die mit dem Universalismus der Menschenrechte kompatibel sind und solchen, die ihm widersprechen" (Lohmann 2009). "Strikter" soll der Universalismus bei negativen Pflichten agieren, so zum Beispiel beim Verbot von Folter (Lohmann 2009). Bei positiven Pflichten, wie beispielsweise bei Leistungsrechten, kann der Universalismus lockerer angewendet werden und mehrere, kulturell unterschiedliche Auslegungen zulassen (vgl.: Lohmann 2009). Ein interkultureller Dialog und die Suche nach einem Konsens bedeuten jedoch nicht, dass "die Menschenrechte [völlig neu überdacht und] bereits bestehende international vereinbarte Standards und Konventionen […] abgetan werden sollen. Das wäre gefährlich" (Utrecht 1995, S. 11). Für eine strikte Durchsetzung ideal, so konkludiert Lohmann, "wäre ein gut etabliertes Rechtssystem, in dem die Menschenrechte individuell eingeklagt und mit Hilfe staatlicher Gewalten auch durchgesetzt werden können" (Lohmann 2013, S. 19). 
Fazit

Viele (süd-)ostasiatische Länder brachten im Jahr 1993 mit der Deklaration von Bangkok kulturrelativistische Argumente hervor, mit denen sie ihre Sichtweise auf die Universalität der Menschenrechte aufzeigten und rechtfertigten. Eine zentrale Begründung war hier, dass das "individualistische Rechtsverständnis" der Menschenrechte nicht mit dem asiatischen Gemeinschaftsverständnis vereinbar sei (Tetzlaff 2002, S. 5). Ebenso waren die Kulturspezifität von Rechten und das Primat des wirtschaftlichen Wohlstands Teil der Begründung. Auseinandersetzungen darüber fanden bis weit in die 1990er Jahre hinein viel Gehör und Gegenrede.
Erst mit der asiatischen Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise 1997/1998 wurde es still um die 'asiatischen Werte'.
Was von der Debatte allerdings bleibt, ist die Diskussion über den Universalismus und den (Kultur-) Relativismus, für die der Menschenrechtsrat (MRR) der Vereinten Nationen in Genf eine Plattform bietet. 

Bei allen Vorschlägen und Denkanstößen, die eine kulturelle Sensibilität und Variabilität ermöglichen sollen, ist der interkulturelle Dialog zentral. Fraglich bleibt jedoch, wie gut sich eine Diskussion über Normen auf der Basis der Menschenrechte und deren anschließende Durchsetzung in autoritär geführten Staaten durchsetzen lässt (vgl.: Carnegie Council 1996). Denn schließlich sagte schon Konfuzius (551 v. Chr. bis 479 v. Chr.), dass es sinnlos sei, miteinander Pläne zu schmieden, wenn über das Grundsätzliche keine Einigkeit bestehe. 

Literatur  Amnesty International (o. A.): Einführung in die Menschenrechte. (o. D.) Abrufbar unter: https://www.amnesty.ch/de/themen/menschenrechte/zahlen-fakten-und-hintergruende/einfuehrung-in-die-menschenrechte#was%20sind%20MR (zuletzt aufgerufen am 31.08.2020).Barr, Michael D.: Lee Kuan Yew and the "Asian Values" Debate. In: Asian Studies Review, Band 24, Ausgabe 3 (September 2000). S. 309-334. Verfügbar unter: http://www.cafefle.org/texteskkkmg-icc_articles/13_Singapore_26p-Pol%20copie.pdf (zuletzt aufgerufen am 05.09.2020).Bell, Daniel A.: The East Asian Challenge to Human Rights: Reflections on an East West Dialogue. In: Human Rights Quarterly, Band 18, Ausgabe 3 (1996). S. 641-667. Verfügbar unter: http://faculty.smcm.edu/jwschroeder/Web/ETHR1002/Global_Jutice_Readings_files/13.BellEastAsianChallenge.pdf (zuletzt aufgerufen am 05.09.2020).
Bielefeldt, Heiner: Universale Menschenrechte angesichts der Pluralität der Kulturen. In: Hans-Richard Reuter (Hrsg.): Ethik der Menschenrechte. Zum Streit um die Universalität einer Idee I. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck 1999. S. 11-43.

Carnegie Council (o. A.): A Proposal for an "Unforced Consensus". Human Rights Dialogue 1.5 (Summer 1996): "Cultural Sources of Human Rights in Asia". Erschienen am 05.06.1996 beim Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs. Abrufbar unter: https://www.carnegiecouncil.org/publications/archive/dialogue/1_05/articles/525 (zuletzt aufgerufen am 09.09.2020).
Chan, Benedict S. B.: Are International Human Rights Universal? – East-West Philosophical Debates on Human Rights to Liberty and Health. In: Metaphysics of Human Rights 1948-2018: On the Occasion of the 70th Anniversary of the UDHR. Wilmington: Vernon Press 2019. S. 135-152.Chiam, Sou: Asia's Experience in the Quest for a Regional Human Rights Mechanism. In: Victoria University of Wellington Law Review, Band 40, Ausgabe 1 (2009). S. 127-148.Verfügbar unter: https://ojs.victoria.ac.nz/vuwlr/article/download/5382/4709 (zuletzt aufgerufen am 06.09.2020).Dallmayr, Fred R.: "Asian Values" and Global Human Rights. In: Philosophy East and West, Band 52, Ausgabe 2 (April 2002). S. 173-189. Verfügbar unter: http://faculty.smcm.edu/jwschroeder/Web/ETHR1002/Global_Jutice_Readings_files/14.dallmayr.pdf (zuletzt aufgerufen am 05.09.2020).Davis, Michael C.: Human Rights in Asia: China and the Bangkok Declaration. In: Buffalo Journal of International Law, Band 2, Ausgabe 2, Article 3 (1996). S. 215-230.Verfügbar unter:  https://digitalcommons.law.buffalo.edu/bjil/vol2/iss2/3 (zuletzt aufgerufen am 08.09.2020).Ernst, Sonja: Die Debatte um asiatische Werte. Rückblick und Bilanz. Erschienen am 12. Oktober 2009 in der Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Abrufbar unter: https://www.bpb.de/internationales/weltweit/menschenrechte/38715/asiatische-werte?p=all (zuletzt aufgerufen am 05.09.2020).
Fukuyama, Francis: Das Ende der Geschichte. München: Kindler 1992.


Galtung, Johan: Menschenrechte – anders gesehen. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp 1994.


Gareis, Sven Bernhard/Varwick, Johannes: Die Vereinten Nationen. Aufgaben, Instrumente und Reformen. 5. Aufl. Opladen: Verlag Barbara Budrich 2014.Hamm, Brigitte: Empirische Analysen über politische Menschenrechte – Perspektiven für den internationalen Schutz der Menschenrechte. In: INEF Report, Heft 36 (1999). Duisburg: Gerhard-Mercator-Universität 1999. Verfügbar unter: http://edoc.vifapol.de/opus/volltexte/2013/4570/pdf/report36.pdf (zuletzt aufgerufen am 04.09.2020).
Heidelmeyer, Wolfgang (Hrsg.): Die Menschenrechte. 3. erneuerte und erweiterte Aufl. Paderborn: Schöningh 1982.Heinz, Wolfgang S.: Gibt es ein asiatisches Entwicklungsmodell? Zur Diskussion über 'asiatische Werte'. In: Berichte / BIOst, Ausgabe 55 (1995). Köln: Bundesinstitut für ostwissenschaftliche und internationale Studien 1995. Verfügbar unter: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-42151 (zuletzt aufgerufen am 06.09.2020). Henders, Susan J.: Asian Values. Erschienen am 25. September 2017 in der Encyclopaedia Britannica. Abrufbar unter: https://www.britannica.com/topic/Asian-values (zuletzt aufgerufen am 31.08.2020).
Hilpert, Konrad: Ethik der Menschenrechte. Zwischen Rhetorik und Verwirklichung. Paderborn: Schöningh 2019. 


Hoffmann, Johannes (Hrsg.): Universale Menschenrechte im Widerspruch der Kulturen. Das eine Menschenrecht für alle und die vielen Lebensformen. Frankfurt am Main: Verlag für interkulturelle Kommunikation 1994.Human Rights (o. A.): Definitionen. Erschienen am 11.12.2012. Abrufbar unter: https://www.humanrights.ch/de/ipf/grundlagen/einsteiger-innen/was-sind-menschenrechte/ (zuletzt aufgerufen am 31.08.2020).Human Rights (o. A.): Was heißt "Universalität der Menschenrechte"? Erschienen am 10. Oktober 2018. Abrufbar unter: https://www.humanrights.ch/de/ipf/archiv/themen/universalitaet/heisst-universalitaet-menschenrechte (zuletzt aufgerufen am 31.08.2020).Krennerich, Michael: Zehn Fragen zu Menschenrechten. Erschienen am 12. Oktober 2009 in der Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Abrufbar unter: https://www.bpb.de/internationales/weltweit/menschenrechte/38627/zehn-fragen (zuletzt aufgerufen am 31.08.2020). Li, Xiaorong: Asian Values and the Universality of Human Rights. In: Report from the Institute for Philosophy and Public Policy, Band 16, Ausgabe 2 (Frühling 1996). Maryland. S. 18-28.
Lohmann, Georg: Kulturelle Besonderung und Universalisierung der Menschenrechte. In:
Gerhard Ernst, Stephan Sellmaier (Hrsg.): Universelle Menschenrechte und partikulare Moral. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer 2010. S. 33-48.


Lohmann, Georg: Kulturelle Menschenrechte und der Kampf gegen Ungerechtigkeit. In: Johannes Ebert/Ronald Grätz (Hrsg.): Menschenrechte und Kultur. Göttingen: Steidl 2014. S. 19-28.Lohmann, Georg: Universelle Menschenrechte und kulturelle Besonderheiten. Erschienen am 12.10.2009 in der Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Abrufbar unter: https://www.bpb.de/internationales/weltweit/menschenrechte/38709/universelle-menschenrechte (zuletzt aufgerufen am 09.09.2020).Lohmann, Georg: Werden die Menschenrechte überschätzt? In: zfmr, Ausgabe 2 (2013). S. 9-24.
Lohmann, Georg: Zur Verständigung über die Universalität der Menschenrechte. Eine Einführung. In: Günter Nooke, Georg Lohmann, Gerhard Wahlers (Hrsg.), Gelten Menschenrechte universal? Begründungen und Infragestellungen. Freiburg, Basel, Wien: Herder 2008. S. 47-60.


Maier, Hans: Wie universell sind Menschenrechte? Freiburg im Breisgau: Verlag Herder 1997.Müller, Ragnar: Pharos e.V. Stuttgart/Sarajevo: Pharos e.V. Menschenrechte Dr. Ragnar Müller. Veröffentlicht am 09.12.2017 auf YouTube. Abrufbar unter: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sbaLtEMcCXo&t=191s (zuletzt abgerufen am 04.09.2020). Nghia, Hoang: The "Asian Values" Perspective of Human Rights: A Challenge to Universal Human Rights. Hanoi: Vietnamese Institute for Human Rights 2009. Verfügbar unter: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1405436 (zuletzt aufgerufen am 06.09.2020).Pohl, Karl-Heinz: Zwischen Universalismus und Kulturrelativismus. Menschenrechte und interkultureller Dialog mit China. In: Occasional Papers, Arbeitsgemeinschaft Menschenrechte Trier, Ausgabe 5 (Februar 2002). Verfügbar unter: https://www.humanrights.ch/cms/upload/pdf/070108_pohl_universalitaet.pdf (zuletzt aufgerufen am 06.09.2020).
Pollis, Adamantia und Schwab, Peter: Human Rights: A Western Construct with Limited Applicability. In: Christine M. Koggel: Moral and Political Theory. Moral Issues in Global Perspective I. 2. Aufl. Peterborough: Broadview Press 2006. S. 60-72.Schreiner, Klaus H.: Asiatische Werte kontra Menschenrechtsimperialismus? (Rück-)Blick auf eine Debatte. In: Südostasien Informationen, Band 11, Ausgabe 4 (1995). S. 56-57.
Tai, Pak Chong: Das Verhältnis der asiatischen Werte zur Idee der Menschenrechte. In: Reinhard C. Meier-Walser/Anton Rauscher (Hrsg.): Die Universalität der Menschenrechte. München: Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung e.V. 2005. S. 27-39.Tay, Simon S.C.: Human Rights, Culture, and the Singaporean Example. In: McGill Law Journal, Band 41 (1996). S. 743-780. 
Taylor, Charles: Conditions of an Unforced Consensus on Human Rights. In: Bauer, Joanne/Bell, Daniel (Hrsg.): The East Asian Challenge for Human Rights, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1999. S. 124-144.Tetzlaff, Rainer: Modernisierung und Menschenrechte aus politikwissenschaftlicher Sicht. Zur Begründung einer relativen Universalität der Menschenrechte. In: Jahrbuch für christliche Sozialwissenschaften, Band 39 (1998). S. 54-82.Tetzlaff, Rainer: Über den Nutzen kultureller Eigentümlichkeiten: Das produktive Spannungsverhältnis zwischen universellen Menschenrechten und asiatischen Werten. In: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Vereinte Nationen (Hrsg.), Ausgabe 85 (2002). S. 5-12.UN-Vollversammlung: Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte. Die Vereinten Nationen, 217 (III) A, Paris: 1948. Artikel 2. Verfügbar unter: https://www.un.org/depts/german/menschenrechte/aemr.pdf (zuletzt aufgerufen am 16.09.2020).Utrecht, Artien: Asiatische Werte wieder in der Menschenrechtsdebatte. Beobachtungen und Anmerkungen zu einer internationalen Menschenrechtskonferenz in Kuala Lumpur. In: Südostasien Informationen, Band 11, Ausgabe 1 (1995). S. 10-11. 
Van Ness, Peter (Hrsg.): Debating Human Rights. Critical Essays from the United States and Asia. London: Routledge 1999. Wagner, Beate: 50 Jahre UN-Menschenrechtspakte. Erschienen am 04.03.2016 in der Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. Abrufbar unter: https://www.bpb.de/apuz/222193/50-jahre-un-menschenrechtspakte?p=all (zuletzt aufgerufen am 16.09.2020).Weißbuch: Embassy of the People's Republic of China in the Republic of Lithuana. Human Rights in China. White Paper of the Government. Erschienen 1991. Abrufbar unter: http://lt.chineseembassy.org/eng/zt/zfbps/t125236.htm (zuletzt aufgerufen am 03.09.2020).  Zitat:


Zitate.eu: Zitate von Konfuzius. 2020. Abrufbar unter: https://www.zitate.eu/autor/konfuzius-zitate/9928 (zuletzt abgerufen am 10.09.2020).

Smoking is a major heritable and modifiable risk factor for many diseases, including cancer, common respiratory disorders and cardiovascular diseases. Fourteen genetic loci have previously been associated with smoking behaviour-related traits. We tested up to 235,116 single nucleotide variants (SNVs) on the exome-array for association with smoking initiation, cigarettes per day, pack-years, and smoking cessation in a fixed effects meta-analysis of up to 61 studies (up to 346,813 participants). In a subset of 112,811 participants, a further one million SNVs were also genotyped and tested for association with the four smoking behaviour traits. SNV-trait associations with P < 5 × 10-8 in either analysis were taken forward for replication in up to 275,596 independent participants from UK Biobank. Lastly, a meta-analysis of the discovery and replication studies was performed. Sixteen SNVs were associated with at least one of the smoking behaviour traits (P < 5 × 10-8) in the discovery samples. Ten novel SNVs, including rs12616219 near TMEM182, were followed-up and five of them (rs462779 in REV3L, rs12780116 in CNNM2, rs1190736 in GPR101, rs11539157 in PJA1, and rs12616219 near TMEM182) replicated at a Bonferroni significance threshold (P < 4.5 × 10-3) with consistent direction of effect. A further 35 SNVs were associated with smoking behaviour traits in the discovery plus replication meta-analysis (up to 622,409 participants) including a rare SNV, rs150493199, in CCDC141 and two low-frequency SNVs in CEP350 and HDGFRP2. Functional follow-up implied that decreased expression of REV3L may lower the probability of smoking initiation. The novel loci will facilitate understanding the genetic aetiology of smoking behaviour and may lead to the identification of potential drug targets for smoking prevention and/or cessation. ; The authors would like to thank the many colleagues who contributed to collection and phenotypic characterisation of the clinical samples, as well as genotyping and analysis of the GWA data. Special mentions are as follows: CGSB participating cohorts: Some of the data utilised in this study were provided by the Understanding Society: The UK Household Longitudinal Study, which is led by the Institute for Social and Economic Research at the University of Essex and funded by the Economic and Social Research Council. The data were collected by NatCen and the genome wide scan data were analysed by the Wellcome Trust Sanger Institute. The Understanding Society DAC have an application system for genetics data and all use of the data should be approved by them. The application form is at: https://www.understandingsociety.ac.uk/about/health/data. The Airwave Health Monitoring Study is funded by the UK Home Office, (Grant number 780-TETRA) with additional support from the National Institute for Health Research Imperial College Health Care NHS Trust and Imperial College Biomedical Research Centre. We thank all participants in the Airwave Health Monitoring Study. This work used computing resources provided by the MRC- funded UK MEDical Bioinformatics partnership programme (UK MED-BIO) (MR/L01632X/1). Paul Elliott wishes to acknowledge the Medical Research Council and Public Health England (MR/L01341X/1) for the MRC-PHE Centre for Environment and Health; and the NIHR Health Protection Research Unit in Health Impact of Environmental Hazards (HPRU-2012-10141). Paul Elliott is supported by the UK Dementia Research Institute which receives its funding from UK DRI Ltd funded by the UK Medical Research Council, Alzheimer's Society and Alzheimer's Research UK. Paul Elliott is associate director of the Health Data Research UK London funded by a consortium led by the UK Medical Research Council. SHIP (Study of Health in Pomerania) and SHIP-TREND both represent population-based studies. SHIP is supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF); grants 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, and 01ZZ0403) and the German Research Foundation (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG); grant GR 1912/5-1). SHIP and SHIP-TREND are part of the Community Medicine Research net (CMR) of the Ernst-Moritz-Arndt University Greifswald (EMAU) which is funded by the BMBF as well as the Ministry for Education, Science and Culture and the Ministry of Labor, Equal Opportunities, and Social Affairs of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania. The CMR encompasses several research projects that share data from SHIP. SNP typing of SHIP and SHIP-TREND using the Illumina Infinium HumanExome BeadChip (version v1.0) was supported by the BMBF (grant 03Z1CN22). LifeLines authors thank Behrooz Alizadeh, Annemieke Boesjes, Marcel Bruinenberg, Noortje Festen, Ilja Nolte, Lude Franke, Mitra Valimohammadi for their help in creating the GWAS database, and Rob Bieringa, Joost Keers, René Oostergo, Rosalie Visser, Judith Vonk for their work related to data-collection and validation. The authors are grateful to the study participants, the staff from the LifeLines Cohort Study and Medical Biobank Northern Netherlands, and the participating general practitioners and pharmacists. LifeLines Scientific Protocol Preparation: Rudolf de Boer, Hans Hillege, Melanie van der Klauw, Gerjan Navis, Hans Ormel, Dirkje Postma, Judith Rosmalen, Joris Slaets, Ronald Stolk, Bruce Wolffenbuttel; LifeLines GWAS Working Group: Behrooz Alizadeh, Marike Boezen, Marcel Bruinenberg, Noortje Festen, Lude Franke, Pim van der Harst, Gerjan Navis, Dirkje Postma, Harold Snieder, Cisca Wijmenga, Bruce Wolffenbuttel. The authors wish to acknowledge the services of the LifeLines Cohort Study, the contributing research centres delivering data to LifeLines, and all the study participants. Niek Verweij was supported by NWO VENI (016.186.125). Fenland authors thank Fenland Study volunteers for their time and help, Fenland Study general Practitioners and practice staff for assistance with recruitment, and Fenland Study Investigators, Co-ordination team and the Epidemiology Field, Data and Laboratory teams for study design, sample/data collection and genotyping. We thank all ASCOT trial participants, physicians, nurses, and practices in the participating countries for their important contribution to the study. In particular we thank Clare Muckian and David Toomey for their help in DNA extraction, storage, and handling. We would also like to acknowledge the Barts and The London Genome Centre staff for genotyping the Exome Chip array. The BRIGHT study is extremely grateful to all the patients who participated in the study and the BRIGHT nursing team. We would also like to thank the Barts Genome Centre staff for their assistance with this project. Patricia B. Munroe, Mark J. Caulfield, and Helen R. Warren wish to acknowledge the NIHR Cardiovascular Biomedical Research Unit at Barts and The London, Queen Mary University of London, UK for support. Mark J. Caulfield are Senior National Institute for Health Research Investigators. EMBRACE Collaborating Centres are: Coordinating Centre, Cambridge: Daniel Barrowdale, Debra Frost, Jo Perkins. North of Scotland Regional Genetics Service, Aberdeen: Zosia Miedzybrodzka, Helen Gregory. Northern Ireland Regional Genetics Service, Belfast: Patrick Morrison, Lisa Jeffers. West Midlands Regional Clinical Genetics Service, Birmingham: Kai-ren Ong, Jonathan Hoffman. South West Regional Genetics Service, Bristol: Alan Donaldson, Margaret James. East Anglian Regional Genetics Service, Cambridge: Joan Paterson, Marc Tischkowitz, Sarah Downing, Amy Taylor. Medical Genetics Services for Wales, Cardiff: Alexandra Murray, Mark T. Rogers, Emma McCann. St James's Hospital, Dublin & National Centre for Medical Genetics, Dublin: M. John Kennedy, David Barton. South East of Scotland Regional Genetics Service, Edinburgh: Mary Porteous, Sarah Drummond. Peninsula Clinical Genetics Service, Exeter: Carole Brewer, Emma Kivuva, Anne Searle, Selina Goodman, Kathryn Hill. West of Scotland Regional Genetics Service, Glasgow: Rosemarie Davidson, Victoria Murday, Nicola Bradshaw, Lesley Snadden, Mark Longmuir, Catherine Watt, Sarah Gibson, Eshika Haque, Ed Tobias, Alexis Duncan. South East Thames Regional Genetics Service, Guy's Hospital London: Louise Izatt, Chris Jacobs, Caroline Langman. North West Thames Regional Genetics Service, Harrow: Huw Dorkins. Leicestershire Clinical Genetics Service, Leicester: Julian Barwell. Yorkshire Regional Genetics Service, Leeds: Julian Adlard, Gemma Serra-Feliu. Cheshire & Merseyside Clinical Genetics Service, Liverpool: Ian Ellis, Claire Foo. Manchester Regional Genetics Service, Manchester: D Gareth Evans, Fiona Lalloo, Jane Taylor. North East Thames Regional Genetics Service, NE Thames, London: Lucy Side, Alison Male, Cheryl Berlin. Nottingham Centre for Medical Genetics, Nottingham: Jacqueline Eason, Rebecca Collier. Northern Clinical Genetics Service, Newcastle: Alex Henderson, Oonagh Claber, Irene Jobson. Oxford Regional Genetics Service, Oxford: Lisa Walker, Diane McLeod, Dorothy Halliday, Sarah Durell, Barbara Stayner. The Institute of Cancer Research and Royal Marsden NHS Foundation Trust: Ros Eeles, Nazneen Rahman, Elizabeth Bancroft, Elizabeth Page, Audrey Ardern-Jones, Kelly Kohut, Jennifer Wiggins, Jenny Pope, Sibel Saya, Natalie Taylor, Zoe Kemp and Angela George. North Trent Clinical Genetics Service, Sheffield: Jackie Cook, Oliver Quarrell, Cathryn Bardsley. South West Thames Regional Genetics Service, London: Shirley Hodgson, Sheila Goff, Glen Brice, Lizzie Winchester, Charlotte Eddy, Vishakha Tripathi, Virginia Attard. Wessex Clinical Genetics Service, Princess Anne Hospital, Southampton: Diana Eccles, Anneke Lucassen, Gillian Crawford, Donna McBride, Sarah Smalley. Understanding Society Scientific Group is funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ES/H029745/1) and the Wellcome Trust (WT098051). Paul D.P. Pharoah is funded by Cancer Research UK (C490/A16561). SHIP is funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF) and the German Research Foundation (DFG); see acknowledgements for details. F.W. Asselbergs is funded by the Netherlands Heart Foundation (2014T001) and supported by UCL Hospitals NIHR Biomedical Research Centre. The LifeLines Cohort Study, and generation and management of GWAS genotype data for the LifeLines Cohort Study is supported by the Netherlands Organization of Scientific Research NWO (grant 175.010.2007.006), the Economic Structure Enhancing Fund (FES) of the Dutch government, the Ministry of Economic Affairs, the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, the Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, the Northern Netherlands Collaboration of Provinces (SNN), the Province of Groningen, University Medical Center Groningen, the University of Groningen, Dutch Kidney Foundation and Dutch Diabetes Research Foundation. Niek Verweij is supported by Horizon 2020, Marie Sklodowska-Curie (661395) and ICIN-NHI. Phenotype collection in the Lothian Birth Cohort 1921 was supported by the UK's Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council (BBSRC), The Royal Society and The Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government. Phenotype collection in the Lothian Birth Cohort 1936 was supported by Age UK (The Disconnected Mind project). Genotyping was supported by Centre for Cognitive Ageing and Cognitive Epidemiology (Pilot Fund award), Age UK, and the Royal Society of Edinburgh. The work was undertaken by The University of Edinburgh Centre for Cognitive Ageing and Cognitive Epidemiology, part of the cross council Lifelong Health and Wellbeing Initiative (MR/K026992/1). Funding from the BBSRC and Medical Research Council (MRC) is gratefully acknowledged. Paul W. Franks is supported by Novo Nordisk, the Swedish Research Council, Påhlssons Foundation, Swedish Heart Lung Foundation (2020389), and Skåne Regional Health Authority. Nicholas J Wareham, Claudia Langenberg, Robert A Sacott, and Jian'an Luan are supported by the MRC (MC_U106179471 and MC_UU_12015/1). The BRIGHT study was supported by the Medical Research Council of Great Britain (Grant Number G9521010D); and by the British Heart Foundation (Grant Number PG/02/128). The BRIGHT study is extremely grateful to all the patients who participated in the study and the BRIGHT nursing team. The Exome Chip genotyping was funded by Wellcome Trust Strategic Awards (083948 and 085475). We would also like to thank the Barts Genome Centre staff for their assistance with this project. The ASCOT study and the collection of the ASCOT DNA repository was supported by Pfizer, New York, NY, USA, Servier Research Group, Paris, France; and by Leo Laboratories, Copenhagen, Denmark. Genotyping of the Exome Chip in ASCOT-SC and ASCOT-UK was funded by the National Institutes of Health Research (NIHR). Anna F. Dominiczak was supported by the British Heart Foundation (Grant Numbers RG/07/005/23633, SP/08/005/25115); and by the European Union Ingenious HyperCare Consortium: Integrated Genomics, Clinical Research, and Care in Hypertension (grant number LSHM-C7-2006-037093). Nilesh J. Samani is supported by the British Heart Foundation and is a Senior National Institute for Health Research Investigator. Panos Deloukas is supported by the British Heart Foundation (RG/14/5/30893), and NIHR, where his work forms part of the research themes contributing to the translational research portfolio of Barts Cardiovascular Biomedical Research Centre which is funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR). The LOLIPOP study is supported by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Comprehensive Biomedical Research Centre Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust, the British Heart Foundation (SP/04/002), the Medical Research Council (G0601966, G0700931), the Wellcome Trust (084723/Z/08/Z, 090532 & 098381) the NIHR (RP-PG-0407-10371), the NIHR Official Development Assistance (ODA, award 16/136/68), the European Union FP7 (EpiMigrant, 279143) and H2020 programs (iHealth-T2D, 643774). We acknowledge support of the MRC-PHE Centre for Environment and Health, and the NIHR Health Protection Research Unit on Health Impact of Environmental Hazards. The work was carried out in part at the NIHR/Wellcome Trust Imperial Clinical Research Facility. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the Imperial College Healthcare NHS Trust, the NHS, the NIHR or the Department of Health. We thank the participants and research staff who made the study possible. JC is supported by the Singapore Ministry of Health's National Medical Research Council under its Singapore Translational Research Investigator (STaR) Award (NMRC/STaR/0028/2017). The research was supported by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Exeter Clinical Research Facility and ERC grant 323195; SZ-245 50371-GLUCOSEGENES-FP7-IDEAS-ERC to T.M. Frayling. Hanieh Yaghootkar is funded by Diabetes UK RD Lawrence fellowship (grant:17/0005594) Anna Dominiczak was funded by a BHF Centre of Research Excellence Award (RE/13/5/30177) GSCAN participating cohorts: The Collaborative Study on the Genetics of Alcoholism (COGA), Principal Investigators: B. Porjesz, V. Hesselbrock, H. Edenberg, L. Bierut. The study includes eleven different centers: University of Connecticut (V. Hesselbrock); Indiana University (H.J. Edenberg, J. Nurnberger Jr., T. Foroud); University of Iowa (S. Kuperman, J. Kramer); SUNY Downstate (B. Porjesz); Washington University in St. Louis (L. Bierut, J. Rice, K. Bucholz, A. Agrawal); University of California at San Diego (M. Schuckit); Rutgers University (J. Tischfield, A. Brooks); Department of Biomedical and Health Informatics, The Children's Hospital of Philadelphia; Department of Genetics, Perelman School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia PA (L. Almasy), Virginia Commonwealth University (D. Dick), Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai (A. Goate), and Howard University (R. Taylor). Other COGA collaborators include: L. Bauer (University of Connecticut); J. McClintick, L. Wetherill, X. Xuei, Y. Liu, D. Lai, S. O'Connor, M. Plawecki, S. Lourens (Indiana University); G. Chan (University of Iowa; University of Connecticut); J. Meyers, D. Chorlian, C. Kamarajan, A. Pandey, J. Zhang (SUNY Downstate); J.-C. Wang, M. Kapoor, S. Bertelsen (Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai); A. Anokhin, V. McCutcheon, S. Saccone (Washington University); J. Salvatore, F. Aliev, B. Cho (Virginia Commonwealth University); and Mark Kos (University of Texas Rio Grande Valley). A. Parsian and M. Reilly are the NIAAA Staff Collaborators. COGA investigators continue to be inspired by their memories of Henri Begleiter and Theodore Reich, founding PI and Co-PI of COGA, and also owe a debt of gratitude to other past organizers of COGA, including Ting-Kai Li, P. Michael Conneally, Raymond Crowe, and Wendy Reich, for their critical contributions. COGA investigators are very grateful to Dr. Bruno Buecher without whom this project would not have existed. The authors also thank all those at the GECCO Coordinating Center for helping bring together the data and people that made this project possible. ASTERISK, a GECCO sub-study, also thanks all those who agreed to participate in this study, including the patients and the healthy control persons, as well as all the physicians, technicians and students. As part of the GECCO sub-studies, CPS-II authors thank the CPS-II participants and Study Management Group for their invaluable contributions to this research. The authors would also like to acknowledge the contribution to this study from central cancer registries supported through the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention National Program of Cancer Registries, and cancer registries supported by the National Cancer Institute Surveillance Epidemiology and End Results program. Another GECCO sub-study, HPFS and NHS investigators would like to acknowledge Patrice Soule and Hardeep Ranu of the Dana Farber Harvard Cancer Center High-Throughput Polymorphism Core who assisted in the genotyping for NHS, HPFS under the supervision of Dr. Immaculata Devivo and Dr. David Hunter, Qin (Carolyn) Guo and Lixue Zhu who assisted in programming for NHS and HPFS. HPFS and NHS investigators also thank the participants and staff of the Nurses' Health Study and the Health Professionals Follow-Up Study, for their valuable contributions as well as the following state cancer registries for their help: AL, AZ, AR, CA, CO, CT, DE, FL, GA, ID, IL, IN, IA, KY, LA, ME, MD, MA, MI, NE, NH, NJ, NY, NC, ND, OH, OK, OR, PA, RI, SC, TN, TX, VA, WA, WY. The authors assume full responsibility for analyses and interpretation of these data. PLCO, a substudy within GECCO, was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the Division of Cancer Epidemiology and Genetics, and additionally supported by contracts from the Division of Cancer Prevention, National Cancer Institute, NIH, DHHS. Additionally, a subset of control samples were genotyped as part of the Cancer Genetic Markers of Susceptibility (CGEMS) Prostate Cancer GWAS1, CGEMS pancreatic cancer scan (PanScan)2, 3, and the Lung Cancer and Smoking study4. The prostate and PanScan study datasets were accessed with appropriate approval through the dbGaP online resource (http://cgems.cancer.gov/data/) accession numbers phs000207.v1.p1 and phs000206.v3.p2, respectively, and the lung datasets were accessed from the dbGaP website (http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/gap) through accession number phs000093.v2.p2. For the lung study, the GENEVA Coordinating Center provided assistance with genotype cleaning and general study coordination, and the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research conducted genotyping. The authors thank Drs. Christine Berg and Philip Prorok, Division of Cancer Prevention, National Cancer Institute, the Screening Center investigators and staff or the Prostate, Lung, Colorectal, and Ovarian (PLCO) Cancer Screening Trial, Mr. Tom Riley and staff, Information Management Services, Inc., Ms. Barbara O'Brien and staff, Westat, Inc., and Drs. Bill Kopp and staff, SAIC-Frederick. Most importantly, we acknowledge the study participants for their contributions to making this study possible. We also thank all participants and staff of the André and France Desmarais Montreal Heart Institute's (MHI) Biobank. The genotyping of the MHI Biobank was done at the MHI Pharmacogenomic Centre and funded by the MHI Foundation. HRS is supported by the National Institute on Aging (NIA U01AG009740). The genotyping was funded separately by the National Institute on Aging (RC2 AG036495, RC4 AG039029). Our genotyping was conducted by the NIH Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR) at Johns Hopkins University. Genotyping quality control and final preparation of the data were performed by the University of Michigan School of Public Health. CHDExome+ participating cohorts: BRAVE: The BRAVE study genetic epidemiology working group is a collaboration between the Cardiovascular Epidemiology Unit, Department of Public Health and Primary Care, University of Cambridge, UK, the Centre for Control of Chronic Diseases, icddr,b, Dhaka, Bangladesh and the National Institute of Cardiovascular Diseases, Dhaka, Bangladesh. CCHS, CIHDS, and CGPS collaborators thank participants and staff of the Copenhagen City Heart Study, Copenhagen Ischemic Heart Disease Study, and the Copenhagen General Population Study for their important contributions. EPIC-CVD: CHD case ascertainment and validation, genotyping, and clinical chemistry assays in EPIC-CVD were principally supported by grants awarded to the University of Cambridge from the EU Framework Programme 7 (HEALTH-F2-2012-279233), the UK Medical Research Council (G0800270) and British Heart Foundation (SP/09/002), and the European Research Council (268834). We thank all EPIC participants and staff for their contribution to the study, the laboratory teams at the Medical Research Council Epidemiology Unit for sample management and Cambridge Genomic Services for genotyping, Sarah Spackman for data management, and the team at the EPIC-CVD Coordinating Centre for study coordination and administration. MORGAM: The work by MORGAM collaborators has been sustained by the MORGAM Project's recent funding: European Union FP 7 projects ENGAGE (HEALTH-F4-2007-201413), CHANCES (HEALTH-F3-2010-242244) and BiomarCaRE (278913). This has supported central coordination, workshops and part of the activities of the The MORGAM Data Centre, at THL in Helsinki, Finland. MORGAM Participating Centres are funded by regional and national governments, research councils, charities, and other local sources. PROSPER: collaborators have received funding from the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreement n° HEALTH-F2-2009-223004 PROMIS: The PROMIS collaborators are are thankful to all the study participants in Pakistan. Recruitment in PROMIS was funded through grants available to investigators at the Center for Non-Communicable Diseases, Pakistan (Danish Saleheen and Philippe Frossard) and investigators at the University of Cambridge, UK (Danish Saleheen and John Danesh). Field-work, genotyping, and standard clinical chemistry assays in PROMIS were principally supported by grants awarded to the University of Cambridge from the British Heart Foundation, UK Medical Research Council, Wellcome Trust, EU Framework 6-funded Bloodomics Integrated Project, Pfizer. We would like to acknowledge the contributions made by the following individuals who were involved in the field work and other administrative aspects of the study: Mohammad Zeeshan Ozair, Usman Ahmed, Abdul Hakeem, Hamza Khalid, Kamran Shahid, Fahad Shuja, Ali Kazmi, Mustafa Qadir Hameed, Naeem Khan, Sadiq Khan, Ayaz Ali, Madad Ali, Saeed Ahmed, Muhammad Waqar Khan, Muhammad Razaq Khan, Abdul Ghafoor, Mir Alam, Riazuddin, Muhammad Irshad Javed, Abdul Ghaffar, Tanveer Baig Mirza, Muhammad Shahid, Jabir Furqan, Muhammad Iqbal Abbasi, Tanveer Abbas, Rana Zulfiqar, Muhammad Wajid, Irfan Ali, Muhammad Ikhlaq, Danish Sheikh and Muhammad Imran. INTERVAL: Participants in the INTERVAL randomised controlled trial were recruited with the active collaboration of NHS Blood and Transplant England (www.nhsbt.nhs.uk), which has supported field work and other elements of the trial. DNA extraction and genotyping was funded by the National Institute of Health Research (NIHR), the NIHR BioResource (http://bioresource.nihr.ac.uk/) and the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre (www.cambridge-brc.org.uk). The academic coordinating centre for INTERVAL was supported by core funding from: NIHR Blood and Transplant Research Unit in Donor Health and Genomics, UK Medical Research Council (MR/L003120/1), British Heart Foundation (RG/13/13/30194), and NIHR Research Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre. A complete list of the investigators and contributors to the INTERVAL trial is provided in reference.

Obecnie niewiele miejsca poświęca się w opracowaniach historycznoliterackich nurtowi Nowego Dziennikarstwa. Szczególnie w Polsce czytelnik lub badacz rzadko ma okazję dostrzec to zjawisko. W Stanach Zjednoczonych w latach sześćdziesiątych i siedemdziesiątych cieszyło się ono dużą popularnością i wzbudzało ogromne zainteresowanie. Wielu Nowych Dziennikarzy zdobyło sławę i miano celebrytów. W Polsce autorzy reprezentujący owe dziennikarstwo są mało znani, a ich twórczość tylko sporadycznie pojawia się w księgarniach. Powodem takiej sytuacji może być obawa tłumaczy i wydawców przed ograniczeniami związanymi z nieznajomością kontekstu kulturowego i polityczno-historycznego tekstów. Uważam, że jeśli taki jest powód niewielkiej popularności tego nurtu w Polsce, to należałoby zachęcić do sięgnięcia po lekturę dzieł takich kronikarzy jak Tom Wolfe czy Hunter Thompson. Bowiem twórczość autorów Nowego Dziennikarstwa dostarcza czytelnikowi ogromnej wiedzy o sytuacji politycznej, społecznej i kulturowej Ameryki drugiej połowy XX wieku, wyjaśnia przedstawione wydarzenia i obszernie je komentuje. Teksty Nowych Dziennikarzy wpisują się także w dyskusję nad tym jaką rolę tekst dziennikarski odgrywa w dostarczaniu wiedzy o świecie i interpretowaniu rzeczywistości. W mojej książce pragnę dowieść, że teksty z nurtu Nowego Dziennikarstwa są szczególnie ważnym źródłem wiedzy o kontrkulturze lat sześćdziesiątych. Fakt ten jest często ignorowany w badaniach kontrkultury, które skupiają się najczęściej tylko na analizie dokumentów historycznych i socjologicznych a zapominają o, w równej mierze ważnych, literackich reprezentacjach epoki lat sześćdziesiątych. Lata sześćdziesiąte w Stanach Zjednoczonych były erą burzliwych przemian społecznych, masowych rozruchów, antywietnamskich protestów, rewolucji seksualnej, zamachów politycznych, strajków studenckich, demonstracji, które wstrząsały Amerykanami. Nie byli oni w stanie zrozumieć tempa przemian oraz wydarzeń, których byli świadkami. W tym okresie zamordowano prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych, Johna Kennedy'ego, zastrzelono Martina Luthera Kinga, represjonowano walczącą o swobody życiowe część społeczności amerykańskiej. Codziennością stało się uczestniczenie w masowych pogrzebach ciał przywożonych z Wietnamu żołnierzy. Dziennikarze i reportażyści próbowali wytłumaczyć ludziom skomplikowaną naturę otaczającej ich rzeczywistości. By sytuację unaocznić, przedstawić zrozumiale i wyczerpująco musieli zastosować nowe sposoby i metody obrazowania i przedstawiania świata. Zmienili dotychczasowe środki wyrazu, użyli narracji, monologu wewnętrznego, dialogu, bogatych opisów świata, nadali koloryt widzianym obrazom. Tak powstało jedno z ciekawszych zjawisk literackich tamtej epoki – Nowe Dziennikarstwo, którego twórcy odpowiadali na zapotrzebowania społeczne analizując i komentując ważne wydarzenia polityczne i kulturalne Ameryki. Rysując skomplikowaną rzeczywistość Nowi Dziennikarze stworzyli reportażowo-literacki styl, zawierający socjologiczne i historyczne walory. Żywiołowo relacjonowali także rozwijającą się kulturę popularną, byli głównymi kronikarzami kontrkultury i czasów hippisowskich. Przede wszystkim jednak Nowe Dziennikarstwo i jego twórcy okazali się wspaniałymi charakteryzatorami jednostek. Poprzez opis zachowań postaci, ich sposobu mówienia, stylu ubierania, miejsc zamieszkania, charakteru wykonywanych przez nie prac dawali obraz ówczesnego społeczeństwa kontestującego. Celem niniejszej książki jest analiza wybranych tekstów Nowego Dziennikarstwa, która pozwala lepiej zrozumieć kontrkulturę i obyczaje Ameryki lat sześćdziesiątych, scharakteryzować ówczesną sytuację, oraz umożliwić dostrzeżenie wszystkiego w jaskrawych i wyraźnych kolorach. Kluczem do analizy stała się teoria nowego historyzmu, który przywrócił dziełom literackim kontekst historyczny, nie traktując tekstu jako autonomicznego tworu, a osadzając go w kontekście kulturowym. Literatura bowiem przekazuje społeczne, polityczne i kulturowe nastroje, ukazując ducha danej epoki. Nowi historycyści postrzegają ją jako źródło historyczne, odzwierciedlające realną rzeczywistość. Chcąc przedstawić nieodzowny kontekst do analizy kontrkultury, próbuję w rozdziale pierwszym przedstawić tło historyczne buntu i udział w nim prekursorów – hipsterów i bitników. Dalej zmierzam do przedstawienia wybuchu rebelii hippisowskiej w latach sześćdziesiątych, opisuję również społeczne i kulturowe przyczyny powstania kontrkultury, analizuję wydarzenia, które doprowadziły do upadku ruchu hippisowskiego. W rozdziale drugim skupiam się na okolicznościach narodzin i charakterystyce Nowego Dziennikarstwa, przedstawiam jego prekursorów, ich twórczość oraz głosy krytyki. Wskazuję też na fakt podniesienia rangi dziennikarstwa i przyczynienia się do jego rozwoju i rozpowszechnienia. W rozdziale trzecim zajmuję się genezą wymienionych niżej tekstów i przedstawiam sylwetki ich autorów. W drugiej części książki analizuję poszczególne powieści i artykuły prasowe Nowego Dziennikarstwa, które w całości skupiają się na ruchu hippisowskim i jego upadku. Analiza obejmuje powieści: Próbę kwasu w elektrycznej oranżadzie (1968) Toma Wolfa, Lęk i odrazę w Las Vegas (1971) Huntera Thompsona, esej Joan Didion Slouching Towards Bethlehem (1968), artykuły Richarda Goldsteina: Psychedelic Psell (1967), The Catcher In the Haight (1967), Love: A Groovy Idea While He Lasted (1967), San Francisco Bray (1967) oraz artykuły Huntera Thompsona: Why Boys Will Be Girls (1967), The 'Hashbury' Is the Capital of the Hippies (1967), The Hippies (1967). W książce wykorzystuję również do analizy fragmenty Hell's Angels. Anioły piekieł (1966) Huntera Thompsona, The Armies of the Night (1968) Normana Mailera, Loose Change (1977) Sary Davidson oraz We Are The People Our Parents Warned Us Against (1968) Nicholasa Von Hoffmana. Głównymi kryteriami wyboru tekstów były kontrkulturowe treści w nich zawarte oraz przynależność ich autorów do nurtu Nowego Dziennikarstwa. Analiza wspomnianych tekstów pozwala na scalenie i szerokie zobrazowanie integralnych elementów kontrkultury. W mojej książce opisuję rolę kontrkulturowych liderów, którzy w ogromnej mierze przyczynili się do rozszerzenia ruchu hippisowskiego i propagowania idei kontestacyjnych. Wskazuję na używanie środków poszerzających świadomość jako nieodłączną część buntu lat sześćdziesiątych. Opisuję hippisowskie komuny, życie w atmosferze wolnej miłości i rewolucji seksualnej. Analizuję komuny jako alternatywny sposób życia oraz jako formy protestu przeciw establishmentowi. Ukazuję rolę muzyki, tekstów piosenek, wydarzeń muzycznych i muzycznych idoli w czasach kontrkultury. W dalszej części książki omawiam czynniki, które w późnych latach sześćdziesiątych doprowadziły do upadku kontrkultury. Analiza kończy się zobrazowaniem komercjalizacji ruchu hippisowskiego, schyłku dekady lat sześćdziesiątych, upadku kontrkultury i koncepcji "American Dream". Śmiem twierdzić, że teksty, które wyszły spod pióra Nowych Dziennikarzy nie są dziś jedynie kulturowym artefaktem. Są bogatym źródłem wiedzy na temat kontrkultury lat sześćdziesiątych oraz częścią dziejów Stanów Zjednoczonych. Przedziwne i często zdumiewające wydarzenia, opisywane przez autorów, mogą stanowić źródło silnych i głębokich przemyśleń. Są jednocześnie jak ożywczy wiatr, który otwiera okiennice okna i pozwala na szersze, wyraźniejsze widzenie świata i jego spraw, oglądanych dotychczas tylko przez szparę owych okiennic. Szeroko otwarte okno jest metaforą odbierania świata widzianego nie wyłącznie przez "szkiełko i oko", ale wzbogaconego uczuciami Nowych Dziennikarzy, ich świeżym spojrzeniem, ich młodymi opiniami, interpretacją, dziennikarską swobodą i swadą. Należy podkreślić, że teksty Nowych Dziennikarzy są ważną i nierozerwalną częścią historii, stanowią dokumenty, które powinny być traktowane na równi z tekstami czysto literackimi, historycznymi i socjologicznymi. Ich połączona analiza uzupełnia dotychczas istniejący stan wiedzy na temat ruchów kontrkulturowych w Stanach Zjednoczonych w latach sześćdziesiątych. ; Książka dofinansowana ze środków Wydziału Filologicznego Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku ; Davidson, Sara. Loose Change, London: Fontana, 1978. ; Didion, Joan. Slouching Towards Bethlehem. London: Flamingo, 2001. ; Goldstein, Richard. Goldstein's Greatest Hits, New York: Tower Publications, 1970. ; Goldstein, Richard. (a) Reporting the Counterculture, Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989. ; Goldstein, Richard. (b) "The Psychedelic Psell", The Village Voice, 1967 in Richard Goldstein, Goldstein's Greatest Hits, New York: Tower Publications, 1970, 127-132. ; Goldstein, Richard. (c) "Catcher in the Haight", 1967, in Richard Goldstein, Reporting the Counterculture, Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989, 95-100. ; Goldstein, Richard. (d) "San Francisco Bray", 1967, in Richard Goldstein, Reporting the Counterculture, Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1989, 53-58. ; Goldstein, Richard. (e) "Love: A Groovy Idea While He Lasted", Village Voice, 1967, in Richard Goldstein, Goldstein's Greatest Hits, New York: Tower Publications, 1970, 167-170. ; Mailer, Norman. The Armies of The Night. History as a Novel. The Novel as History, New York: Plume, 1994. ; Thompson, Hunter S. (a) Hell's Angels, London: Penguin Books, 1967. ; Thompson, Hunter S. Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, New York: Second Vintage Books Edition, 1998. ; Thompson, Hunter S. "The Hashbury Is the Capital of the Hippies", The New York Times Magazine, May 14, 1967 in James F. Fixx ed., Drugs. The Great Contemporary Issues, New York, The New York Times, 1971, 674-688. ; Thompson, Hunter S. "The Hippies", 1968 Collier's Encyclopedia Yearbook: Covering the Year 1967. article on-line available from http://www.lovehaight.org/history/counterculture.html. Accessed: August 2, 2011. ; Thompson, Hunter S. "Why Boys Will Be Girls", Pageant, Aug. 1967, 94-101. ; Von Hoffman, Nicholas. We Are The People Our Parents Warned Us Against, Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1968. ; Wolfe, Tom. The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, London: Black Swan, 1993. ; Wolfe, Tom. "The 'Me' Decade and the Third Great Awakening", New York Magazine (August 23, 1976). article on-line available from http://nymag.com/news/features/45938/. Accessed: May 30, 2015. ; Aleksandrowicz-Pędich, Lucyna, ed. W kanonie prozy amerykańskiej. Od Poego do McCarthy'ego, Warszawa: Academica, 2011. ; Assmann, Aleida. Introduction to Cultural Studies: Topics, Concepts, Issues. Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 2012. ; Banco, Lindsey Michael. "Trafficking Trips: Drugs and the AntiTourist Novels of Hunter S. Thompson and Alex Garland", Studies in Travel Writing, September, Vol. 11, No. 2, 2007, 127-153. ; Bawer, Bruce. "Didion's Dreamwork", Hudson Review, Spring 2007. Vol. 60. Issue 1, 85-103. ; Bingham, June. "The Intelligent Square's Guide to Hippieland", September 24, 1967, New York Times, in James F. Fixx, ed., Drugs. The Great Contemporary Issues, New York: The New York Times, 1971, 25-81. ; Bird, Caroline. "Born 1930: The Unlost Generation", Harper's Bazaar, February 1957, 104-107, 174-175. ; Brannigan, John. New Historicism and Cultural Materialism, Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1998. ; Brannstein, Peter and Michael William Doyle. Imagine Nation: The American Counterculture of the 60s and 70s, New York; London: Routledge, 2002. ; Breslin, Jimmy. "Digging JFK Grave Was His Honor", The New York Herald Tribune, November 26, 1963. ; Burszta, Wojciech J., Mariusz Czubaj and Marcin Rychlewski, eds. Kontrkultura. Co nam z tamtych lat?, Warszawa: Academica, 2005. ; Burszta, Wojciech J. "Kontrkultura – mit zdegradowany?" in Wojciech J. Burszta, Mariusz Czubaj, Marcin Rychlewski, eds., Kontrkultura. Co nam z tamtych lat?, Warszawa: Academica, 2005, 218-222. ; Carroll, Jean E. Hunter: The Strange and Savage Life of Hunter S. Thompson, New York: A Plume Book, 1993. ; Casale, Anthony M. and Philip Lerman. Where Have All The Flowers Gone?, Kansas City: A Universal Press Syndicate Company, 1989. ; Cohn, Norman. The Pursuit of the Millennium, London: Secker and Warburg, 1957. ; Current, Richard N.; Frank Friedel; T. Harry Williams and Alan Brinkley. American History: A Survey, seventh edition, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987. ; DeKoven, Marianne. Utopia Limited. The Sixties and the Emergence of the Postmodern, Durham: Duke University Press, 2004. ; Demiańczuk, Jakub. "Lęk i odraza w Ameryce", Dziennik Nr 150, June 26, 2008, 20. ; Dennis, Everette E. and William L. Rivers. Other Voices. The New Journalism in America, San Francisco, Canfield Press, 1974. ; Dickens, Charles. A Tale of Two Cities, London: Grant Richards, 1903. ; Didion, Joan. "Why I Write", New York Times Magazine, December 5, 1979. article on-line available from: http://www.idiom.com/~rick/html/why_i_write.htm. Accessed: Feb. 20, 2010. ; Dobkin De Rios, Marlene. Hallucinogens: Cross-Cultural Perspectives, Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984. ; Du Bois, William Edward Burghardt. "The Conservation of Races", in Wilson J. Moses, The Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1850-1925, Hamden, Conn.: Archon, 1978, 134. ; Durczak, Jerzy. Contemporary American Nonfiction, Lublin: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, 1988. ; Durczak, Jerzy. "Nowe dziennikarstwo" in A.Salska, ed., Historia literatury amerykańskiej XX wieku, vol. 2, Kraków: Universitas, 2003, 329-336. ; Durczak, Jerzy. "Beatnicy" in A.Salska, ed., Historia literatury amerykańskiej XX wieku, vol. 2, Kraków: Universitas, 2003, 53-65. ; Echols, Alice. Shaky Ground. The 60s and Its Aftershocks, New York: Columbia University Press, 2002. ; Eliade, Mircea. The Two And The One, translated by J. M. Cohen, London: Harvill Press, 1965. ; Estellachild, Vivian. "Hippie Communes", Women: A Journal of Liberation 2, no. 2, 1970. ; Evans, Elizabeth. "The Prince of Gonzo" in William McKeen, Hunter S. Thompson, Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1991. article on-line available from: Literature Resource Center. Gale. NEW YORK PUBLIC LIBRARY http://go.galegroup.com/ps/start.do?p=LitRC&u+nypl, 29-39. ; Farber, David. "The Intoxicated State/Illegal Nation. Drugs in the Sixties Counterculture" in P. Brannstein, M.W. Doyle, Imagine Nation: The American Counterculture of the 60s and 70s, New York; London: Routledge, 2002, 17-40. ; Farber, David and Beth Bailey. The Columbia Guide to America in the 1960s, New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. ; Fixx, James F., ed. Drugs. The Great Contemporary Issues, New York: The New York Times, 1971. ; Frank, Thomas. The Conquest of Cool: Business Culture, Counterculture, and the Rise of Hip Consumerism, Chicago: University Of Chicago Press, 1997. ; Gair, Christopher. The American Counterculture, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007. ; Gates, David. "Some Kind of Journalist", Columbia Journalism Review, September/October 2008, 58-60. ; Gitlin, Todd. The Sixties. Years of Hope, Days of Rage, New York: Bantam Books, 1993. ; Gilmore, Mikal. "The Last Outlaw", Rolling Stone, March 24, 2005, Issue 970, 44-47. ; Ginsberg, Allen. "Howl", Collected poems 1947-1980, Great Britain: Viking Press, 1984, 134-140. ; "Gonzo", Collins English Dictionary, 10th edition, Glasgow: Harper Collins, 2009, 49. ; "Gonzo", Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, Deluxe Edition, Springfield, Massachusetts: Merriam-Webster, Incorporated, 1998, 791. ; Green, James. "Gonzo", Journal of Popular Culture, Vol 9:1, Summer, 1975, 204-210. ; Green, Jonathan. All Dressed Up. The Sixties and the Counterculture, London: Pimlico, 1999. ; Greene, John Robert. America in the Sixties, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2010. ; Grinspoon, Lester and James B. Bakalar. Psychedelic Drugs Reconsidered, New York: Basic Books, 1979. ; Grinspoon Lester and Peter Hedblom. The Speed Culture: Amphetamine Use and Abuse in America, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975. ; Grunenberg, Christopher and Jonathan Harris. Summer of Love. Psychedelic Art, Social Crisis and Counterculture in the 60s, Cambridge: Liverpool University Press, 2005. ; Hellman, John. Fables of Fact, Urbana; London: University of Illinois Press, 1981. ; Hentoff, Nat. "Behold The New Journalism–It's Coming After You", Evergreen Review, July 1968, 49-53. ; Hofmann, Albert. LSD – My Problem Child, book on-line available from: http://www.erowid.org/library/books_online/lsd_my_problem_child/index.shtml. Accessed: May 7, 2011. ; Hollowell, John. Fact & Fiction. The New Journalism and the Nonfiction Novel, Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1977. ; Homberger, Eric. "John Gregory Dunne", The Guardian, 2 January 2004, article on-line available from: http://www.guardian.co.uk/news/2004/jan/02/guardianobituaries.booksobituaries Accessed: Feb. 7, 2012. ; Hopkins, Jerry. The Hippie Papers, Toronto: Signet, 1968. ; Horowitz, David, Michael P. Lerner and David Pyes, eds. Counterculture and Revolution, New York: Random House, 1972. ; Hough 3rd, George A. "How "New"?", Journal of Popular Culture, Vol 9:1, Summer 1975, 114-121. ; Inciardi, James A. Youth, Drugs, and Street Crime, In Chemical Dependence. Patterns, Costs and Consequences, Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1987. ; Issitt, Mikah L. Hippies. A Guide to an American Subculture, Santa Barbara: Greenwood Press, 2009. ; Jankowski, Kazimierz. Hipisi w poszukiwaniu ziemi obiecanej, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Jacek Santorski & CO, 2003. ; Johnson, Michael L. The New Journalism. The Underground Press, the Artists of Nonfiction, and Changes in the Established Media, Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1971. ; Kallan, Richard A. "Entrance", Journal of Popular Culture, Vol 9:1, Summer 1975, 106-111. ; Kaplan, Fred. 1959. The Year Everything Changed, Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2009. ; Kapralov, Yuri. Once There Was a Village, New York: Akashic Books, 1974. ; Kaul, A. J. "Richard Goldstein", American Literary Journalists, 1945-1995: First Series. ed. Arthur J Kaul. Detroit: Gale Research, 1997. Dictionary of Literary Biography Vol. 185. Literature Resource Center. Accessed: Nov. 29, 2010. ; Kerouac, Jack. On the Road, London: Penguin Books, 1991. ; Kimball, Roger. The Long March. How the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s Changed America, San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2000. ; Kuligowski, Waldemar. "Płeć kontrkultury" in Wojciech J. Burszta, Mariusz Czubaj, Marcin Rychlewski, eds., Kontrkultura. Conam z tamtych lat?, Warszawa: Academica, 2005, 79-92. ; Labin, Suzanne. Hippies, Drugs and Promiscuity, New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House, 1972. ; Leary, Timothy, et. al. The Psychedelic Experience, New Hyde Park, N.Y.: University Books, 1964. ; Lee, Martin and Bruce Shlain. Acid Dreams: The Complete Social History of LSD: The CIA, the Sixties and Beyond, New York: Grove Press, 1985. ; Leech, Kenneth. Youthquake. The growth of a counterculture through two decades, London: Sheldon Press, 1973. ; Lindberg, Ulf, et al. Rock Criticism from the Beginning: amusers, bruisers and cool-headed cruisers, New York: Peter Lang, 2005. ; Lukas, J. Anthony. "The Life and Death of a Hippie", Esquire, May 1968, 106-178. ; Lukas, J. Anthony. "The Prince of Gonzo" in Richard Pollack et.al., Stop The Presses, I Want to Get Off, New York: Random House, 1975, 183-186. ; MacFarlane, Scott. The Hippie Narrative. A Literary Perspective on the Counterculture, Jefferson: McFarland & Company, inc., Publishers, 2007. ; Mailer, Norman. Advertisements for Myself, London: A. Deutsch, 1961. ; Matusow, Allen J. The Unraveling of America, New York: Harper& Row, 1984. ; McEneaney, Kevin T. Tom Wolfe's America. Heroes, Pranksters, and Fools, Westport: Praeger, 2009. ; McKeen, William. Outlaw Journalist. The Life and Times of Hunter S. Thompson, New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2008. ; McKeen, William. Tom Wolfe, New York: Twayne Publishers, 1995. ; McWilliams, John C. The 1960s Cultural Revolution, Westport: Greenwood Press, 2000. ; Melville, Keith. Communes in the Counter Culture, New York: William Morrow & Company, 1972. ; Menand, Louis. "Life in the Stone Age", in Deborah A. Schmitt,ed., Contemporary Literary Criticism, Vol. 104, Detroit, 1988, 38-44. ; Miles, Barry. Hippie. New York, London: Sterling, 2004. ; Miller, Timothy. The Hippies and American Values, Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1991. ; Mitgang, Herbert. "The Art of Insult Is Back, Gonzo Style", New York Times, 11 August 1988, C23. ; Morgan, Edward P. What Really Happened to the 1960s. How Mass Media Culture Failed American Democracy, Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2010. ; Mosser, Jason. "What's Gonzo about Gonzo Journalism?", Literary Journalism Studies, Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas +40: a special issue, Vol. 4, No 1, Spring 2012, 85-90. ; Nobelprize.org, "Bob Dylan – Nobel Lecture", available from: https://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/literature/laureates/2016/dylan-lecture.html, Accessed: Nov. 10, 2017. ; Orliński, Wojciech. "Naćpany idealista w Las Vegas", Gazeta Wyborcza, June 24, 2008, K17. ; Othitis, Christine. "The Beginnings and Concept of Gonzo Journalism", 1994, article on-line available from: http://www.mahalo.com/Gonzo_Journalism, Accessed: Nov. 21, 2011. ; Palmer, Cynthia and Michael Horowitz, eds. Sisters of the Extreme. Women Writing on the Drug Experience, Rochester, Vermont: Park Street Press, 2000. ; Parsons, Talcott. The Social System, London: Routlege & Kegan Paul Ltd, 1991. ; Paryż, Marek. "Dziennikarstwo wyjęte spod prawa: Huntera S. Thompsona szaleńcza podróż de serca amerykańskiego snu" in Lucyna Aleksandrowicz-Pędich, ed., W kanonie prozy amerykańskiej. Od Poego do McCarthy'ego, Warszawa: Academica, 2011, 165-180. ; Peck, Abe. Uncovering the Sixties, New York: Pantheon, 1985. ; Perlmutter, Emanuel. "Girl, Youth Slain In 'Village' Cellar", The New York Times, October 9, 1967 in James F. Fixx, ed., Drugs. The Great Contemporary Issues, New York: The New York Times, 1971, 660-673. ; Perry, Charles. The Haight – Ashbury, New York: Wenner Books, 2005. ; Perry, Paul. On the Bus. The Complete Guide to the Legendary Trip of Ken Kesey and The Merry Pranksters and the Birth of the Counterculture, New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1990. ; Pichaske, David. A Generation In Motion. Popular Music And Culture in The Sixties, Granite Falls, Minn.: Ellis Press, 1989. ; Plant, Sadie. Writing On Drugs, New York: Picador, 2001. ; Pollack, Richard, et. al. Stop The Presses, I Want to Get Off, New York: Random House, 1975. ; Radford, Jean. Norman Mailer: a critical study, London: Macmillan, 1975. ; Reich, Charles A. The Greening of America, New York: Bantam Books, 1971. ; Robbins, Tom. Wild Ducks Flying Backward, New York: Bantam Books, 2005. ; Roszak, Theodore. From Satori to Sillicon Valley, San Francisco: Don't Call It Frisco Press, 1986. ; Roszak, Theodore. The Making of a Counter Culture. Reflections on the Technocratic Society and Its Youthful Opposition, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995. ; Roth, Philip. American Pastoral, Kindle Edition, 2013. ; Roth, Philip. Reading Myself and Others, London: Cape, 1975. ; Russel, Jennifer M. ""A Savage Place!" Hunter S. Thompson and His Pleasure Dome", Literary Journalism Studies, Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas +40: a special issue, Vol. 4, No 1, Spring 2012, 37-50. ; Salska, Agnieszka, ed. Historia literatury amerykańskiej XX wieku, vol. 2, Kraków: Universitas, 2003. ; Schmitt, Deborah A., ed. Contemporary Literary Criticism, Vol. 104, Detroit, 1988. ; Shafer, Jack. "The Tripster in Wolfe's Clothing", Columbia Journalism Review, March/April 2006, 54-57. ; Shapiro, Harry. Waiting For The Man. The Story Of Drugs And Popular Music, London: Helter Skelter Publishing, 2003. ; Sickles, Robert C. "A Countercultural Gatsby: Hunter S. Thompson's Fear and Loathing In Las Vegas, the Death of the American Dream and the Rise of Las Vegas, USA", Popular Culture Review, Vol. 11, 2000, 61-74. ; Sims, Norman. True Stories. A Century of Literary Journalism, Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 2007. ; Singleton, Carl, ed. The Sixties in America Vol I, Pasadena: Salem Press, 1999. ; Stevens, Jay. Storming Heaven. LSD and The American Dream, New York: Harper & Row, 1988. ; Snyder, Gary. "Buddhist Anarchism", Journal for the Protection of All Beings #1, City Lights, 1961. ; Szczerba, Jacek. "Dziennikarze z Karaibów", Gazeta Wyborcza, Dec. 31, 2011, article on-line available from: http://wyborcza.pl/1,75475,10893724,Dziennikarze_z_Karaibow.html. Accessed: Jan. 1, 2012. ; Talese, Gay. "Joe Louis: The King as a Middle-Aged Man", Esquire, June 1962. ; Thompson, Hunter S. Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail '72, London: Flamingo, 1973. ; Thompson, Hunter S. The Great Shark Hunt, London: Picador, 1980. ; Thompson, Hunter S. "The Kentucky Derby is Decadent and Depraved", Scanlan's Monthly, vol. 1, no. 4, June 1970. ; Thompson, Hunter S. "There were no rules, fear was unknown, and sleep was out of the question", foreword in Paul Perry, On The Bus. The Complete Guide to the Legendary Trip of Ken Kesey and the Merry Pranksters and the Birth of the Counterculture, New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1990, xv-xvi. ; Torgoff, Martin. Can't Find My Way Home: America in the Great Stoned Age 1945-2000, New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2005. ; Tytell, John. Naked Angels. The Lives and Literature of the Beat Generation, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1976. ; Usher Henderson, Katherine. Joan Didion, New York: Ungar, 1981. ; Van Meter, Jonathan. "When Everything Changes", New York Books, October 7, 2005. article on-line available from: http://nymag.com/nymetro/arts/books/14633/. Accessed: Dec. 7, 2010. ; Watson, Steven. The Birth of the Beat Generation, New York: Pantheon Books, 1998. ; Weber, Ronald. The Literature of Fact: Literary Nonfiction in American Writing, Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1980. ; Weinberg, Arthur and Lila. The Muckrakers, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001. ; Weingarten, Marc. The Gang That Wouldn't Write Straight, New York: Three Rivers Press, 2005. ; Whelan, Brent. "Furthur: Reflections on Counter-Culture and the Postmodern", Cultural Critique, Number 11, Winter 1988-89, 63-86. ; Whitmer, Peter O. When the Going Gets Weird: The Twisted Life and Times of Hunter S. Thompson: a very unauthorized biography, New York: Hyperion, 1993. ; Whitmer, Peter O. and Bruce VanWyngarden. Aquarius Revisited, New York: Macmillan, 1987. ; Willis, Paul E. Profane Culture, London: Routlege & Kegan Paul, 1978. ; Winchell, Mark Royden. "Joan Didion" in James R. Giles and Wanda H. Giles, eds., American Novelists Since World War II: Fifth Series, Detroit: Gale Research, 1996. Accessed: Nov. 29, 2010. ; Wolfe, Tom. The Kandy-Kolored Tangerine-Flake Streamline Baby, London: Picador, 1966. ; Wolfe, Tom. The New Journalism, London: Picador, 1975. ; Yardley, Jonathan. "The Sixties Revival: Echoes from an Empty Decade," Washington Post, July 24, 1987, C2. ; Yablonsky, Lewis. The Hippie Trip, San Jose: toExcel, 2000. ; Yinger, John Milton. "Contraculture and Subculture," American Sociological Review 25(1960), 625-635. ; Zimmerman, Nadya. Counterculture Kaleidoscope: musical and cultural perspectives on late sixties San Francisco, Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan Press, 2008. ; Żulczyk, Jakub. "W poszukiwaniu amerykańskiego snu", introduction to Hunter S. Thompson, Lęk i odraza w Las Vegas, translated by Marcin Wróbel, Maciej Potulny, Warszawa: Niebieska Studnia, 2008, 257-270. ; Gibney, Alex (director). Gonzo: The Life and Work of Dr. Hunter S. Thompson, USA: Magnolia Home Entertainment, 2008. ; Dylan, Bob. "Mr. Tambourine Man", Bringing It All Back Home, 1965. Lyrics available from: http://www.bobdylan.com/songs/mr-tambourine-man. Accessed: Jan. 3, 2012. ; Jefferson Airplane. "White Rabbit", Surrealistic Pillow, 1967. Lyrics available from: http://www.metrolyrics.com/white-rabbitlyrics-jefferson-airplane.html. Accessed: Jan. 3, 2012. ; Jefferson Airplane. "Let's Get Together", Jefferson Airplane Takes Off, 1966. Lyrics available from: http://www.lyricsfreak.com/ j/jefferson+airplane/lets+get+together_20244570.html. Accessed: Jan. 3, 2012. ; McLean, Don. "American Pie", American Pie, 1971. Lyrics available from: http://www.lyrics007.com/Don%20McLean%20Lyrics/American%20Pie%20Lyrics.html. Accessed: Jan. 3, 2012.

1) Una panorámica sobre la Política Pública de Convivencia en Hispanoamérica."Convivencia" es un término usado en Hispanoamérica para denominar aquella política, o componente de una estrategia mayor de política pública, que tiene como meta mejorar las relaciones entre ciudadanos o entre grupos de ciudadanos. Los objetivos que se quiere alcanzar con este mejoramiento son variados, pero en general están relacionados a:Disminuir o moderar los niveles de violencia interpersonal.Incidir positivamente en la sensación subjetiva de seguridad (la cual suele mantenerse pese a la disminución objetiva de la violencia interpersonal).Integración social de grupos específicos (típicamente migrantes).Promover la tolerancia a la diversidad (cultural, sexual, etc.).Promover el acceso a derechos y el respeto de derechos."Convivencia" se ha transformado paulatinamente en un enfoque que tiende a ser el paraguas conceptual que orienta la política de seguridad interna en muchos Estados. Tal es el caso de Uruguay con "La estrategia por la vida y la convivencia" o el colombiano con la "Política Nacional de Seguridad y Convivencia Ciudadana"1. En su origen, detrás de esta orientación de política pública estaba la convicción de que para detener la violencia interpersonal no alcanzaba con represión y política social. Era necesario algo más.Actualmente se usa el término "convivencia" tanto para políticas dirigidas a intervenir sobre la violencia interpersonal en sus variadas formas (entre ciudadanos, a nivel doméstico, etc.) como a intervenir en situaciones de decadencia o erosión de la sociabilidad (y de esta manera prevenir futuras situaciones de violencia interpersonal o conflictividad).Un elemento característico de las políticas de Convivencia es la fuerte participación de los gobiernos locales. Si bien, como es el caso de Uruguay, las políticas de Convivencia pueden estar contenidas en una estrategia nacional, la participación de alcaldías, municipalidades, etc., es muy importante. Esto es así porque los problemas de convivencia (sea violencia, inseguridad o integración) son problemas de las ciudades y su dinámica social2.Otro elemento característico de las políticas de Convivencia es la importancia que se da a la participación de la comunidad organizada para el éxito de los programas y proyectos. Con dicha participación se pretende dar apoyo a políticas que requieren de tiempo para arrojar resultados positivos (Frühling, 2012).Las llamadas políticas de convivencia recurren a muy variados instrumentos. Estos últimos van desde la educación ciudadana hasta la inversión en infraestructura para la interacción, esparcimiento o disfrute urbano; pueden implicar acciones masivas (por ejemplo publicidad o intervenciones urbanas en puntos neurálgicos de la ciudad), así como pueden implicar acciones particulares en zonas o barrios de la ciudad (intervenciones con centros culturales o en espacios urbanos como plazas) y otras modalidades. La intervención en el espacio público como forma de promover participación y relaciones de convivencia entre los ciudadanos es una idea altamente difundida3. La relevancia del barrio en las políticas de Convivencia es una clara derivación del énfasis que tiene la búsqueda de potenciar la sociabilidad y relaciones interpersonales a través del mejoramiento de la infraestructura urbana para esparcimiento e interacción. El barrio es, a su vez, la más pequeña unidad territorial que se maneja a nivel de políticas urbanas.Hay algunas definiciones comúnmente usadas en Hispanoamérica. Antanas Mockus (Colombia) define Convivencia de la siguiente manera:Convivir es llegar a vivir juntos entre distintos sin los riesgos de la violencia y con la expectativa de aprovechar fértilmente nuestras diferencias. El reto de la convivencia es básicamente el reto de la tolerancia a la diversidad y ésta encuentra su manifestación más clara en la ausencia de violencia. (Mockus, 2002, pág. 20)Romero y Sánchez (España) definen convivencia con las siguientes palabras:Podemos sintetizar lo visto hasta el momento e indicar que, desde un análisis meramente lingüístico, convivencia es la "acción de convivir", así como la "relación entre los que conviven". Dentro de esta segunda acepción, convivencia significa, más concretamente, "vivir en buena armonía con los demás". (Romero & Sánchez, 2007, pág. 78) 2) Discusión de los problemas de Convivencia desde la Sociología.En esta sección se intentará ubicar los problemas que la política pública define como problemas "de convivencia" dentro del marco de discusión de la sociología.Las definiciones de Convivencia normalmente implican relaciones de respeto a pesar de diferencias, capacidad de manejar relaciones humanas a pesar del conflicto. El valor de la convivencia estaría en que en una colectividad donde hay buena convivencia hay cooperación entre diferentes, ausencia de violencia y armonía pese a las diferencias. Como se señaló al principio del documento, la idea detrás de la política pública es que potenciar la convivencia permite influir positivamente en el control de la violencia interpersonal, mejorar la sensación subjetiva de seguridad, colaborar con la integración social de grupos específicos, promover la tolerancia a la diversidad.¿Qué campos de investigación discuten estos problemas en sociología? ¿Qué es posible aprender de las discusiones en estos campos de estudio para mejorar la política pública? Se intentará responder a estas preguntas en el texto que sigue.Es importante plantear desde el principio cuál ha sido el criterio general para la revisión de la literatura que se va a presentar. Se considera que los problemas que en política pública se conceptualizan como "de convivencia" en sociología se conceptualizan como problemas de cohesión (o integración), capital social y/o acción colectiva. Estos tres campos tienen que ver con tres problemas altamente relacionados con "convivencia": compartir normas y valores, colaborar con otros así como contar con otros para los proyectos propios y actuar junto a otros para resolver problemas colectivos o para transformar los espacios públicos.Hay una idea fundante en sociología, esta es aquella que postula que el cemento que mantiene unida a una sociedad es un mínimo de cohesión valorativa y apego a las normas. Esto permitiría a una sociedad funcionar sin la existencia de conflictos desarticuladores. El problema del orden4 es ya un problema clave en la reflexión de E. Durkheim (1858-1917). Para él las sociedades modernas podían alcanzar este mínimo sin necesidad de que las personas se conocieran cara a cara. Llamó a este mecanismo solidaridad orgánica y lo opuso a la solidaridad mecánica (típica de las comunidades tradicionales). Cuando este mínimo se afecta pueden surgir situaciones de anomia que promueven patologías sociales como el suicidio o la criminalidad5.El problema del orden también está presente en la idea proveniente de la antropología según la cual el cemento de la sociedad está en las obligaciones recíprocas que existen entre sus miembros. En esta perspectiva las instituciones sociales son formas de objetivar y dar continuidad a estas obligaciones. Las instituciones constituyen el medio a través del cual se controla la conducta y el marco que habilita la posibilidad de confianza en los demás y la cooperación (Malinowski, 1985 [1926]).A continuación se hará un repaso de los principales argumentos en las literaturas relativas a los tópicos cohesión social, capital social y eficacia colectiva. En las mismas se continúan y profundizan las referidas ideas. 2.1. Convivencia desde la perspectiva de Cohesión social.El problema de la cohesión social tiene al menos dos grandes vertientes. La cohesión entendida como el grado de reciprocidad entre los miembros de una sociedad en función de los acuerdos valorativos y normativos. Esta es la perspectiva de Durkheim según la cual una sociedad cohesionada es aquella en la cual los vínculos forjados a través de valores y normas permiten el funcionamiento de una sociedad compleja sin necesidad de una coordinación central. La cohesión en esta perspectiva puede ser nociva en sus extremos. Una sociedad altamente cohesionada puede tiranizar a sus miembros individuales al no tolerar ningún desafío a la autoridad del grupo. Asimismo es una sociedad con dificultades para vincularse con otras sociedades o para aceptar en su seno a miembros de otras comunidades. El otro extremo es una sociedad débilmente cohesionada (anomia) en la cual los individuos interactúan con base en marcos normativos contradictorios y no encuentran amparo ni reconocimiento en otros individuos. Por tanto, para Durkheim lo "saludable" en una sociedad moderna es algún punto intermedio entre los extremos antedichos. La consecuencia más relevante de una cohesión "saludable" sería la siguiente: una sociedad cohesionada sería una sociedad con más posibilidades de cooperación entre sus miembros y capacidad para resolver pacíficamente los conflictos, sería una sociedad moderadamente abierta a la innovación y capaz de procesar el cambio social así como una sociedad capaz de respetar credos, ideas y estilos de vida diferentes en su seno.En esta tradición la cohesión social se identifica "con la capacidad de una determinada sociedad para producir confianza social, para generar redes de cooperación efectivas entre extraños y para comprometer el interés y el respeto público en las acciones individuales, más la particular capacidad de sancionar al que saca ventajas indebidas de la fuerza de la cooperación social (free rider)" (Valenzuela, Schwartzman, Biehl, & Valenzuela, 2008, pág. 8). O como lo define otro autor, la cohesión social está relacionada con la creencia en una comunidad moral: "the belief—held by citizens in a given nation state—that they share a moral community, which enables them to trust each other" (Larsen, 2013).En esta perspectiva los vínculos fuertes (familia, amigos, con los cuales hay una relación íntima, frecuente y con fuertes lazos de lealtad) no son la clave para la construcción de una sociedad cohesionada. Por el contrario, una sociedad cohesionada y capaz de actuar sobre sus problemas implica buenos vínculos entre extraños o personas con poco conocimiento mutuo (Granovetter, 1973). Los vínculos fuertes pueden constituirse en vínculos negativos: la disposición a permanecer y relacionarse con iguales o parientes puede transformarse en hostilidad y discriminación hacia el diferente.En esta perspectiva el temor es "la fuente principal de destrucción de la confianza y de la disposición hacia la colaboración. La preocupación por los efectos de la violencia criminal en la desorganización de los barrios es un buen ejemplo de esto. El aumento del temor, muchas veces en contextos de sociedades que envejecen aceleradamente, conduce a diferentes formas de repliegue y desconexión social que debilitan enormemente la consistencia de la sociedad civil" (Valenzuela, Schwartzman, Biehl, & Valenzuela, 2008, pág. 9).Indicadores del nivel de cohesión social habituales en este enfoque: montos de confianza interpersonal,la fortaleza de la asociatividad,la consistencia de las relaciones vecinales y de amistad, especialmente cuando ellas comprometen relaciones más lejanas – o "vínculos débiles"disposición al compromiso cívico de los ciudadanos, la cual no implica siempre confianza y participación propiamente políticas.Ahora bien, otra literatura refiere a cohesión social asimilándola al nivel de desigualdad entre los miembros de la sociedad. Esta puede denominarse como la perspectiva de la equidad (Valenzuela, Schwartzman, Biehl, & Valenzuela, 2008). Así como para la perspectiva de origen durkheimiano el opuesto de la cohesión social es la desintegración social o la anomia, para esta perspectiva el opuesto de la cohesión es la exclusión social (Sorj & Tironi, 2007).Estas teorías parten de la fuente estructural de los vínculos entre las personas y grupos en una sociedad: la equidad, definida como "la capacidad de la sociedad para producir una distribución equitativa del poder o del bienestar mediante arreglos institucionales específicamente diseñados para este propósito" (Valenzuela, Schwartzman, Biehl, & Valenzuela, 2008, pág. 10).Lo que la teoría hipotetiza es que cuando existen desequilibrios en materia de equidad –y si son percibidos y considerados "hirientes" por las personas- éstos pueden conducir al conflicto abierto entre grupos. "Según esta perspectiva los problemas de cohesión no se traducen en desorganización y anomia social, sino más bien en una polarización entre grupos o clases dentro de la sociedad que puede escalar hacia el conflicto abierto, la hostilidad política y hasta el uso de la fuerza en la resolución de las diferencias sociales" (Valenzuela, Schwartzman, Biehl, & Valenzuela, 2008, pág. 10).Los conflictos fruto de una crisis de cohesión pueden terminar en autoritarismo. En la perspectiva democrática la búsqueda de cohesión se consigue si existen instituciones que pueden asegurar la resolución de conflictos de forma pacífica.En este enfoque hay tanto indicadores subjetivos como objetivos de equidad o distancia social. Esto es así porque una dimensión es la relativa a las distancias sociales que objetivamente pueden medirse a través del índice Gini por ejemplo, y otra es la percepción que los miembros tienen de dicha distancia y cómo esta percepción condiciona sus relaciones con otras personas o grupos sociales.Este enfoque centrado en equidad ha sido muy influyente en política pública y en la perspectiva de organismos internacionales (en las políticas de la Unión Europea y en el caso de América Latina en CEPAL) (European Commission, 2014) (Feres & Villatoro, 2010). 2.2. Convivencia desde la perspectiva de Capital Social.El concepto de capital social es un desarrollo relativamente reciente y que a partir de la publicación de varios artículos del politólogo Robert Putnam (Putnam, Bowling Alone: America's Declining Social Capital, 1995) y particularmente de su libro "Bowling alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community" (Putnam, 2000) se ha convertido en un campo de estudios prominente en sociología. Para tener una idea, una búsqueda de la frase "social capital" en la biblioteca digital JSTOR arroja unos 8.100 artículos, mientras que la misma búsqueda para "social cohesion" arroja 340. Pese a ser una versión popular del concepto de "capital social", particularmente entre policy makers y organismos internacionales6 la versión de Putnam es una de las más cuestionadas.El concepto de capital social tiene su origen en sociología en la obra de Pierre Bourdieu y de James Coleman (Portes & Vickstrom, 2012) (Portes, 1998). Estos trabajos inician una de las tradiciones relevantes en materia de capital social y su estudio que continúa hoy en día con el trabajo de investigadores como Ronald Burt, Nan Lin, Alejandro Portes.Bourdieu y Coleman trabajan desde la perspectiva del individuo o de pequeños grupos. Si bien tienen diferencias entre sí ambos insisten en un punto clave: los beneficios que tienen los individuos o familias a través de los vínculos que tienen con otros. Bourdieu tiene una perspectiva instrumental del concepto: las personas construyen en forma intencional sus vínculos, teniendo en cuenta los beneficios que podrían traerles en el futuro. Como explica Alejandro Portes:"En unas cuantas páginas brillantes, Bourdieu trata las interacciones entre el capital monetario, el capital social y el capital cultural, y define este último como la combinación de las credenciales de educación formal que posee un individuo y un complejo intangible de valores y estilos de comportamiento. El principal aporte de Bourdieu fue mostrar que estas tres formas de capital son fungibles, que pueden ser intercambiadas unas con otras y que de hecho requieren dichos intercambios para su desarrollo (Bourdieu 1980). Así, un capital social considerable rara vez puede ser adquirido sin la inversión de ciertos recursos materiales y sin la posesión de algún saber cultural, lo que le permite al individuo establecer relaciones con otras personas que tienen capitales valiosos". (Portes, 2004, pág. 151)Si bien la definición original de J. Coleman es vaga7, a través de sus ejemplos es claro que su énfasis está en la confianza interpersonal y cómo el "cerramiento" (closure) de la estructura social (lo cual se logra mediante el conocimiento directo o mediado de las personas que interactúan) facilita el control mutuo, lo cual permite el cumplimiento de normas. El control mutuo es una garantía que fortalece la confianza interpersonal y facilita la interacción de múltiples maneras.En definitiva, en este enfoque el capital social ha sido definido alternativamente como una fuente de control social, una fuente de beneficios mediados por las familias y una fuente de recursos mediados por redes no familiares (Portes, 2004).La segunda tradición y la más influyente es la iniciada por Robert Putnam. En este enfoque el capital social es una propiedad de los colectivos (a nivel agregado). Esto hace que sea posible calificar a una comunidad, ciudad o país por su nivel de capital social. Esto ha habilitado la posibilidad de estudiar una multiplicidad de fenómenos (desde temas de salud a temas de criminalidad) y la manera en que el capital social de la comunidad influye en los mismos. Esta idea ha penetrado fuertemente en políticos, hacedores de política pública y organismos internacionales.En la visión de Putnam el capital social de una comunidad depende de la naturaleza y alcance del involucramiento de los individuos en redes informales de interacción y organizaciones cívicas formales. Por tanto, el capital social de una comunidad se mide tanto a través del contacto de los miembros entre sí (ya sea a través del saludo, el compartir una cena o apoyarse en el cuidado de los niños) como de la participación en organizaciones. Esto permite determinar el nivel de salud cívica de una población y estudiar la manera en que la misma influye en el crimen, la salud, pobreza, desempleo, etc. La idea ha sido también influyente porque permite pensar formas de detener el declive de la vida cívica o potenciar a las comunidades y así influir en problemas de muy difícil resolución (Woolcock & Narayan., 2000). (Grootaert, Narayan, Jones, & Woolcock, 2004). Definiciones de capital social: resumen de concepciones relevantes en política pública e investigación.Robert PutnamAspectos de las organizaciones sociales tales como las redes, las normas y la confianza, que facilitan la acción y la cooperación para beneficio mutuo.James ColemanLos recursos socio-estructurales que constituyen un activo de capital para el individuo y facilitan ciertas acciones comunes de quienes conforman esa estructura.Pierre BourdieuEl capital social (capital social. Capital cultural, capital económico, capital simbólico) es un tipo de capital, entre otros, que permite la movilidad de los agentes de un espacio social determinado.Banco MundialInstituciones, relaciones, actitudes y valores que gobiernan la interacción de las personas y facilitan el desarrollo económico y la democracia.Bonding: "Capital social de lazos", que genera lazos de unión entre los miembros de una misma comunidad. Se limita a contribuir al bienestar de sus miembros.Bridging: "Capital social de puente", que genera sinergia entre grupos disímiles. Abre oportunidades económicas a aquellos que pertenecen a los grupos menos poderosos o excluidos.Fuentes: (Durston, Duhart, Miranda, & Monzó, 2003) (Arriagada, Miranda, & Pávez., 2004)Las conceptualizaciones de capital social, principalmente las asociadas a Putnam y los investigadores del Banco Mundial, son influyentes en la reflexión sobre Convivencia por cuanto señalan cuáles son los aspectos de la vida comunitaria relevantes para mejorar las relaciones entre las personas. Asimismo es una conceptualización que brinda un armazón causal para fundamentar el valor de invertir en la convivencia social para mejorar aspectos como el crimen y la violencia doméstica sin recurrir a políticas represivas. Pese a ello estas perspectivas han sido fuertemente criticadas desde la academia. Un crítico incisivo es Alejandro Portes. En la visión de Portes el énfasis de Putnam en los valores cívicos y particularmente la contraposición entre un pasado idílico (con fuertes valores cívicos y participación social) y un presente individualista es una manera equivocada de encarar el problema en las sociedades modernas. Portes aduce que los resultados de investigación generados por el programa de investigación de Putnam tienen el problema de delimitar con claridad las precedencias causales: ¿es el capital social causa del desarrollo económico o al revés? La discusión de este problema y la revisión de los datos de investigación en capital social lleva a Portes a postular que la inversión sólo en capital social, sin tener en cuenta factores estructurales como pobreza, movilidad residencial y otros, no alcanza para afectar significativamente criminalidad, violencia, salud, etc.8 Esta es una discusión altamente relevante y a tener en cuenta en el diseño de programas de Convivencia. ¿Por qué? Porque señala que las políticas de Convivencia que enfatizan sólo en aspectos de cohesión o capital social deben buscar articularse institucionalmente con otros programas que estén dirigidos a afectar los aspectos estructurales de los territorios (como pobreza, desempleo, movilidad residencial, vivienda) para poder lograr sus objetivos. 1-"Dicha Política tiene un ámbito claramente distinto de la Política de Seguridad Nacional, la que se focaliza en fuerzas irregulares armadas opuestas al Estado y en organizaciones ligadas al crimen organizado. La Política se propone entregar una respuesta integral a los problemas de seguridad existentes, para lo cual define los siguientes Ejes Estratégicos: i) Prevención social y situacional; ii) Presencia y control policial; iii) Justicia, víctimas y resocialización; iv) Cultura de legalidad y convivencia; v) Ciudadanía activa y responsable" (Frühling, 2012, pág. 25)2-En el caso de Colombia, por ejemplo, la política es coordinada por la Alta Consejería Presidencial de Seguridad Ciudadana. Ésta articula a 17 entidades nacionales y 3 Programas Nacionales (Frühling, 2012).3-"La red nace a iniciativa del Centro Internacional de Formación para las Autoridades y Agentes Locales, CIFAL Barcelona. El centro es fruto de un acuerdo entre el Departamento de Interior, Relaciones Institucionales y Participación de la Generalitat de Catalunya y el Instituto de Naciones Unidas para la Formación Profesional e Investigaciones (UNITAR) con el objetivo de promover la cooperación en materia de seguridad y convivencia en los espacios urbanos. En este marco se iniciaron los trabajos, junto con el asesoramiento científico de la École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne (EPFL), para la constitución de la red. En un espíritu de diálogo multidisciplinar, varios sectores proponen sumir su expertise a los trabajos de la red, incluso la empresa VEOLIA Environnement, dedicada, junto a las Naciones Unidas, a mejorar la calidad de vida en las ciudades. De este modo, en enero de 2007 se celebró en Barcelona la primera reunión del comité de desarrollo de la red, formada por representantes de instituciones públicas, académicas, organizaciones de la sociedad civil y del ámbito privado de países europeos y latinoamericanos con la intención de poner las bases de la red y abordar la problemática desde una perspectiva interactoral [sic] e intersectorial" (Boisteau & Xifra, 2007, pág. 5).4-Jon Elster resume el problema de la siguiente manera: "¿Qué es lo que mantiene unidas a las sociedades y les impide desintegrarse en el caos y en la guerra". (Elster, 2005, pág. 13)5-E. Durkheim plantea estas ideas originalmente en "La división social del trabajo" (1893) y "El suicidio" (1897).6- Por ejemplo la vision de capital social del BID está claramente influenciada por Putnam (Woolcock, 1998) (Woolcock & Narayan., 2000).7-"Social capital is defined by its function. It is not a single entity but a variety of different entities, with two elements in common: they consist of some aspect of social structures, and they facilitate certain actions of actors –wether persons or corporate actors- within the structure. Like other forms of capital, social capital is productive, making possible the achievement of certain ends that in its absence would not be possible". (Coleman, 1988, pág. S98)8- "Como hemos visto en epígrafes anteriores, los estudios empíricos han demostrado que el índice de capital social de Putnam es un correlato o una consecuencia de procesos más básicos, como la desigualdad y la segregación racial. Estos procesos son los que merecen atención, puesto que sí amenazan la viabilidad a largo plazo de las sociedades democráticas modernas. La solidaridad de estas sociedades se deduce en último término de las oportunidades que ofrecen a todos sus miembros de alcanzar sus metas individuales. La denegación sistemática de esas oportunidades a amplios sectores sobre la base de su raza o de su origen étnico es enemiga de las formas superiores de cohesión basadas en reglas universalistas e imparciales". (Portes & Vickstrom, 2012, pág. 101).

Gabrielle Hecht on Nuclear Ontologies, De-provincializing the Cold War, and Postcolonial Technopolitics



This is the fourth in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich 




Nuclear power has formed a centerpiece of Cold-War IR
theorizing. Yet besides the ways in which its destructive capacity invalidates
or alters the way we should understand questions of war and peace, there are
different powers at play in the roles the nuclear assumes in global politics.
Through careful investigations of alternative sites and spaces of nuclear
politics, Gabrielle Hecht has uncovered some of the unexpected ways in which
what one can call the 'nuclear condition' affects politics across the globe. In
this Talk, Hecht, amongst others,
explores what it means to 'be nuclear'; explains how we need to deprovincialize
the Cold War to fully grasp its significance in global politics; and challenges
us to explore technopolitics outside of the comfortable context of
OECD-countries.





Print version of this Talk (pdf)



What is according to your view the most important challenge
facing global politics and what is/should be the central debate in the
discipline of International Relations (IR)?



I think one of the most important
challenges in global politics is the question of planetary boundaries. In the
1970s the Club of Rome published the report 'the Limits to Growth' (read PDF here), which addressed
the finite quality of the planet's resources. It exposed the problems that
the ideology (and practice) of endless economic
growth posed for these limits. The question of climate change today really is
all about planetary boundaries. We have already exceeded the CO2 level
that is safe for the planet to sustain human life: We have just passed 400
parts per million; the desirable level is rated at 350 parts per million; the
pre-industrial level of CO2 was 270 parts per million. So we have
already produced more CO2 than is sustainable. And that is just one
indicator. There are all kinds of other planetary boundaries at play—energy
supply being the most salient one in terms of climate change. How can we even
produce enough energy to maintain the lifestyles of the industrialized north? What
about the requirements of the so-called 'rest'?



Obviously this is a huge issue and
there are many parts to it. One part of this—the piece that I have studied the
most—is nuclear power. Many people are enthusiastic about nuclear power as a
solution to climate change. Some prominent environmentalists have been
converted, because they believe nuclear power offers a way to produce a large
amount of energy with a very small amount of matter, and because they see it as
carbon free. (That's pretty clearly not the case, by the way, though nuclear
power certainly produces less carbon than fossil fuels.) But are the human health
and environmental costs worth the savings in carbon? Do the resources poured
into nuclear power—some are predicting a thousand new reactors in the next
few decades—take away resources from other forms of energy production, forms
that could potentially address the emissions problems more rapidly and with lower
costs for the environment and for human health? Moreover, nuclear power in any
one location ends up becoming a global issue. So in that sense nuclear power in
China, in India or in Japan is inherently a global problem. And the industry everywhere
certainly needs global regulation—at the moment, there is none. The
International Atomic Energy Agency is not a regulator. These are serious questions
for international relations, and should be fodder for analysis.



One can obviously put this into
perspective by comparing the death toll from nuclear power with that related to
coal—would one then actually have to be against the use of coal? The numbers of
coal-related deaths are astonishing. But the first, most obvious point to make
is that being against coal doesn't require being in favor of nuclear power! It's
also extremely important to realize that death and morbidity figures for
nuclear power are highly contested. Take the figures concerning Chernobyl. The
IAEA and WHO put Chernobyl deaths at 4,000. A study published by National
Cancer Institute in the United States puts the deaths at something like 43,000.
A meta-analysis of 5,000 Slavic language scientific studies estimates the total
number of Chernobyl deaths (some of which are yet to come) at 900,000. These
discrepancies have a lot to do with controversies over the biological effects
of low-level radiation, and also with the technopolitics of measurement and counting.
Comparing the two energy technologies is much more complicated than merely
counting coal deaths vs. nuclear power deaths.





How did arrive where
you currently are in your thinking about these issues?



Actually, the real
question is how I came to study politics. I got my bachelor's degree in physics
from MIT in the 1980s. The two biggest political issues on campus at that time
were Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative and Apartheid in South Africa
(specifically, a move to divest American corporate interests in South Africa,
the very corporations that were funding MIT research and for which MIT students
would work when they graduated). I got interested in both, and along the way I
came to realize that I was much more interested in the politics of science and
technology than I was in actually doing physics. So I took some courses in the
field of science and technology studies (STS), and decided to attend graduate
school in the history and sociology of science and technology.



I had also always had a
morbid fascination with nuclear weapons. I'd read a lot of post-apocalyptic
science fiction when I was a teenager. All of these things came together for me
in graduate school. I first hoped to study the history of Soviet nuclear
weapons but quickly realized that would be impossible for all kinds of reasons.
I ended up studying French nuclear power after I realized that nobody had researched
it in the ways that interested me. I had lived in France in the 1970s, when the
nuclear power program was undergoing rapid expansion. So it was a good fit. After
I was done with that project, I became interested in rethinking the so-called
nuclear age from a colonial and post-colonial perspective.





What would a student need to become a specialist in global studies or
understand the world in a global way?



Travel, learn languages. Remain attentive to—and critical of—the
political work done by claims to 'global' purview. Learn history—you won't understand international relations in any depth at
all if you remain rooted in the present.



Then, for those want to
start exploring the global politics of science and technology, two books come
immediately to mind. Timothy Mitchell's (Theory Talk #59) Carbon Democracy, on the global technopolitics of fossil fuels. And Paul Edwards's A Vast Machine, on the relationship
between data and models in the production of knowledge about climate change. Both
are must-reads.







The world is permeated with technological
artifacts and systems—in what ways is this relevant for approaches to global
politics? Where is the conceptual place for technologies within IR?



First, I should make
clear that I am not an IR specialist.



That said, I think it
does not make sense to think about international relations (lower case) without
thinking about the technologies, systems, and infrastructures that make any
kind of global movement possible. The flows of people, of products, of culture,
political exchanges—these are all mediated through and practiced in the technological systems
that permeate our globe. So are the interruptions and absences in such 'flows'.
I draw attention to the specific political practices that are enacted through
technological systems with the notion of technopolitics. I initially used this
concept in my work on nuclear power in France to capture the ways in which
hybrid forms of power are enacted in technological artifacts, systems and
practices. There I used the term in a rather narrow sense to talk about the strategic practices of designing
technologies to enact political goals. My paramount example was that of the
French atomic weapons program. In the early 1950s, France's political leaders insisted
that France would never build atomic weapons. But engineers and other leaders in
the nascent nuclear program were designing reactors in a way that optimized the
production of weapons-grade plutonium rather than electricity. When politicians
finally signed on, the technology was ready to go. This example problematizes
the very notion of a 'political decision'. Instead of a single, discursive
decision, we see a complex process whereby political choices are inscribed into
technologies, which subsequently favor certain political outcomes over others.



In this example, both
engineers and politicians consciously
engaged in technopolitics. By contrast, Timothy Mitchell has used the
hyphenated term 'techno-politics' to emphasize the unpredictable and unintended
effects of technological assemblages. Over the last fifteen years, I have also
developed a broader notion of the term, particularly in its adjectival form, 'technopolitical'.
I find this to be a useful shorthand for describing both how politics can be
strategically enacted through technological systems, and also how technological
systems can be re-appropriated for political ends in ways that were unintended
by their designers.  The point, really,
is to highlight the myriad politics of materiality.





Do the particular characteristics of nuclear
technologies and related research programs make it impossible to apply the
lenses of 'high politics'?



I think a
high-politics approach to understanding nuclear weapons decision-making is
extremely impoverished. It's not that there aren't high politics, of course
there are. But they cannot offer a sufficient or straightforward explanation
for how or why any one particular country develops a nuclear program.  A focus on high politics implies a focus
decision makers and moments. But that's really misleading. In pretty much every
case, the apparent 'moment' of decision is in fact a long process involving a tremendous
amount of technopolitical, cultural, and institutional work, rife with
conflicts and contingencies of all kinds. I think a more productive approach is
to try to understand nuclear capacity-building.



Itty Abraham has done
some fantastic work on India's nuclear program, which helps us think about
other cases as well. For example, he analyzes the symbolic importance of the
nuclear test, noting that IR uses 'the test' as kind of 'aha!' moment, the moment in which one knows that a country
has nuclear weapons. Instead, Abraham sees the test as a process for the cultural
production of meaning: a process in which certain meanings get fixed, but by no
means the most important moment for understanding the actual technology and
politics behind the production of nuclear weapons.





Your book Entangled
Geographies (2011) explores a plethora of places, people, and technical networks that
sustained the US and Soviet empires. Here, as in Being Nuclear (2012), you insist on investigating the Cold War as
transnational history. What difference does this move make?



In Entangled Geographies, my colleagues and I build on the work of Odd
Arne Westad, whose book The Global Cold
War was an argument for understanding the non-superpower, non-European
dimensions of the Cold War. We give that a technopolitical spin, which offers a
de-provincializing of the Cold War that's complementary to Westad's. By
focusing on places like Saudi Arabia, or Zimbabwe, or Brazil, or South Africa,
we show how even the central struggles of the Cold War were intimately bound up
in 'northern' relationships to colonial and post-colonial worlds, and in the
imaginaries that characterized those relationships.



In Being Nuclear I focus on uranium from Africa—more specifically South Africa, Namibia,
Gabon, Madagascar, and Niger. Uranium from Africa has long been a major source
of fuel for nuclear power and atomic weapons, including the bomb dropped on
Hiroshima, but it has been almost completely absent from accounts of the
nuclear age, whether scholarly or popular. This changed in 2002, when the US
and British governments claimed that Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein 'sought
significant quantities of uranium from Africa' (later specified as the infamous
'yellowcake from Niger'). Africa suddenly became notorious as a source of
uranium. But that did not admit Niger, or any of Africa's other
uranium-producing countries, to the select society of nuclear states. Nor did
it mean that uranium itself counted as a nuclear thing. My book explores what
it means for something—a state, an
object, an industry, a workplace—to be 'nuclear'. I show that such questions lie at the heart of
today's global order and the relationships between 'developing nations' and 'nuclear
powers'.



Being Nuclear argues that 'nuclearity'
is not a straightforward scientific classification but a
contested technopolitical one. In the first part of the book, I
follow uranium's path out of Africa and analyze the invention of the global
uranium market. In the second part, I enter African nuclear worlds, focusing
on miners and the occupational hazard of radiation
exposure. In both parts, I show that nuclearity requires instruments and
data, technological systems and infrastructures, national agencies and
international organizations, experts and conferences, and journals and media
exposure. When (and where) nuclearity is densely distributed among these
elements, it can offer a means of claiming expertise, compensation, or
citizenship. It can serve as a framework for making sense of history,
experience, and memory. When (and where) network elements are absent, weak, or
poorly connected, nuclearity falters, fades, or disappears altogether, failing
to provide a resource for people claiming remediation or treatment. Nuclearity
in one register doesn't easily transpose to another: geopolitical nuclearity
doesn't automatically translate into occupational nuclearity. Yet these domains
remain connected. African uranium miners depend on the transnational movement
of nuclear things, but that movement also depends on African miners.
Ultimately, I conclude, nuclear security must be considered in tandem with
other forms of human security—food and health and environmental and political security. By placing
Africa in the nuclear world, and the nuclear world in Africa, the book seeks to
remake our understanding of the nuclear age.



I should note that it's
not only uranium production that connects the colonial and postcolonial spaces
with nuclear things. (Also: African countries weren't the only such places
where uranium was produced. Much of the rest of the world's uranium came from the
Navajo nation in the United States, Aboriginal territories in Australia, First
Nation territories in Canada, colonized spaces in the Soviet Empire, etc.)  French nuclear weapons were tested in the Algerian
desert and French Polynesia; the United States tested its weapons on the Bikini
Islands; Britain tested its weapons in Maralinga, in Aboriginal Australia; the
Soviet Union tested its weapons on the planes of Kazakhstan. And so on.



So, understanding the
history of the Cold War—even its most
iconic technology, nuclear weapons—as a form of transnational history really calls attention to spaces that
have previously been considered marginal, even perhaps not fully nuclear. Ultimately,
it should provoke us to problematize 'the Cold War' as a frame for global or
transnational history (and social science).



Looking at those
colonized and semi-colonized spaces of mining, testing and monitoring infrastructures
gives us not necessarily an answer to the question of why the Cold War ended,
but it does enable you to ask different and possibly more interesting
questions. It can lead you, for example, to place the Cold War within the
framework of imperialism (rather than the other way around). A longer
historical view questions whether the Cold War really represents historical
rupture. What political work is done by such claims to rupture? How does that
work differ in different places?  What
are its material consequences?





Why are science and technology hardly ever studied in
the postcolonial world from a STS perspective?



I think there are a number
of reasons why STS has paid relatively little attention to the postcolonial
world. One is that in STS—like many
disciplines—the prestige of the subject
matter maps onto the prestige of the researcher. So STS researchers who study cutting-edge
science or large-scale technological systems seem somehow to be getting at 'harder'
topics, ones that that focus on active creation. Engineering and other acts of
creation appear more prestigious than acts of maintenance, or acts of
dismantling. Even studying small-scale creation seems to confer more prestige
than studying mundane practices. This brings us back to the theme of rupture
vs. continuity: studying or proclaiming rupture seems somehow sexier—and certainly more radical—than studying continuity.



Another, more trivial
answer is just that most STS researchers so far have come from Europe and North
America, and they tend not to be trained in area studies.





Does the constant ontological insecurity of nuclear
things mean that the 'nuclear' is purely a matter of social and political
construction?



No, definitely not. But
I think to explain what I mean by all this we should take a few steps back and
start with what I like to call nuclear
exceptionalism. This is a technopolitical claim—emerging immediately after the end of World
War II—that there was
something radically unique about nuclear things. From 1945 onward, both cold warriors
and their activist opponents cultivated this nuclear exceptionalism. Atomic
weapons were portrayed as fundamentally different from any other human
creation. The bomb was the ultimate geopolitical trump card, and it was imagined
as replacing empire in one fell swoop. You see nuclear scientists and engineers
gaining prestige, power, and funding far beyond their colleagues in
conventional research. In the meantime, anti-nuclear groups make their own claims
to exceptionalism by talking about the unprecedented dangers posed by nuclear
things. Everywhere you see nuclearity and morality intertwined. Nuclear things
either represent salvation or moral depravity… or the apocalyptic end of
mankind. But regardless of where you stood politically, this notion of nuclear
exceptionalism rested on the sense that the difference between nuclear and non-nuclear
things was transparent---ultimately a clear-cut, physical matter of
radioactivity.



The nuclear thus
emerges not just as a category, but also as a universal and universalizing
ontology, one that seems to apply in the same way all over the globe. And
frankly, historians, political scientists, anthropologists, and sociologists
have reproduced that nuclear exceptionalism. (I did it myself in my first book,
The Radiance of France.)



All of which has made
it hard to see that what I call nuclearity—the process by which something comes
to count as a "nuclear" thing – has a history, a politics, and a geography. Things
that count as nuclear in one time and place might not count as nuclear at
another. Rendering something as nuclear and exceptional is a form of technopolitical
claims-making. It follows that insisting that certain things are not especially
nuclear, or that they are banal, is also a form of technopolitical claims-making.




You can see this in the
response of the nuclear industry to activist opponents. In the late 1960s and
over the course of the 1970s, the nuclear industry began to represent nuclear
power not as a life-saving technology for the human race, but as simply another
way to boil water. Radiation was just another industrial risk. Such
representations seek to banalize nuclear things.



Nuclearity could thus get
made, unmade and remade. My favorite example comes from a 1995 US government report
on nuclear proliferation. The appendix has a table that summarizes the nuclear
activities of 172 nations. Neither Gabon, nor Niger, nor Namibia are listed as
having any nuclear activities, despite the fact that those nations together, during
that very year, produced something like 25% of the world's uranium. So when does
uranium count as a nuclear thing? When does it lose its nuclearity? And what
does Africa have to do with it?



The argument is not that
radioactivity doesn't have to do anything with nuclearity, or that nuclearity
has nothing to do with the technologies and physical processes we typically
associate with the word. Rather, I argue that nuclearity is one thing, and radioactivity
and fission are another; sometimes they are co-terminus, but not always and not
necessarily. Understanding where (and why) they don't map onto each other is politically revealing.





Which kind of interdisciplinary
exchanges do we need between your discipline and IR to deepen our understanding
of global technopolitics?





Science
and technology studies (STS) is really good at exploring practice, and
especially at calling attention to the differences between principles and
practice—for example, between regulation on the one hand, and the actual
practices that regulations are meant to control (without ever entirely succeeding).
STS can bring to IR an understanding of how the intimate details of practice
matter politically—of how everyday technopolitical and techno-scientific exchanges can be
more important loci for politics than treaties, diplomacy, and other forms of
what you called high politics. 


I
can also answer this question wearing my historian's hat. The IR scholarship on
nuclear weapons that I'm familiar with (and again, I'm not an expert!) seems to
be quite focused on producing models—on using history to produce predictive models that
will in turn serve to shape international policy on nuclear weapons regulation.
But if history tells us one thing, it is that models are basically useless for
understanding how countries develop nuclear weapons. Instead, history and STS
both teach us about which questions to ask (in this instance, about nuclear
development). Identifying the important questions—rather than prescribing the applicable model—leaves open the list
of possible answers. It also leaves open solutions and policies, letting us be more
attentive to the specificities and uniqueness of individual cases.





Final question. Let's take the
example of Iran's nuclear program. What alternative question about the issue
would lenses of nuclear exceptionalism bring us?



Nuclear
technology has played an important role in shaping modern Iranian national
identity. This began in the 1970s under
the Shah, who – with the support of the US – developed a grandiose plan to
build a fleet of nuclear reactors. It took a different turn after the 1979
Iranian revolution. For a while, the new regime sidelined the nuclear program
as an unwelcome manifestation of western corruption. But after a few years
leaders reappropriated nuclear development and sought to invest it with
Iranian-ness. The dynamics of nuclear exceptionalism have operated in Iran much
the same way they did in France and in South Africa. Nuclear exceptionalism has
served to give material form to national identity. And materialized national
identity is most emphatically not
something that you can negotiate away in the P5+1 talks.

                                  

                                  



Gabrielle Hecht is Professor
of History at the University of Michigan, where she also directs the Program in
Science, Technology, and Society and serves as associate director of the
African Studies Center. She recently published Being Nuclear: Africans and
the Global Uranium Trade (MIT Press and Wits University Press, 2012), which
has received awards from the American Historical Association and the American
Sociological Association, as well as the 2013 Susanne M. Glasscock Humanities
Book Prize and Honorable Mention for the African Studies Association's 2013
Herskovits Award. She is also the author of The Radiance of France: Nuclear
Power and National Identity after World War II (MIT Press 1998 & 2009)
and editor of Entangled Geographies: Empire and Technopolitics in the Global
Cold War, editor (MIT Press, 2011). Hecht is embarking on a new book
project on technology and power in Africa, as well as new research on
transnational toxic trash. She has held visiting positions at universities in
Australia, France, Norway, South Africa, and Sweden.





Related links





Hecht's faculty profile at the University of Michigan 
Read Hecht's Introduction to Entangled Geographies (MIT Press 2011) here (pdf)  
Read
Hecht's The Power of Nuclear Things (Technology
& Culture 2010) here (pdf) 
Read
Hecht's Nuclear Ontologies (Constellations
2006) here (pdf) 
Read
Hecht's Rupture-Talk in the Nuclear Age
(Social Studies of Science 2002) here (pdf) 


Print version of this Talk (pdf)



0
0
1
3775
21518
School of Global Studies/University of Gothenburg
179
50
25243
14.0








Normal
0




false
false
false

DE
JA
X-NONE









































































































































































/* Style Definitions */
table.MsoNormalTable
{mso-style-name:"Table Normal";
mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0;
mso-tstyle-colband-size:0;
mso-style-noshow:yes;
mso-style-priority:99;
mso-style-parent:"";
mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt;
mso-para-margin:0cm;
mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt;
mso-pagination:widow-orphan;
font-size:12.0pt;
font-family:Cambria;
mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria;
mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria;
mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;
mso-ansi-language:DE;
mso-fareast-language:DE;}

Das CSES Module 5 (2016-2021) legt den Schwerpunkt auf "the politics of populism", also auf Populismus. Es erforscht länderübergreifend den Zusammenhang zwischen dem Aufstieg von populistischen Parteien und der Verteilung von "populistischen" Einstellungen innerhalb der Bevölkerung. Hauptziel des Moduls ist es, die Auffassungen der BürgerInnen von politischen Eliten, gesellschaftlichen "Out-Groups" und nationaler Identität sowie die sich hieraus ergebenden Implikationen für repräsentative Demokratien zu analysieren. Die Daten erlauben es Forschenden somit, die Variation im Wettbewerb politischer Eliten und "populistischer" Einstellungen über Demokratien hinweg mit einzubeziehen, und zu untersuchen, wie solche Wahrnehmungen das Wahlverhalten von BürgerInnen beeinflussen.

Die European Values Study ist ein groß angelegtes, länderübergreifendes und längsschnittliches Umfrageforschungsprogramm darüber, wie die Europäer über Familie, Arbeit, Religion, Politik und Gesellschaft denken. Die Umfrage wird alle neun Jahre in einer wachsenden Anzahl von Ländern wiederholt und gibt Einblicke in die Ideen, Überzeugungen, Präferenzen, Einstellungen, Werte und Meinungen der Bürger in ganz Europa.

Das EVS Trend File 1981-2017 wird aus den fünf EVS-Wellen erstellt und deckt fast 40 Jahre ab. In insgesamt 160 Umfragen wurden mehr als 224.000 Befragte aus 48 Ländern/Regionen befragt. Es basiert auf den aktualisierten Daten des EVS Longitudinal Data File 1981-2008 (v.3.1.0) und dem aktuellen EVS 2017 Integrated Dataset (v.5.0.0).

Für das EVS Trend File ist neben dem (faktisch anonymisierten) Scientific-Use File (ZA7503) auch ein Restricted-Use File (ZA7504) verfügbar. Das EVS Trend File - Sensitive Dataset (ZA7504) wird als Zusatzdatei angeboten. Zusätzlich zu einem kleinen Satz von Verwaltungs- und Protokollvariablen, die für die Zusammenführung mit den SUF-Daten benötigt werden, enthält der Sensitive Datensatz folgende Variablen, die aufgrund ihrer sensiblen Natur nicht in die Scientific-Use-File aufgenommen werden konnten:

W005_3 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO88) - spouse/partner EVS 2008
W005_3_01 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO08) - spouse/partner EVS 2017
W005_4 Job profession/industry (4-digit ISCO88) - spouse/partner EVS 2008
X035_3 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO88) – respondent EVS 1999, EVS 2008
X035_3_01 Job profession/industry (3-digit ISCO08) - respondent EVS 2017
X035_4 Job profession/industry (4-digit ISCO88) – respondent EVS 1999, EVS 2008
x048c_n3 Region where the interview was conducted (NUTS-3): NUTS version 2006 EVS 2008
X048J_N3 Region where the interview was conducted (NUTS-3): NUTS version 2016 EVS 2017
X049 Size of town (8 categories) EVS 2008, EVS 2017

Detailierte information über den Anonymisierungsprozedere im EVS Trend File ist im Variablen Report enthalten.

Die European Values Study ist ein groß angelegtes, länderübergreifendes und längsschnittliches Umfrageforschungsprogramm darüber, wie die Europäer über Familie, Arbeit, Religion, Politik und Gesellschaft denken. Die Umfrage wird alle neun Jahre in einer wachsenden Anzahl von Ländern wiederholt und gibt Einblicke in die Ideen, Überzeugungen, Präferenzen, Einstellungen, Werte und Meinungen der Bürger in ganz Europa.

Das EVS Trend File 1981-2017 wird aus den fünf EVS-Wellen erstellt und deckt fast 40 Jahre ab. In insgesamt 160 Umfragen wurden mehr als 224.000 Befragte aus 48 Ländern/Regionen befragt. Es basiert auf den aktualisierten Daten des EVS Longitudinal Data File 1981-2008 (v.3.1.0) und dem aktuellen EVS 2017 Integrated Dataset (v.5.0.0).

Sie folgt einem neuen Ansatz, der mit der WVS vereinbart wurde, um die früheren großen EVS- und WVS-Längsschnitt-Trenddateien in schlankere und einfacher zu verwendende Dateien umzuwandeln. Sowohl die EVS- als auch die WVS-Trenddateien basieren auf dem aktualisierten Common EVS/WVS Dictionary (v.2021). Es enthält nur die Variablen/Fragen, die seit den frühen 1980er Jahren von EVS und/oder WVS repliziert wurden. Der EVS Trend File und der World Values Survey Trend File (1981-2022) können so leicht zusammengeführt werden. Die daraus resultierende Integrated Values Surveys 1981-2022 Datendatei enthält die fünf Wellen der EVS und die sieben Wellen der WVS.

Purpose: Enrolling traumatic brain injury (TBI) patients with an inability to provide informed consent in research is challenging. Alternatives to patient consent are not sufficiently embedded in European and national legislation, which allows procedural variation and bias. We aimed to quantify variations in informed consent policy and practice. Methods: Variation was explored in the CENTER-TBI study. Policies were reported by using a questionnaire and national legislation. Data on used informed consent procedures were available for 4498 patients from 57 centres across 17 European countries. Results: Variation in the use of informed consent procedures was found between and within EU member states. Proxy informed consent (N = 1377;64%) was the most frequently used type of consent in the ICU, followed by patient informed consent (N = 426;20%) and deferred consent (N = 334;16%). Deferred consent was only actively used in 15 centres (26%), although it was considered valid in 47 centres (82%). Conclusions: Alternatives to patient consent are essential for TBI research. While there seems to be concordance amongst national legislations, there is regional variability in institutional practices with respect to the use of different informed consent procedures. Variation could be caused by several reasons, including inconsistencies in clear legislation or knowledge of such legislation amongst researchers.

Die European Values Study (EVS) und die World Values Survey (WVS) sind zwei groß angelegte, länderübergreifende und längsschnittliche Umfrage-Forschungsprogramme. Sie umfassen eine große Anzahl von Fragen zu moralischen, religiösen, gesellschaftlichen, politischen, beruflichen und familiären Werten, die seit Anfang der achtziger Jahre repliziert wurden.

Beide Organisationen vereinbarten, ab 2017 bei der gemeinsamen Datenerhebung zusammenzuarbeiten. Der EVS war verantwortlich für die Planung und Durchführung von Umfragen in europäischen Ländern unter Verwendung des EVS-Fragebogens und der methodischen Richtlinien des EVS. Der WVSA war für die Planung und Durchführung von Umfragen in Ländern außerhalb Europas verantwortlich, wobei der WVS-Fragebogen und die methodischen Richtlinien des WVS verwendet wurden. Beide Organisationen entwickelten ihre Entwürfe für Master-Fragebögen unabhängig voneinander. Die gemeinsamen Items definieren den gemeinsamen Kern beider Fragebögen.

Der Gemeinsame EVS/WVS wird aus den beiden Quellendatensätzen des EVS und des WVS erstellt:
- European Values Study 2017 Integrated Dataset (EVS 2017), ZA7500 Data file Version 5.0.0, doi:10.4232/1.13897 (https://doi.org/10.4232/1.13897).
- World Values Survey: Round Seven–Country-Pooled Datafile. Version 5.0.0, doi: 10.14281/18241.20

10The Students' Attitudes Toward the Instructor's Code Switching in EFL Classroom Yesi Sehiling S1 Sastra Inggris, Fakultas Bahasa dan Seni Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Indonesia yesisehiling@gmail.com Abstract English has a big influence in the world. It can be seen that almost all of the country around the world put English as one of the foreign language which is taught in any level of the institutions. In Indonesia, English is taught from kindergarten until university level which is called as English as Foreign language. It is because the awareness that almost information around the world is provided in English, which is the key to make the generation moves forward following modern era.Because English is a foreign language, it may be hard to be learned to Indonesian society. So, to make it interesting, English should be delivered as enjoyable as possible and in the right way so that the learner can get the English learning well. Teaching English in Indonesia is usually delivered in English. But, there are some instructors sometimes use Indonesian to switch the code from English when teaching in the classroom. This study focuses on the use of code switching by the instructor and the students' attitudes toward the teacher's code switching in EFL clasroom. In fact, the researcher would like to know whether the language choice in teaching EFL classroom may influences the students' attitudes toward the language or not. This study used qualitative approach. The instruments which are used are some notes, video recorder and the researcher itself. To collect the data, this study uses observation, interview and questionnaire. The Objects of the study are in EFL classrooms (senior high school, English department and Indonesian department). The subjects of the study are the English teacher and the students. The findings of the study show that the use of code switching may be as simply talks and within any reason and perpose. The further findings indicate that the students' attitudes toward code switching by the instructor are largely influenced by the students' English proficiency. The less proficient students preferred the instructor to use both language which English should be minimized and Indonesian more explored. The more proficient students preferred the instructor to minimize the use of code switching if it is not needed enough and more explore English. Keywords: code switching, attitude, language attitude, EFL. Introduction Language is the most important thing for human life. By using language, the people can express their thought and sense to others (Humaidah, 2009: 2). But the most main function of language (Whatmough, 1957 :12) is to communicate each other. Communication is a kind of interaction which uses code that must be dealt by the speaker and the listener. If between the deliverer and the interlocutor does not know their code each other, their communication means nothing. Even though what they deliver consist some information, they will not be able to get what information is. In global world, people are obligated to be bilingual or multilingual which international language is included. It aims to make the people are able to interact with all the people around the world. Besides, all the world information must be provided in International language. By being able to understand International language, the people can access the information. English is an international language. It has a big influence. Almost all the countries in the world learn English. Indonesia does too. English is an important subject of school in Indonesia. It is taught in any level of school started from kindergarten, elementary school, junior high school, senior high school and university. It is hoped that the availability of English language as the subject of their school can contribute to the students' English language competence, which is the key to access information in the world. Besides, learning English aims that they are able to communicate using international language and have relation in international world considering international relationship is very important for life. In Indonesia, English is most taught as foreign language in formal setting. They are put in the classroom where the learning takes place. In this situation, the classroom is called as EFL (English as Foreign Language) classroom considering that Indonesia is non-English speaking country. According to Yletyinen (2004: 4), in EFL classroom, the learner learns English in an environment where there is only a little natural use of the language. Furthermore, the foreign language is treated equally to the other subjects with its homework and test. In EFL classroom in Indonesia, the teacher teaches the students English in order to make the students understand English by listening, reading, doing written and oral activities. The language of teaching is usually English. However, there are teachers sometimes change from English to Indonesian and vice versa in delivering the subject. This phenomenon is called as code switching. Code switching is very common in bilingual and multilingual societies. Wardhaugh (2006: 101) says that code switching is changing of codes from one code to another code or to mix the code in the same conversation. In the other words, code switching is the use of two or more languages in the same conversation. The code switching usage (Uys, 2000: 2) by the teacher in the class may have any reason or purpose such as the teacher uses code switching as strategy (Yletyinen, 2004: 53; Uys, 2000: 11) to explain in order to make the students understand what she/he has told or may be because she/he has less competence (Yletyinen, 2004: 72) in speaking English so she/he uses much Indonesian. This problem is very interesting topic to be discussed in this study especially related to student's attitude toward this phenomenon. Attitude is something that is got by the people through interaction with an object or accident. Attitude is not brought since baby but it is created through learning process in environment. There are factors that can change someone's attitude that are feeling, knowledge, experience and motive. Language is also related to attitude. Attitude toward language is called as language attitude. Language attitude is someone's attitude in choosing and deciding which language to be used. Language attitude is quite influenced by background and something happen in the environment. The students of Senior High School are in the high level of learning in school world under university students. They are expected to have good English skill after they graduate. In this case, the way of teaching them must also different from the previous grade. The capacity of using English rather than Indonesian of the teacher must influence the student's ability of English especially in speaking. In simply, using code switching by the teacher whether it is favored or disfavored by the students is focused in this study. There are earlier studies related to this paper done by Yletyinen (2004) which is titled the function of code switching in EFL Classrom. Then, Arrifin and Husin (2011) which is titled Code Switching and Code Mixing of English and Bahasa Malaysia in Content-Based Classroom and Alenezi (2010) which is titled Students' Language attitude Towards Using Code Switching as a Medium of Instruction in the College of Health Sciences: An Exploratory Study. Both of the studies analyze the language attitude towards code switching as a medium of instruction. The present study focused on the situation of code switching which is used by the teacher in the classroom and the student's attitude toward code switching by the instructor too. Research Question This research is guided by the following questions: Under what situation does the teacher use code switching in the classroom? How do the students take attitudes toward the teacher's code switching in the classroom? Purpose of the Study Related to the background of the study and the research question, the purposes of the study are: Describe the situation of the instructor's code switching in the classroom. Describe the students' attitudes toward the instructor's code switching. Significance of The Study The result of the study is hoped that can give contribution to sociolinguistics especially in the term of code switching and the attitudes toward code switching. But the most contribution may be for the teacher who teach EFL classroom in guiding the class to optimize positive attitude of the students toward English to get the better result of students' competence. Moreover, this study can give description to the people who will have research as this present study. Method Research method is the most important part of a research because it shows how the study is organized. This study uses qualitative method. Qualitative method is research procedure that produces descriptive data in the form of written words from the people or attitude that can be researched. This chapter consists of research design, subject, object, and the location, sources of the data, data collection techniques, instruments and data analysis. Research Design This study uses descriptive qualitative and quantitative data. According to Bodgan and Taylor on Margana's Disertasi (2012), descriptive qualitative uses data in the form of word, phrase, or clause whether written or spoken which is used to give overview of a certain description of phenomena about code switching. The quantitative data (Litosseliti, 2010: 52) enabless the the researcher to compare relatively large numbers of the students' attitudes in EFL classroom of the research which is as the main focus of the present study. Objects, subjects and location The objects of the study were classrooms of Senior High School, Indonesian department and English department that Senior High School was the main object and the others were to compare the result of the data. However, not all classrooms of the departments were researched but only one class of each department which was chosen randomly by the instructor. The objects were taken to compare the result considering their different level. Why should those objects be compared? Firstly, Senior High School is the highest level of obligated education program by Indonesian government. After graduating from this level, they were not obligated to continue their education in university. So that's why, they have to be given good skill in order to be able to get good enough job. It is quite related with their English skill because people who have good English competence and performance will get good/higher position than low English competence one of a company. Secondly, Indonesian department are the higher level of Senior High School. The perception is that the students of Indonesian have higher competence than Senior High School. But they may favor Indonesian rather than English considering their choice to choose Indonesian department rather than English department. Thirdly, English department is the department which the society use most English in their communication in the context of learning. All the students may have good English ability considering their ability to interact each other using English in the class. This object was used to compare and to get more varied data considering the different level and the English competence. The subjects of the study were all the societies in each classroom including the English teacher and the students. In this case, the teachers followed to answer Question 1 and the students followed to answer Question 2. Talking about the location, all of them are in East Java. Senior High School took place in SMA 1 Wonoayu. It is located in Pagerngumbuk village, Wonoayu, Sidoarjo. And, Indonesian department and English department took place in Universitas Negeri Surabaya which is located in Lidah Wetan village, Lakarsantri, Surabaya. Most societies of the institutions are multilingual (Javanese, Indonesian, and English). But, the language which is most used in classroom is Indonesian considering Indonesian is the formal language in Indonesia. However, it is the exception of English subject which English is most used. Moreover, the location takes place around the researcher's environment that could help the researcher to get the data easier. Data and Sources of Data This present study classifies the data into two types. They are linguistics and information data. The linguistics data is the situation of code switching by the teacher and the students' attitudes toward the code switching. The information data is obtained when the researcher conducted interview of the instructors about the reason of the use of code switching in the classroom and the interview and questionnaire of the students about the acceptability of the code switching by the instructor. The questions of the interview of the teacher was not listed but developed by each situation in each classroom. In the other hand, the interview of the students were listed which can be seen in Appendix 4 and the questionnaire which is adopted from the Likert scale (Arrifin and Husin, 2011) which was drawn below. No. Statement Strongly Agree Agree Disagree Strongly Disagree There were three kinds of source of data in the present study. They were people, place, and papers. The people were the instructors and the students of the institutions. The place was in the classroom. The papers were from the related theories which were gotten from the books, previous studies and internet. Research Instrument The instrument is used to facilitate and get the data. In this study, the data were collected by direct observation, questionnaire and interview. In doing the research, some tools were used to save the data by using some notes and video recorder. The gotten data is analyzed and related to the theories/previous studies. Question 1 : Under what situation does the instructor use code switching in the classroom? In order to answer question 1, direct observation and interview were used. Interview was used for the teacher to get more information about the reason of using code switching. In the interview activity, it was not made interview sheet because the interview was done directly based on the situation of code switching in each classroom. See Appendix 1,2 and 3 to get more details information. Question 2: How do the students take attitudes toward the teacher's code switching in the classroom? In order to answer question 2, questionnaire, interview and direct observation were used for the students. Questionnaire sheet was used to answer the Question. The interview and direct observation were also used to strengthen the data. The tools were video recorder. The data from the instrument was analyzed which also needed some theories relating to the study in analyzing the data. However, the researcher was the key instrument to answer those two questions. The researcher as the instrument means that the researcher became the determiner in collecting data. She paid attention, followed, took a note and analyzed the data. Data Collection Technique Data collection technique of this study was done by doing observation, interviewing, and giving questionnaire. Observation Direct observation was used to get the data. It was done to see the phenomenon of code switching by the instructor directly and how the students take attitudes toward the use of code switching by the instructor and to take a note the whole learning activity in the classroom. The direct observation was also video recorded. Interview This study uses spoken interview to collect the data. Both teacher and the students were interviewed. The tool was video recorder. Interview for the teacher (see Appendix 1,2,3) was done after the observation. In contrast, interview for the students (see Appendix 4) was done before the observation. The students who were interviewed was chosen randomly based on their English competence, higher competence and lower competence. The categorization of their English Competence was based on their score. Each instructor has their characteristic of giving score and categorizing the students whether they are less competence or more competence. The teacher of senior high school had requirement that the students who have score under 80, they are categorized as less competence and upper 80 as more competence. The lecturer of English department did say so. Whereas the lecturer of Indonesian department gave score under 70 for less competence and upper 70 for more competent students. Questionnaire Questionnaire was used for the students. There were 8 statements of the questionnaire. The questionnaire was given to all students in the classroom according to their presence when the research was done. Data Analysis In analyzing the data, there are some steps below: The data were classified according to the situation or specific time of the use of code switching by the instructor and the students' attitudes toward the use of code switching. However, the data collections of the interview were transcribed. The data were then analyzed based on the theories and previous studies. The data were interpreted and made conclusion about the result of the study and also provided some suggestion for the future study by the researcher. Results and Discussion The use of code switching The data reveal a clear pattern of instructor's language use in the classroom. All of the institutes above showed the use of code switching English-Indonesian or Indonesian-English by the instructor was common practice phenomenon. The characteristics of each institute also influence the frequent of the use code switching or the languages whether the more frequent was English or Indonesian. Senior high school institute used code switching balance whether English-Indonesian or Indonesian-English. It was different with Indonesian department that the institute used more frequent in Indonesian and unaware in using English. On the other side, the lecturer of English department used English more frequent in the classroom and Indonesian was just used in simply talks or just to give more explanation and example. Eventhough the institutes had their own characteristics, here the results of the code switching use in each institute were summerized into one. Those, code switching by the instructors in the classroom happened under situation below: Code switching happened in explaining the material which was used to make the explanation clearer to be understood by the students. According to Yletyinen (2004: 53), there are different strategies for explaining the material being taught by mentioning repetition, reformulation, clarification and exemplification. In the present data, code switching in explaining material is common which was happened in all the institutions whether in senior high school, Indonesian department and English department of university. This result supports Yletyinen's thesis (2004: 53) and Uys (2000: 44) which they found that the teacher has to clarify his/her message by code switching to the students' mother tongue and thus making the students more understand the material and do what the teacher asks to do. However, the code switching was most used in the senior high school. Code switching was used as the student's requirement. This reason of code switching is the same result with Youkhana (2010: 15) that the students tend to ask the teacher to change the code into mother tongue because they discomfort to the English used because it makes them confused to understand the instructor's speech. Code switching was used in joking. According to Weng, this function of code switching is called as poetic function that the speaker inserted some jokes, stories, some poetic quotation in the conversation. Joking (Uys, 2000: 44) in mother tongue is more understandable and felt rather that in foreign language because mother tongue has stronger role to catch the meaning. This finding is supported by Wardhaugh (2006: 112). He said that code switching can be used for humorous effect. In other words, code switching has purpose of joking. Code switching happened in simply talks which were with unawareness. This phenomenon is often happened. It was found in the three institutes in the research. The code switching was spoken accidentally, since it was not required. According to Yletyinen (2004: 95), this code switching is called lapse. Lapse was most frequent happened in Indonesian department which the instructor delivered her speech most in Indonesian and slipped English words sometimes. It is different with senior high school and English department which are commonly slipped Indonesian words. Code switching was used when the instructor was disappointed with the students. This code switching (Yletyinen: 2004: 89) is called as teacher admonition. She said that the mother tongue sometimes has more power in the foreign language classroom. This is also called as expressive function of code switching (Weng's article: 4) that the teacher uses code switching to express the emotion and mother tongue is often inserted to express the true feelings. This strategy by the instructor will make the students more alert, they response better to their mother tongue. Furthermore, they know that they do not have an excuse by appealing not to understand the teacher. In this case, code switching used when reprimanding students is the effective strategy. Code switching happened to get the students' attention. This is named directive function (Weng's article: 4). In the direct observation, the teacher asked "How many groups that have finished the assignment?" Almost of the students just kept silent. Then, the teacher asked again "berapa banyak group yang sudah menyelesaikan tugasnya?" The students answered the question by raising hands. Implicitly, The use of mother tongue had a purpose that was to get the students attention the teacher's speech. According to Yletyinen's thesis (2004: 70), code switching can be used in helping the less competent students to answer a question that the teacher asks. Yletyinen's statement supports the idea above that the teacher changed the code into Indonesian to help the students who most of them were less competent to understand the teacher's question and answer it. The use of Indonesian here was also aimed to help the students understand the question so that the students could answer the teacher's question. Not only that, code switching (Wardhaugh, 2006: 112) that is by choosing the preferred language of the students, the message will be easier to catch. The students' attitude This study shows that code switching of English and Indonesian is a common communicative behavior in the classrooms. However, this study is aimed to explore students' attitude towards the language of teaching in English class and the effects of the instructors' code switching to the students' English performance. The findings of this study indicate that the students' attitude toward code switching in the English class was largely influenced by the students' English language competence. Although in fact, The classrooms had each characteristics which senior high school class was the neutral one which was not in Indonesian department class or English department class. It is because the students commonly more favor the language they took as their majure than another one. The students of Indonesian department showed their favor to Indonesian much and the students of English department showed their favor to English. It was proved by their decision of taking those majure. So, eventhough they were in English subject classroom, they tended to consider their own majure. In the other hand, the students of senior high school take attitudes about code switching that were purely influenced by the students' English competence. The results show that the students with less proficiency prefer their teacher to use both English and Indonesian in the same capacity or larger use Indonesian. Alenezi (2010: 7) said that the students more desirable and believe that code switching of the teacher makes the course easy to understand. They would get difficulties to catch the meaning of the speech if the instructor used English a lot. Meanwhile the students with higher proficiency prefer their teacher to use more English. The findings are supported by the Arrifin's and Hussin's (2011: 237) study that the students with less English proficiency were more tolerant to the instructors' code switching compared to the more proficient group. The students with higher proficiency might believe that the use of English by the teacher could improve their language competence specifically in vocabulary. Weng's article also found that it can help the students to understand new vocabulary. The results are rather different in the English department which shows that the students were sometimes confused about the use of code switching by their lecturer that did not add their vocabulary. They believed that for adding vocabulary, it depends on their desire and their effort by reading English books, watching movie and listening the musics. They further argued that the use of code switching should be minimized. The argument was also founded in David's article (2008: 78) that it should be minimized because it is bad for the learner. It assumed that if the teacher often used that, it can make the bad behavior to the next generation and will be more difficult to avoid. However, all the students agreed that the use of code switching can increase their comprehension toward the lesson. Riegelhaupth (2000: 210) argued that bilinguals use the language that the people they speak to know best. In this case, the use of code switching has function to repeat the speech for better comprehension. The results also showed that code switching by the teacher had each effect to their psychology aspect. The lower proficient students were not confidence to speak English to the teacher who was using code switching. They tended to use Indonesian because they were afraid of making mistakes or troubles to their speaking if they use English. They thought that they had poor vocabulary and poor understanding of grammar. But if the teacher spoke in English, they would try speaking English too then use Indonesian to the words which they did not know the meaning. Different with the lower proficient students, the higher proficient students were still confidence to speak in English to the teacher who was using code switching even though in a simple sentence. However, sometimes, they tended to use Indonesian or code switching because they did not want to be seen showing off their English competence. Again and again, the students of English department had different results. The lecturer's code switching did not influence their confidence. Whatever language the lecturer used, they were still confident to speak English but sometimes they followed the language the lelcturer used just to respect him. It is supported by Spolsky (1998: 49) that one tends to respect people who are socially superior to one self. Conclusion and Suggestion Conclusion This chapter is summary of the findings in order to make the reader get a better understanding through reading the findings of this thesis. Actually, the main objective of this present study is to investigate the students' attitude toward the instructor's code switching behavior in EFL classroom. After doing the research, the results are: The first finding is the situation of code switching phenomena by the instructor which is about the reason or the purpose of using code switching in the classroom that is drawn commonly below: Code switching happened in explaining the material which was used to make the explanation clearer to be understood by the students' code switching was used as the student's requirement Code switching was used in joking Code switching happened in simply talks which were with unawareness. Code switching was used as admonition which is used when the instructor was disappointed with the students. Code switching happened to get the students' attention. There are also additional findings that the instructors' frequency of using English or the Indonesian is largely influenced by the characteristic of the classroom. Senior high school institute used code switching balance as a mean the same frequency whether English-Indonesian or Indonesian-English. It was different with Indonesian department that the institute used more frequent in Indonesian and unaware in using English. It is influenced by the students' favor toward Indonesian. On the other side, the lecturer of English department used English more frequent in the classroom and Indonesian was just used in simply talks or just to give more explanation and example. The second finding is the students' attitude toward the instructor's code switching in the classroom. The findings of this study indicate that the students' attitude toward code switching in the English class was largely influenced by the students' English language competence. Although in fact, The classrooms had each characteristics which senior high school class was the neutral one which was not in Indonesian department class or English department class. It is because the students commonly more favor the language they took as their majure than another one. The students of Indonesian department showed their favor to Indonesian much and the students of English department showed their favor to English. It was proved by their decision of taking those majure. So, eventhough they were in English subject classroom, they tended to consider their own majure. In the other hand, the students of senior high school take attitudes about code switching that were purely influenced by the students' English competence. The results show that the students with less proficiency prefer their teacher to use both English and Indonesian in the same capacity or larger use Indonesian. They would get difficulties to catch the meaning of the speech if the instructor used English a lot. Meanwhile the students with higher proficiency prefer their teacher to use more English. The students with higher proficiency might believe that the use of English by the teacher could improve their language competence specifically in vocabulary. The results are rather different in the English department which shows that the students were sometimes confused about the use of code switching by their lecturer that did not add their vocabulary. They believed that for adding vocabulary, it depends on their desire and their effort by reading English books, watching movie and listening the musics. The findings also showed that code switching by the teacher had each effect to their psychology aspect. The lower proficient students were not confidence to speak English to the teacher who was using code switching. They tended to use Indonesian because they were afraid of making mistakes or troubles to their speaking if they use English. They thought that they had poor vocabulary and poor understanding of grammar. But if the teacher spoke in English, they would try speaking English too then use Indonesian to the words which they did not know the meaning. Different with the lower proficient students, the higher proficient students were still confidence to speak in English to the teacher who was using code switching even though in a simple sentence. However, sometimes, they tended to use Indonesian or code switching because they did not want to be seen showing off their English competence. Again and again, the students of English department had different results. The lecturer's code switching did not influence their confidence. Whatever language the lecturer used, they were still confident to speak English but sometimes they followed the language the lelcturer used just to respect him. Suggestion The instructor in EFL classroom should know the students' attitude toward the language used well so that she/he can use the right way in teaching English in EFL classroom in order to get the best result of the students' English competence. This study may be far from being perfect. It is hoped that there will be further researchers who conduct the research on the phenomenon of code switching by the instructor in the classroom and the students' attitude toward it for more detail data/explanation and from many points of view. References Alenezi, Abdullah. (2010). Students' Language Attitude Towards Using Code-Switching as a Medium of Instruction in the College of Health Sciences: An Exploratory Study, vol.7, 1-22 Arrifin, Kamisah and Husin, MisyanaSusanti. (2011). "Code Switching and Code Mixing of English and Bahasa Malaysia in Content Based Classrooms: Frequency and Attitudes".The Linguistics Journal.Vol 5 issue 1 David. (Desember, 2008).Understanding Mixed Code and Classroom Code-Switching: Myths and Realities. Ongkong Institute of Education.Hongkong.Vol 56, No.3 Faris, NurulElfatul. 2012. Alih Kode Dalam Proses Belajar-MengajarKelas VII Mts "AL-KAutsar" Srono Banyuwangi.UniversitasJember, Jember. Gardner-Chloros, Penelope. 2009. Code Switching. UK: Cambridge University Press. Litosseteliti, Lia. 2010. Research Methods in Linguistics. New York: Continuum. Riegelhaupth, Florencia. 2000. Code Switching and Language Use in the Classroom. Research on Spanish in the U.S., ed. Ana Roca, 204-217. Somerville,MA: Cascadilla Press. Spolsky, Bernard. 1998. Sociolinguistics. UK: Oxford University Press. Uys, David. 2010. The functions of teachers' code switching in multilingual and multicultural high school classrooms in the Siyanda District of the Northern Cape Province: Stellenbosch University. Wardahugh, Ronald. 2006. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. UK: Blackwell Publishing. Wardani, Devi. (2013), Skapbahasasiswaterhadapbahasa Indonesia: studikasus di SMA Negeri 1 Singaraja. E-Journal Program Pascasarjana Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, Vol. 2 Weng, Pei-shi. Code Switching as a Strategy Use in an EFL Classroom in Taiwan.Tamkang University, Taiwan. Whatmough, Joshua. 1957. Language: A Modern Synthesis. New York: St. Martin's Press. Yletyinen, Hanna. 2004. The functions of code switching in EFL classroom. University of Jvyoskyl: Finland. Youkhana, Sana. 2010. Code Switching in the Foreign Language Classroom. Ogskolan: Jonkoping.

DON RIGOBERTO'S SEXUAL FANTASY IN MARIO VARGAS LLOSA IN PRAISE OF THE STEPMOTHER Dinda Anisa Larasati English Department, Language and Arts Faculty, State University of Surabaya dinda_kdy@yahoo.com Drs. Much. Khoiri M.Si. English Department, Language and Arts Faculty, State University of Surabaya much_choiri@yahoo.com Abstract Sexuality is seen as sinful thing which influences Christian to behave and act based on the society role. Some people tend to repress their sexual fantasy because sexual fantasy is a genre that can lend itself very easily to the sexual elements of life, the depraved, the debauched, or the downright saucy and controversial. The aim of this study is to describe how Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy depicted in Mario Vargas Llosa In Praise of the Stepmotherand and to reveal how Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy can impact on his wife. The data are in the form of quotation, fragments, and dialogues or monologues that indicated the thoughts and action concerning form of sexual fantasy.The data is applying the theory of fantasy by Jacques Lacan and supported with Baron. This study also uses the concept of anxiety and psychological trauma. Initially, Don Rigoberto obsessed with three things: Physical Hygiene, sex with his wife, and erotic paintings. He devotes a day a week for the care of a different member or organ.His love life with Lucrecia in a world more imaginary than real, of what he wishes she were than what she really is. He always lost in his dream which is imagined erotically things from some media and those can support his sexual fantasy. Don Rigoberto forced his wife (to have) sex with another man which can be deeply shocking for her. Those facts are proof that Don Rigoberto get his satisfaction from his obsession. Keywords: sexuality, fantasy, desire, anxiety, psychological trauma Abstrak Seksualitas dipandang sebagai hal yang berdosa yang mempengaruhi Kristen untuk bersikapdanbertindak berdasarkan peran masyarakat. Beberapa orang cenderung untuk menekan fantasi seksual mereka karena fantasi seksual adalah genre yang dapat menjatuhkan diri seseorang ke dalam unsur-unsurseksualkehidupan, buruk, yang tidak bermoral, dan kontroversial. Tujuan dari skripsi ini adalah untuk menggambarkan bagaimana fantasi seksual Don Rigoberto yang digambarkan di Mario Vargas Llosa In Praise of the Stepmother dan mengungkapkan bagaimana fantasi seksual Don Rigoberto yang berdampak pada istrinya. Di dalam data tersebut terdapat kutipan, fragmen, dan dialog atau monolog yang menunjukkan pemikiran dan tindakan mengenai bentukfantasi. Untuk data seksual menerapkan teori fantasi dari Jacques Lacan dan didukung dengan Baron. Analisis ini juga menggunakan konsep anxiety dan psychological trauma. Pada awalnya, Don Rigoberto terobsesi dengan tiga hal: Fisik higienis, seks dengan istrinya, dan lukisan erotis. Dia menjadikan satu hari dalam seminggu untuk melakukan perawatan pada anggota atau organ badan yang berbeda. Kehidupan cintanya dengan Lucrecia di dunia lebih kepada imajinasi daripada kenyataan, apa yang dia ingin adalah berada dari apa yang sebenarnya dia. Dia selalu terjebak dalam mimpinya, yaitu dengan membayangkan hal-hal erotis dari beberapa media dan mereka dapat mendukung fantasi seksualnya. Don Rigoberto memaksa istrinya untuk berhubungan seks dengan laki-laki lain dan hal itu sangat mengejutkan istrinya.Faktanya adalah bukti bahwa Don Rigoberto mendapatkan kepuasan melalui obsesinya. Kata kunci: sexuality, fantasy, desire, anxiety, psychological trauma Introduction Human cannot be separated with needs. There are three basic drives such as eating, sleeping, and sex. As a normal human being, sexuality is given from the beginning ourselves. Nietzche asserts that "we are not only rational out being, but we are also full of desire, with the drives and hidden longing, which formed, our ideas and views about the world" (O'Donnel, 2008: 41).In reality, sexuality describes a huge range of activities. This is half of dialectic, anything can be sex because sex has whatever meaning human experience moment by moment, and sex hasan infinite range of meanings because the scope of activities that can properly be called sexual is so vast. Lisa Downing says that sexuality is something that we ourselves create-it is our own creation, and much more than the discovery of secret side of our desire. Sex is not fatally, it is possible to creative life (Downing 2008:104). Sex can make people different. It means that sex is created because of love, relationship, and perhaps necesity or situation. Sex is not taboo anymore in this modern era, but sex can help viability in science. In psychoanalyticterms, sexuality plays an enormously influential rolein psychological development.From a veryearly age, how people experience their bodies in relation to the physical world as well as to the internal stimuli and feelings their bodies generate profoundly effects how they view the world and themselves.In particular,conscious and unconscious fantasies are about human's bodies and sexuality influence the development of stable patterns of sexual identity, and with that,sexual behaviors.(http://psychoanalysis101.org/psycho-sexual-development/). Sexual fantasies play a central role in mental life, despite – or rather: because of – the fact that they in particular meet the fate of repression, which is why Freud calls them "the weak spot in our psychical organization" (Freud, 1911: 223). This repression creates the psychic disposition towards neurosis in man, the conflict between unconscious desires and conscious control. That sexuality is actually the weak spot in man's psychical organization is proven by the fact that many (predominantly male) users of the Internet cannot resist the temptation to seek sexual pleasure via the computer screen. Sex is still the biggest business on the net, offering such a massive electronic hallucination of gratifying objects. In Praise of the Stepmother with Mario Vargas Llosa as the author, Mario Vargas Llosa, which reached worldwide recognition with his novels Pantoja and the Special Aunt Julia and the Scriptwriter, The War of the Worlds.In Praise of the Stepmother, made a foray into a genre that is emerging in many of his works, the erotic. Sex in the novels may offend, amuse, or worse. As this study has come toexpect of VargasLlosa as the author of this novel, he uses a precisely structured form to present the distinct components of his story. Structure can be invaded or skewed which is an interesting way to make point innocence and morality are strong themes which are compound in unusual ways. In Praise of the Stepmother with Mario Vargas Llosa as the author, Mario Vargas Llosa, which reached worldwide recognition with his novels Pantoja and the Special Aunt Julia and the Scriptwriter, The War of the Worlds.In Praise of the Stepmother, made a foray into a genre that is emerging in many of his works, the erotic. Sex in the novels may offend, amuse, or worse. As this study has come toexpect of VargasLlosa as the author of this novel, he uses a precisely structured form to present the distinct components of his story. Structure can be invaded or skewed which is an interesting way to make point innocence and morality are strong themes which are compound in unusual ways. Mario Vargas Llosa was born in Arequipa, the second city of Peru, in March 1936.In 1958 he travelled to Paristhanks to a prize won in a short story competition,and on his return to Lima he completed his higher education and received a grant to transfer to theUniversity of Madrid. A few months after arriving in the capital of Spain,he left his studies for the doctorate and settled in Paris, where he was to stay for seven years.In 1963 he published his first great novel, "La ciudad y los perros", with which he won several literary prizes, among them the "BibliotecaBreve" and "La Crítica".It has currently been translated into more than twenty languages. His second major work wastobe"La Casa Verde",published in 1966, the same year he moved to London, wherehewould teach at the university and contribute frequently to newspapers and magazines.Afterwritingone of his fundamental novels, "Conversación en la catedral", VargasLlosatravelled to Barcelona in 1970, where he was to stay for almost five years until in 1974 he put an end to his European exile and returned to Peru with the intention, for the first time, of settling down there. In 1973, his novel Pantaleóny lasvisitadoras, which was adapted for the cinema two years later, had come out.In 1975 he began a seriesof projects related with the cinema and in March of that year he was elected as numerary member of the Peruvian Academy of the Spanish Language. Two months later, he was appointed as president of Pen Club International, a post which he would hold until 1979. Mario Vargas Llosa began his political activity in 1987, due to the nationalization of thefinancial system in Peru. As candidate for the presidency of his country in 1989 with the centre-right coalition Frente Democrático, he was finally defeated in the ballot by Alberto Fujimori. Apart from the works mentioned above, the following works may be highlighted among the output of Mario Vargas Llosa: the novels "La tía Julia y el escribidor" (1977), "La Guerra del fin del mundo" (1981), "Historia de Mayta" (1984), "Quiénmató a Palomino Molero?" (1986), "El hablador" (1987) and "Elogio de la madrastra" (1988); in his facet as a playwright he has written "La señorita de Tacna" (1981), "Kathie y el hipopótamo" (1984) and "La Chunga" (1986) and as an essayist he has published important works such as "GarcíaMárquez: historia de un deicidio" (1971) and "La orgíaperpetua:Flauberty Madame Bovary" (1975)."In Praise Of The Stepmother" (1988). Mario VargasLlosa was a conservative candidate (Fredemo, the Democratic Front) for the Peruvian presidency in 1990.The development of his political convictions, from a sympathizer of Cuban revolution to the liberal right, has astonished his critics and has made it impossible to approach his work from a single point of view. Sabine Koellmann has noted that the publication of Vargas Llosa's La Fiesta del Chivo (2000, The Feast of the Goat) confirmed, "thatpolitics is one of the most persistent 'demons' which, according to his theory, provoke his creativity." (Vargas Llosa's Fiction & the Demons of Politics, 2002) Vargas Llosa was defeated by Alberto Fujimori, an agricultural engineer of Japanese descent, also a political novice, but who had a more straightforward agenda to present to the voters. Anunexpected twist in the plot of this political play occurred in 2000, when President Fujimori escaped to his ancestral homeland Japan after a corruption scandal. From 1991 to 1992 Mario Vargas Llosa worked as a visiting professorat Florida International University, Miami and Wissdens chafts kolleg, Berlin. In addition to the Nobel Prize, the author has received many other honors. Among other distinctions, he has received the "Ramón Godoy Lallana" Journalism Prize, the LiteraryPrize of the Italo-American Institute, the "Pablo Iglesias "LiteraturePrize, the "Hemingway"Prize, the Gold Medal of the Americas and the Max Schmidheiny Foundation Liberty Prize. Already a classic due to the scope and quality of his work, he is one of the Spanish-American writers who has most consistently and determinedly brought theresources of the 20th century literary avant-garde inour language. In Praise of the Stepmother is one literary work by Mario Vargas Llosa. In this novel, there are found many expressions by the characters Don Rigoberto is an art connoisseur and erotic explorer night by night as well as man obsessively devoted to the care of his own body. Lucrecia as a second wife of Don Rigoberto, she is a beautiful and passionate woman, and then his son Alfonso, known as Fonchito.The first character introduced to us in the novel In Praise of the Stepmother, Vargas Llosa takes on an expedition through the mind of Don Rigoberto, day by day an insurance executive, by night a pornographer and sexual enthusiast. Don Rigoberto is a member of Lima's well-heeled bourgeois society. He is the kind of man one sees at board meetings and cocktail parties. But by night Don Rigoberto sheds his conventional skin to pursue his true passions: erotic art and sexual fantasy. Rigoberto's love for Lucrecia is an addiction of her body parts, a revere or an objectification of her physical persona. This way of looking at love and people and considers women as their property, rather than primarily enjoying her body is part of her. He loves her as a compilation of body parts. In the novel In Praise of the Stepmother signals the historical endpoint to the popularity of the 1960s liberationist sexuality, especially female sexuality as a carrier of a symbolic charge of social freedom. This novel is a thought-provoking fantasia on innocence, sex, and art. It opens with a portrayal of a liberated sexual woman, Lucrecia, who is adored by her husband, Rigoberto. Don Rigoberto's and Lucrecia's erotic exploits which are modeled after paintings that are actually printed in the book. Through this story, Mario Vargas Llosa explores the ideas of the erotic imagination. Rigoberto creates erotic fantasies, the erotic and sexual lives of Rigoberto and Lucrecia, much of which is driven by Rigoberto's fantasies formulated from paintings. In this Story, Fonchito seems to corrupt innocence, live a harmonious sexual fantasy with her stepmother. Nothing inhibits them or stops them. Dona Lucrecia and stepson Fonchito are revealed in every detail. There is erotic novel. Sexual Fantasy of Rigoberto, a harmonious sexual fantasy of Alfonso to his stepmother, and sexual attraction Lucrecia to Alfonso. Sexual Fantasy is chosen where this study is taken because of the interesting case and the impact which make the wife had anxiety and psychological trauma. From the reading, the study can be interested in focus on the sexual fantasy experienced by the main character. In the novel In Praise of the Stepmother, this study would like to learn more, how Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy. What are the activities of Don Rigoberto's Sexual Fantasy, what are the factors,the causes and the theory, which is matching discuss those cases istheory of Fantasy of Jacques Lacan, supported theory fantasy of Baron. Many kinds of Sexuality, there are Sexualization, Sexual health and Reproduction. Sexual identity, sensuality and intimacy. Sensuality involves human's level of awareness, acceptance and enjoyment of men's own or others bodies. In the circle of sexuality, fantasy is part of sensuality. Sensuality is match with Don Rigoberto's Sexual Fantasy. In the novelIn Praise of the Stepmother, Many statements which can prove that Don Rigoberto have an extreme sexual fantasy. One night, he said that Lucrecia is his fantasy not his wife. He imagined that Lucrecia is Venus, a person who is his fantasies. For the tittle of my thesis is "Don Rigoberto's Sexual Fantasy.DonRigoberto has an extreme sexual fantasy, he obsesses of three things: Personal Hygiene, sex with Lucrecia, and erotic paintings. His sexual fantasy actually impact on his wife, according to me that's so interesting.Because of those, thus this study directed to more examine about Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy. In analyzing Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy and Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy impact on his wife, it is used some related concept and two theories. In this thesis, the problem statement is divided into two. The first problem statement deals with Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy reflected in this novel. While the second problem deals with How does Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy impact on his wife in Mario Vargas Llosa"In Praise of the Stepmother. Those problems can be analysed by using the theory fantasy of Jacques Lacan, supported with Baron and also using concept of anxiety and psychological trauma. The first statement is how Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy reflected in In Praise of the Stepmother. This statement will use theory fantasy of Jacques Lacan and suppoeted with theory fantasy of Baron. Through fantasy, the subject attempts to sustain the illusion of unity with the other and ignore his or her own division. Fantasy originates in "auto-eroticism" and the hallucinatory satisfaction of the drive. Fantasies are the way in which subjects, structure or organize their desire: it is the support of desire. Then the second statement isHow does Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy impact on his wife in Mario Vargas Llosa"In Praise of the Stepmother. This statement will also apply the theoryof fantasy of Jacques Lacan and also apply the concept of anxiety and psychological trauma. Actually, there are two impacts of Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy. Methods Research methodolgy that used in this analysis here must be qualified as an applying in literary appreciation. The thesis is regarded as a descriptive-qualitative study and uses a library research.The data obtained to answer research question study. This study uses novel of Mario Vargas Llosaentitled In Praise of the Stepmother that published in 1988 as the data source of this study. The datas are in the form of direct and indirect speech of the characters, dialogues, epilogues and quotations which indicate and represent aspect of infidelity and love and will which is experienced by the main character. This thesis is using the library method in collecting the data. It does not use the statistic method. That is why it is not served in numbering or tables. Library research used an approach in analyzing this study. The kind of library research which is used here is intensive or closely reading to search quotations or phrases. It also used to analyze the literary elements both intrinsic and extrinsic. The references are taken from library and contributing ideas about this study from internet that support the idea of analyzing. Some steps of how the data is analyzed will be described as follows: Classification based on the statement of the problems. This classification is used to avoid the broad discussion. There are two classifications in this study. They are sexual fantasy and the main factor that lead to his sexual fantasy. Describing Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasywhich is stated from the quotations or statements by using theory of fantasy to be applied to the data.Describing Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy impact on his wife which is stated from the quotations or statements by using theory of fantasy and the concept of anxiety and psychological trauma will to be applied to the data. RESULT 3.1 Reflection of Don Rigoberto's Sexual Fantasy Based on theory of fantasy of Baron, fantasy can be a kind of activity that permits the subject to escape, however briefly from the stresses and boredom of the subject's life. Schaefer and Millman support this theory by stating that fantasies provide "a strong feeling of satisfaction in comparison to the bedroom of everyday activities" as an escape of the continued failure of difficulties in their everyday life". (Baron, 1995: 31-32) Fantasy is used as an escape from responsibility or a harsh home or work situation. Then the person needs to begin to pray for favor on the job or at home, asking God to open hearts to each other's needs and binding out demonic forces. We have had great reports from this kind of prayer. Then as the stress is lifted and the relationships are made stronger, the desire to escape lifts as well. The fantasies are no longer a problem. 3.1.1.1 Fantasy escape Don Rigoberto from stresses and boredom of his life Don Rigoberto is the dull though the prosperous manager of a Lima insurance company. His life represented in the eyes of others, that routine existence as the general manager of an insurance company, he has many activities. Well-earned that he stress or bored with some of his activities as an insurance executive. He had found in his solitary hygienic practiced and all in the love of his wife appeared to him to be sufficient compensation for his normalcy. He creates erotic fantasies, and Lucrecia lives out the character she has been chosen to be. "Just a pinch of wisdom to use as a momentary antidote to the frustrations and annoyances that seasoned existence. He thought: Fantasy gnaws life away, Thank God" (Llosa, 1988: 104) From the statement above, Rigoberto seems like indeed the power of wisdom can be used as a momentary antidote to the frustrations and annoyances that seasoned existence, but it just can be a momentary antidote now the make frustrations and annoyances gnaws away. As a manager of a Lima insurance company, it is definitely that he has 1many activities so he needs something which can release him from the frustrations and annoyances. The word "Fantasy gnaws life away, Thank God", it shows that Don Rigoberto thinks that fantasy helped him out of the frustrations and annoyances thing which is part of being an insurance executive. He was thankful, fantasy make he enjoyed or even suspected as happiness. There is proof that Fantasy can escape from the stresses and boredom of life "[.] as though happy to rid itself of the policies and the detritus of the day's bussiness.Ever since, in the most secret decision of his life-- so secret that probably not even Lucrecia would ever be privy to it in its entirity-he had resolved to be perfect for a brief fragment of each day. (Llosa, 1988: 54) Rigoberto is obsessed with Personal Hygiene, he assumes that is the part of his sexual fantasy to get pleasure. According to him, the nightly ritual can as a though happy to a rid himself from detritus bussiness day. He had resolved to be perfect for a brief fragment of each day through nightly ritual. 3.2 Don Rigoberto's Sexual Fantasy impact on his wife In the novel In Praise of the Stepmother, Don Rigoberto focuses so completely on hisrich fantasy life - a fantasy life,multiplyed by his reproductions of smutty nudes by the likes of Titian and Jordaens (left), that he doesn't notice the risks that cause Dona Lucrecia anxiety. In this novel, there is no communication between Don Rigoberto and Dona Lucrecia about sexual fantasy, Don Rigoberto's intend for his wife disrupts into his fantasies—at times he is too impaired by sorrow and desire to go on. "The queen sometimes awakens at night, overcome with terror in my arms, for in her sleep the shadow of the Ethiopian has once again burst into flame on top of her." (Llosa, 1988: 20) This quotation above describes that Lucrecia feels anxiety, she always pictured events that foregoing Don Rigoberto forced Dona Lucrecia sex with Atlas, Don Rigoberto assumes that Atlas is the best endowed of his Ethiopian slaves. It can be explained through this statement : "One night-I was drunk-I summoned Atlas, the best endowed of my Ethiopian slaves, to my apartments, merely to confirm that this was so. I had Lucrecia bow down before him and ordered him to mount her.Intimated by my presence, or because it was too great a test of his strength, he was unable to do so. Again and again I saw him approach her resolutely, push, pant, and withdraw in defeat" (Llosa, 1988: 15) Fantasy is 'that thing is what can satisfy me' – objectivation of desire.This line of thought on perverse fantasy, that fixates desire onto a certain object and thus screens off from its infinity, make the interpretations understandable From the quotation above Don Rigoberto was fantasized and forced his wife into having sex with Atlas. There looks Rigoberto so rude to treat his wife, he made his wife as an object because he wanted to prove whether Atlas, the best endowed of my Ethiopian slaves can equals him and he merely to confirm that this was so. The Fantasy that is shown by Don Rigoberto occurs when he decided his wife sex with Atlas. Don Rigoberto feels satisfied and relieved after that incident. Because of that incident, he discovered that no one can equal him. Butitis notperceivedby Lucrecia, she feels not enjoy. "In order to fulfill my part of the offer, we were obliged to act with the greatest discretion. That episode with Atlas, the slave, had been deeply shocking to my wife. (Llosa, 1988: 19) In the statement above, He has also realized that the episode with Atlas makes Dona Lucrecia shock. In contrast, Don Rigoberto does not appreciate his wife. He just concerned with his fantasy and never regards Dona Lucrecia's pleasure. There is no communication between Don Rigoberto and Dona Lucrecia about sexual fantasy, Rigoberto just concerned with his fantasy and Dona Lucrecia only silent to face it. She did not attempt to revolt or reject command from her husband She never stated that she does not enjoy it. She feels anxiety until it can be said that she have psychological trauma. Lucrecia always awakens at night just because it was too painful for her. For Lucrecia it would be a deeply shocking. In the chapter twelve, Labyrinth of Love.Lucrecia expresses her feelings that she felt as fortunate victim, she just an inspiration. Until there show that she fantasized with herself "I know this because I have been the fortunate victim; the inpiration, the actress as well [.]. Myself, erupting and overflowing beneath your attentive libertine gaze of a male who has officiated with competence and is now contemplating and philoshopizing (Llosa,1988: 118) It shows that Dona Lucrecia feels that she just an actress who serve her husband for being another person, not being herself while they having sex. She was erupted and overflows, she wants to vent all her anxiety. Until she actually made masturbation to gained the power of magic, mystery and bodily enjoyment. "That woman is what I am, slave and master, you offering. Slit open like a turtledove by love's knife: I: cracked apart and pulsing. I:slow masturbation. I: flow of musk. I: labyrinth and sensation. I: magic ovary, semen, blood, and morning dew.That is my face for you, at the hour of the senses. I am that when, for you, I shed my everyday skin and my feast-day one. That may perhaps be my soul. Yours." (Llosa, 1988: 119) In the statement above, it is clear that Lucrecia uncomfortable with the sexual fantasy of his husband. She even feels the pleasure through masturbation. Because throughon masturbation, she could be herself, not as an actress or inspiration of her husband. Conclusions This last chapter is drawn to sun up the results of the analysis, which is presented in the form of summary. In this chapter, the conclusion will be divided into two, in line with the statement of problem. The first conclusion in terms of Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy. For the second conclusion is Don Rigoberto's sexual fantasy impact on his wife. From the analysis that has been in the previous chapter, it can be conclude in the first conclusion that Don Rigoberto obsessed with three things, they are personal hygiene, sex with his wife and erotic paintings. Based on Don Rigoberto's it is found out that there are many habits and factors which are espouse his sexual fantasy. Besides, his character is his sexual fantasy done for his pleasure and cause of his desire. As aLima manager insurance, Rigoberto definitely has many activities, multiple frustrations and annoyances. So, the fantasy can help to escape him from that. In this study also reveal that Fantasy can make Rigoberto to be wise. He had rediscovered that wisdom all by himself, on his own and at his own risk. He did many habits like imagining erotically things about the media then sets the intent of those media into his mind.He reduces his wife as an object. He determines himselfbecome someone who is in the media, he proud of person in the paintings which can inflame his subject's imaginings then he changes himself as that person. In the novel In Praise of the Stepmother learn of the erotic and sexual lives of Rigoberto and Lucrecia, and which is driven by Rigoberto's fantasies formulated from paintings and other media. He showers her with affection, but the reader is left wondering if he truly knows her, or if he has created an illusion of her. Don Rigoberto's Sexual Fantasy happened because of any media, and he enjoyed his sexual fantasy by any media, like painting, poet and tried to take it into his mind, then reveal to his wife. His love life with Lucrecia in a world more imaginary than real, of what he wishes she were than what she really is. Don Rigoberto assumes that his wife is like another person who is in his mind, not the realism of his wife's self. He always lost in his dream which is imagined erotically things from some media and those can support his sexual fantasy. Don Rigoberto is compulsive about his personal cleanliness and his bodily functions. He appreciates them as impressive and necessary. He devotes a day a week for the care of a different member or organ: Monday, hands; Tuesday, feet; Wednesday, ears; Thursday, nose; Friday, hair; Saturday, eyes; Sunday, skin. Don Rigoberto is a sensualist of the highest order and, nightly, he and his wife have erotic heights. He did nightly ritual,all of those are the parts of his sexual fantasy. The pictures and roses of the painting are as an inspiration for him while having sex with his wife. Sexual fantasy can have a profound impact on a person's emotions. Sexual fantasy is articulated with anxiety and it is closest proximity to the psychological traumatic real, Lucrecia always be object of Rigoberto's sexual fantasy, she forced sex with Atlas, the best endowed of Ethiopian slaves. It shows that Don Rigoberto never worried about Lucrecia's anxiety. He actually lets Lucrecia having sex with another man, just for create pleasure Dona Lucrecia as his wife feel that she just an actress who serve her husband for being another person, not being herself while they having sex. She actually made masturbation to gained the power of magic, mystery and bodily enjoyment. She also did sexual attraction to her stepson, Fonchito. Because while having sex with her stepson, she feels splendid orgasm she is to be herself, she felt the pleasure and comfort thats he never got while having sex with Rigoberto, with Foncho, she feels that he is innocence and not seems like Rigoberto who makes she is an object imagination of anyone and object for him to get sexual satisfaction and pleasure. Don Rigoberto can do sexual fantasy to his wife because of his desire, he obsessed of personal hygiene,erotic paintings, then he makes his wife become the object of his fantasy and he wants to get pleasure which can alter his mood to be happy. The act of Don Rigoberto that forced his wife with another man can be classified as sexual violence which is the cause of psychological trauma. So, with the sexual fantasy of Don Rigoberto can impact Lucrecia has psychological trauma. Refferences Allen, Richard. 1995. Projecting Illusion. Film Spectatorship and the Impression of Reality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Badiou, Alain. 2012. In Prasise Of Love. London: Serpent's Tail Baron, Robert A. 1995. Psychology, 3rded. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Bernet, Rudolf. 1996. Verbeelding en fantasma. In: A. Vergote, and P. Moyaert, eds. Psychoanalyse. De mens en zijn lotgevallen. Kapellen: DNB/Pelckmans, 171-183. Byrne, D. 1977. The imagery of sex. In J. Money & H. Musaph (Eds.), Handbook of sexology .Amsterdam: Elsevier, pp. 327-350. Camassa, G. 1989. Phantasia.Historisches Wörterbuch der Philosophie Band7, Basel: Schwabe & Co., 516-534 Deutsch, J. 1944. The psychology of women. New York: Grune & Stratton. Doskoch, P. 1995. The safest sex. Psych. To.28:46-9 Downing, Lisa. 2008. The Cambridge Introduction to Michel Foucault. New York: Cambridge University Press. Evans, Dylan. 2006. An Introduction Dictionary of Lacanian Psychoanalysis. Taylor & Francis e-Library. Foucault, Michel. 1978. In The History Of Sexuality Vol 1. Trans. Robert Hurley.New York: Pantheon Books. Freud, Sigmund. 1908. Hysterical Phantasies and their relation to Bisexuality. S.E. 9, pp 159-166. Freud, Sigmund. 1911. Formulations on the Two Principles of Mental Functioning. S.E. 12, pp 218-226 Freud, Sigmund. 1955. Journal Pastoral Psychology. Kluwer Academic Publishers, 6, pp 43-41. Freud, Sigmund. 1962. Creative writers and daydreaming. In J. Strachy (Ed.), The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud,9, 142-152). London: Hogarth. (Original work published 1908) Freud, Sigmund. 1979. From The History of an Infantile Neurosis. London: Penguin Books. Freud, Sigmund. 1989. Introductory Lectures On Psychoanalysis. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. Gagnon, J. H., & Simon, W. 1973. Sexual conduct. Chicago: Aldine. Garrison, Karl C. And Dewey G. Force, Jr. 1965. The Psychology of ExceptionalChildren Fourth Edition. The Ronald Press Company. Gerbner, George, Catherine J. Ross, Edward Ziggler. 1980. Child Abuse an Agenda for Action. New York: Oxford University Press. Gerrig, Richard. J. 1996. Psychology and Life. 14th ed. New York: Harper Collins Publisher. Giambra, L. 1974. Daydreaming across the life span: Late adolescent to senior citizen. International Journal of Aging and Human Development,5, 115-140. Hicks, T.V., and H. Leitenberg. 2001. Sexual Fantasies About One's Partner Versus Someone Else: Gender Differences in Incidence and Frequency. Jour. Sex Res, 38:43-51. Hollender, M. H. 1963. Women's fantasies during sexual intercourse. Archives of General Psychiatry, 8, 86-90. Homey, K. 1967. Feminine psychology. New York: Norton. Hurley, Robert. 2011. The Limits of Ferocity: Sexual Aggression and Modern Literary Rebellion. New York: Duke University Press Books. Jones, J. C, & Barlow, D. H. 1990. Self-reported frequency of sexual urges, fantasies, and masturbatory fantasies in heterosexual malesand females. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 19, 269-279. Kaplan, H. S. (1974, October). Fiction and fantasy: No-nonsense therapy for six sexual malfunctions. Psychology Today, pp. 77-86. Kartono, Kartini and Dadi Gulo. 1987. Kamus Psikologi. Bandung: Pionir Jaya. Lacan, Jacques. 1994. The Seminar, Book III .1955-1956. The Psychoses, ed. by Jacques Alain Miller,trans. by Russell Grigg. New York: Norton. Lacan,Jacques. 1978. Four Fundamental Concepts Of Psychoanalysis. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. Lacan, Jacques. 2005. Routledge Critical Thinkers Book. New York: Routledge. Laplanche, J.1986. Fantasy and the Origins of Sexuality, London: Routledge. Le Séminaire XIII: L'objet de la psychanalyse. 1965-1966. Unpublished transcript. Le Séminaire XIV: La logique du fantasme 1966-1967. Unpublished transcript. Meadows, Robert J. 2004. Understanding Violence and Victimization Third Edition. New Jersey: Prentice Hall. Miller, Jacques-Alain. 1999. Les six paradigms de la jouissance. La CauseFreudienne, 42: 7-29. Nobus, Dany. 2002. Jacques Lacan and the Freudian Practice of Psychoanalysis. Taylor & Francis e-Library. Nusselder, André. 2006. Interface Fantasy. Amsterdam. F&N Eigen Beheer. Pp 117. O'Donnell, Kevin. 2008. Postmodernisme. 1st ed. Yogyakarta: Kanisius. Reich, W. 1942. The discovery of the orgone: The function of the orgasm. New York: Noonsday. Rogers, Dorothy. 1969. Child Psychology. Belmont, California. Wadsworth Publishing Company,Inc Singer, J. L. 1966. Daydreaming: An Introduction to the experimental study of inner experience, New York: Random House. Singer, J.L. 1968. Research applications of the projective methods: In A. Rabin (Ed.), Projective techniques in personality assessment. New York: Springer. Suryabrata, Sumadi. 2002. Pengembangan Alat Ukur Psikologis,Yogyakarta: Penerbit Andi Yogyakarta. ---. The Seminar, Book X. 1962-1963. Anxiety, ed. By Jacques Lacan, trans. by Cormac Gallagher. French: Unedited manuscript. ---. The Seminar, Book XI. 1981. The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psycho-Analysis, ed. by Jacques Alain Miller, trans. by Alan Sheridan. New York: Norton. ---. The Seminar, Book XX 1972-1973, Encore, ed. by Jacques Alain Miller, trans. by Bruce Fink. New York: Norton. Vargas Llosa, Mario. 1988. In Praise Of The Stepmother. New York: Picador. Wagman, M. 1967. Sex differences in types of daydreams. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 7, 329-332. Wilson, G.D. 1997. Gender Differences in Sexual Fantasy: An Evolutionary Analysis. Person. Individ. Diff, 22, 27-31. Žižek, S. 1992. Looking Awry. Cambridge Massachusetts: MIT Press. Internet Sources . http://classiclit.about.com/od/literaryterms/g/aa_whatisliter.html http://psychoanalysis101.org/psycho-sexual-development/html http://www2.ucsc.edu/dreams/Library/hall_1953b.html http://www.sparknotes.com/psychology/psych101/motivation/section3.html http://www.bartleby.com/288/5.html http://www.personalityresearch.org/papers/plaut.html

1. IntroductionOver the last decade, increased attention has been paid to terrorism, particularly to the new wave of terrorist groups, fundamentalist movements, and extremist organisations such as Al‐Qaeda. September 11 marked the beginning of a turbulent phase in which states face a new kind of threat made up of a complex network of insidious revolutionary and nationalist forces. Such transformations have given rise to an unprecedented number of publications. However, both political violence and terrorism remain sources of endless disputes and controversies because of their political implications. At the same time, in the scientific community, terrorism studies lack conceptual and methodological uniformity. In his article, Domenico Tosini synthesises and discusses some major findings from this research. Courses using such a review will be confronted with the four major topics that any analysis of terrorism, to be comprehensive, should take into account: the definition of terrorism; its history and classification; its explanations; and an assessment of the consequences of counterterrorism policies.2. Literature recommendations Bjørgo, Tore (ed.) 2005. Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward. London, UK: Routledge.In this book, based on the analysis of numerous case studies (e.g. Palestinian armed groups, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, right‐wing extremists, state terrorism and state‐sponsored terrorism), experts in political violence examine the preconditions for the emergence of different types of terrorist organisations and the main factors that sustain terrorist campaigns. Cole, David 2003. Enemy Aliens: Double Standard and Constitutional Freedoms in the War on Terrorism. New York, NY: The New Press.Thanks to its analysis and evaluation of the consequences of counter‐terrorism measures, David Cole's Enemy Aliens is one of the most rigorous discussions of how states (like the United States since 2001) often combat terrorism by adopting emergency powers (such as the special detention at Guantanamo Bay), which, in turn, risk undermining civil liberties. della Porta, Donatella 1995. Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Based on empirical research that compares the origins and development of left‐wing terrorism in Italy and Germany between the 1960s and the 1990s, della Porta offers a middle‐range theory of political violence that combines an analysis of the political opportunities and ideological frames exploited by armed groups, a profile of their organisational structures, and an investigation of the typical patterns underlying their recruitment processes. Gambetta, Diego (ed.) 2006. Making Sense of Suicide Missions. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.In this book, a number of distinguished social scientists, while examining the use of suicide missions by political and religious groups (such as the Japanese Kamikaze, the Tamil Tigers, Palestinian organisations, and Al‐Qaeda), specify and discuss the most important methodological questions associated with definitions, data collection, and explanations concerning this form of political struggle. Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Colombia University Press.The book introduces the most important issues of terrorism studies: the controversial problem of the definition of terrorism; a history of terrorism, from anti‐colonial struggles to international terrorism; an examination and explanation of the most recent waves of religious extremists and suicide terrorism; an analysis of the ways terrorist groups exploit old and new media such as the Internet; and, finally, an overview of the strategies, tactics, and organisational aspects of modern and contemporary terrorism. Horgan, John 2005. The Psychology of Terrorism. London, UK: Routledge.Horgan presents a critical analysis of our understanding of terrorist psychology; many shortcomings emerge, particularly the limitations of personality theories in attempting to explain militancy. Based on interviews with terrorists, the book considers the most relevant psychological and social factors underlying involvement and engagement in political violence, and the process of leaving terrorist organisations. Kalyvas, Stathis 2006. The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Scholars generally distinguish between terrorism and other forms of violence against civilians – tactics of guerrilla warfare or insurgency in civil wars, for example. However, this work makes a relevant contribution to terrorism studies. Kalyvas clarifies the rationality and micro‐processes of interactions during armed conflicts that account for indiscriminate and selective uses of violence against civilian populations by political actors. Kushner, Harvey W. 2003. Encyclopedia of Terrorism. London, UK: Sage.One of the most accurate and exhaustive dictionaries focusing on terrorism, with more than 300 entries concerning terrorist groups, key events, people, terms, and statistics, as well as biographical, historical, and geographical information. Free access is available at the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT) (http://www.terrorisminfo.mipt.org/eBooks.asp). Laqueur, Walter 2002. A History of Terrorism. London, UK: Transaction Publishers.Along with Laqueur's Guerrilla Warfare: A Historical and Critical Study (London: Transaction Publishers, 1998), this constitutes a pioneering history of armed organisations, from nineteenth century Europe, to the anarchists of the 1880s and 1890s, to the left‐wing clashes during the 20th century, and up to the most recent terrorist groups. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism. New York, NY: Random House.Over the last decade, suicide terrorism has become an alarming political threat and a crucial challenge for social scientists. In his work, which compares a number of organisations responsible for suicide attacks, Pape rejects the explanation of suicide terrorism based on religious fundamentalism. He argues for a correlation between the use of this tactic and specific kinds of groups engaged in separatist campaigns or in struggles for liberation from foreign occupiers. Ranstorp, Magnus (ed.) 2007. Mapping Terrorism Research: State of the Art, Gaps and Future Directions. London, UK: Routledge.In this book, distinguished scholars of terrorism studies discuss state‐of‐the‐art field research. In exploring new trends in this area – the most important questions about the explanation of recent terrorist organisations such as Al‐Qaeda, and about counterterrorism – these essays shed light on the strengths and weaknesses of our current knowledge of political violence. Reich, Walter (ed.) 1998. Origins of Terrorism: Psychologies, Ideologies, Theologies, States of Mind. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.This is another seminal work on terrorism, bringing together some of the most well known experts in political violence. The variety of approaches used in the explanations of terrorist organisations and in the analysis of counterterrorism paves the way for a real interdisciplinary setting, which is absolutely crucial once the multi‐faceted nature of terrorism is clear. Sageman, Marc 2004. Understanding Terror Networks. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.Based on the analysis of biographical data for nearly 200 members of global Islamist extremism (of which Al‐Qaeda is a part), Sageman accounts for the origins and developments of this movement and specifies the crucial role played by social networks in the recruitment of individuals as Islamist militants. Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge.Wilkinson examines major trends in international terrorism and liberal democratic responses. On the one hand, the book introduces the specificity of terrorism and offers a classification and explanation of the most important types of armed groups. On the other, in approaching how states deal with terrorist threats, this work discusses forms of counterterrorism, by taking into account their impact on the rule of law and on the protection of civil liberties.3. Online materials Agenzia Informazioni e Sicurezza Interna (AISI) (Agency for Internal Information and Security)(http://www.aisi.gov.it)The Agenzia Informazioni e Sicurezza Interna (AISI) is the branch of Italian Intelligence tasked with collecting and analysing information about any criminal and terrorist threat to security. Among other activities, the AISI distributes its own periodical, Gnosis, online, where a chronology of international as well as domestic terrorist attacks since 2004 (currently updated through 2007) is available.
Counterterrorism Blog
(http://counterterrorismblog.org)The Counterterrorism Blog is a multi‐expert blog devoted to providing a one‐stop gateway to the counterterrorism community. It offers, among other things, overnight and breaking news, with real time commentary by experts; reports on terrorist organisations; discussions of long‐term trends in counterterrorism; and summaries of and discussions about US and international law.
Center for Constitutional Rights

(CCR) (http://ccrjustice.org)Founded in 1966 by attorneys who represented civil rights organisations, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) is a non‐profit legal and educational organisation dedicated to protecting the rights guaranteed by the United States Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It also offers information about important issues related to counterterrorism (e.g., the prolonged battle in defence of civil liberties associated with the special detention at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba).
Global Terrorism Database
(GTD)(http://www.start.umd.edu/data/gtd)The Global Terrorism Database (GTD) is an open‐source database on terrorist incidents around the world since 1970 (currently updated through 2004). It includes systematic data on international as well as domestic terrorist attacks. For each GTD incident, information is available on the date and location of the attack, the weapons used and nature of the target, the number of casualties, and (when possible) the identity of the perpetrator. Another important database, the Terrorism Knowledge Base (TKB) at the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT) (http://www.mipt.org/TKB.asp), has recently ceased operations and elements of the system have been merged with the GTD. Information on terrorist groups is now available at the Terrorist Organization Profiles (http://www.start.umd.edu/data/tops).
Human Security Report Project

(HSRP) (http://www.hsrgroup.org)The HSRP conducts research on global and regional trends in political violence, exploring their causes and consequences, and then making this research accessible to the policy and research communities, the media, educators, and the interested public. The HSRP's publications include the Human Security Report, the Human Security Brief series, and the Human Security Gateway. The recent Human Security Brief 2007, online, makes a relevant contribution in discussing the methodological issues associated with collecting data on terrorism and offers a comprehensive overview of terrorist incidents in the last decade.
Middle East Media Research Institute

(MEMRI) (http://www.memri.org)The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) explores the Middle East through the region's media with respect to a variety of topics including terrorism. MEMRI provides translations of Arabic, Persian, and Turkish media, as well as analysis of political, ideological, intellectual, social, cultural, and religious tendencies in the Middle East. A new section, the MEMRI's Islamist Websites Monitor Project, was launched in 2006 as part of the Jihad & Terrorism Studies project. Its aim is to keep Western audiences informed about the phenomenon of jihadist sites on the Internet, which are used by terrorist groups and their sympathisers to spread their extremist messages, to raise funds, and to recruit activists.
Uppsala Conflict Data Project

(UCDP) (http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/UCDP)The Uppsala Conflict Data Project (UCDP) collects data on armed conflicts around the world. A global conflict database is now available online. Data are useful for systematic studies of conflict origins, dynamics, and resolution.
Worldwide Incidents Tracking System
(WITS)(http://wits.nctc.gov)The Worldwide Incidents Tracking System (WITS) is the National Counterterrorism Center's (NCTC) database of terrorist incidents. NCTC serves as the primary organisation in the United States government for integrating and analysing all intelligence pertaining to terrorism and, at the same time, as the central and shared knowledge bank on terrorism information. Based on WITS, the NCTC provides an annual report and statistical information about terrorist incidents.
Additional Online Resources
Scores of additional organisations and centres (too many to list) conduct and disseminate research on issues related to armed conflicts, terrorism, terrorist groups, security, and counterterrorism. What follows is a list of some other key organisations and centres, with links to their websites:Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)(http://www.aspi.org.au)Centre for Asymmetric Threat Studies (CATS)(http://www.fhs.se/en/Research/Centers‐and‐Research‐Programmes/CATS)Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)(http://www.csis.org)Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV)(http://www.st‐andrews.ac.uk/~wwwir/research/cstpv)IntelCenter(http://intelcenter.com)International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)(http://www.pvtr.org)International Crisis Group (ICG)(http://www.crisisgroup.org)International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS)(http://www.iiss.org)International Policy Institute for Counter‐Terrorism (ICT)(http://www.ict.org.il)Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT)(http://www.mipt.org)Saban Center at the Brookings Institution(http://www.brookings.edu/saban.aspx)Senlis Council(http://www.senliscouncil.net)Southern Poverty Law Center(http://www.splcenter.org)Terrorism and Homeland Security at RAND Corporation(http://www.rand.org/research_areas/terrorism)Terrorism Research Center (TRC)(http://www.terrorism.org)Transnational Radical Islamism Project at the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment(http://www.mil.no/felles/ffi/english/start/research/Analysis_Division/_TERRA)United States Institute of Peace(http://www.usip.org/index.html)4. Sample syllabus Course Title: A Sociological Analysis of Terrorism and Counterterrorism Course Description In this course, we will explore the most relevant issues around terrorism and counterterrorism policies. Although we will largely approach this topic from a sociological perspective, this study is quite interdisciplinary. Consequently, we will be reading works from other academic disciplines, including history, psychology, political science, and economics. There are four major areas that any analysis of terrorism, to be comprehensive, should take into account: the definition of terrorism; its history and classification; its explanations; and an assessment of consequences related to counterterrorism. After an introduction to terrorism research (part 1), we will discuss the controversies related to the definition of terrorism (part 2) and to data collection (part 3), both necessary for an understanding of tendencies concerning terrorist incidents. A historical overview (part 4) will give us some preliminary information about the variety of terrorist campaigns – information that prepares us for the next exercise (part 5): grouping terrorist organisations by different types. Looking in more depth at the evolution of terrorism in the last decade, we will examine the case of Al‐Qaeda (part 6), and how this and other organisations exploit old and new media, especially the Internet (part 7). The next chapter will be the explanation of terrorism, that is, the specification of the main psychological, political, cultural, and religious factors underlying the emergence of a terrorist organisation and the unfolding of a terrorist campaign. Suicide terrorism will be used as a case study. More specifically, we will approach terrorism by examining the motivations and rationality of terrorist organisations (part 8), of the communities that support them (part 9), and of those who join them (part 10). We end the course by focusing on both the legal (part 11) and strategic (part 12) implications of counterterrorism measures adopted since 2001. Course outline and reading assignments Part 1. Terrorism Research An overview of the most important approaches to the study of terrorism and of the strengths and weaknesses of available analyses. Bjørgo, Tore 2005. 'Introduction' (pp. 1–15) and 'Conclusions' (pp. 256–264) in Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward, edited by Tore Bjørgo. London, UK: Routledge. Crenshaw, Martha 2000. 'The Psychology of Terrorism: An Agenda for the 21st Century.'Political Psychology 21 (2): 405–420 (Doi: 10.1111/0162-895X.00195). Ranstorp, Magnus 2007. 'Introduction: Mapping Terrorism Research – Challenges and Priorities.' Pp. 1–28 in Mapping Terrorism Research, edited by Magnus Ranstorp. London, UK: Routledge. Silke, Andrew 2004. 'An Introduction to Terrorism Research.' Pp. 1–29 in Research on Terrorism: Trends, Achievements and Failures, edited by Andrew Silke. London, UK: Frank Cass. Sinai, Joshua 2007. 'New Trends in Terrorism Studies: Strengths and Weaknesses.' Pp. 31–50 in Mapping Terrorism Research, edited by Magnus Ranstorp. London, UK: Routledge. Turk, Austin T. 2004. 'Sociology of Terrorism.'Annual Review of Sociology 30: 271–286 (Doi: 10.1146/annurev.soc.30.012703.110510). Wilkinson, Paul 2007. 'Research into Terrorism Studies: Achievements and Failures.' Pp. 316–328 in Mapping Terrorism Research, edited by Magnus Ranstorp. London, UK: Routledge. Part 2. What is Terrorism? A discussion of one of the most controversial issues, the definition of terrorism, focusing on its political and methodological implications. Aly, Waleed 2008. 'The Axiom of Evil.'The Guardian, 8 July, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/jul/08/nelsonmandela.terrorism (last accessed: 8 July 2008). Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Chapter 1 (pp. 1–42). Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. della Porta, Donatella 2004. 'Terror Against the State.' Pp. 208–16 in The Blackwell Companion to Political Sociology, edited by Kate Nash and Alan Scott. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing. Schmid, Alexander P. 2004. 'Frameworks for Conceptualising Terrorism.'Terrorism and Political Violence 16 (2): 197–221 (Doi: 10.1080/09546550490483134). Tilly, Charles 2004. 'Terror, Terrorism, Terrorist.'Sociological Theory 22 (1): 5–16 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9558.2004.00200.x). Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat', Sociology Compass 1 (2), 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Chapter 1 (pp. 1–19). Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge. Part 3. Collecting Data on Terrorism Incidents An introduction to the challenges and solutions to the collection of terrorism data, a preliminary and crucial aspect of any scientific analysis. Buchalter, Alice R. and Glenn E. Curtis 2003. Inventory and Assessment of Databases Relevant for Social Science Research on Terrorism. Washington, DC: Federal Research Division Library of Congress, http://lcweb.loc.gov/rr/frd (last accessed 10 June 2008). Enders, Walter and Todd Sandler 2006. Chapter 3 (pp. 52–83). The Political Economy of Terrorism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Lafree, Gary 2007. 'Introducing the Global Terrorism Database.'Terrorism and Political Violence 19 (2): 181–204 (Doi: 10.1080/09546550701246817). HSP 2008. Human Security Brief 2007. Dying to Lose: Explaining the Decline in Global Terrorism. Simon Fraser University, Canada: Human Security Report Project, http://www.humansecuritybrief.info/HSRP_Brief_2007.pdf (last accessed 15 June 2008). Part 4. Waves of Terror: The Evolution of Terrorism A look at terrorism from a historical perspective in an attempt to identify continuities and discontinuities in the use of political violence. Abrahms, Max 2006. 'Why Terrorism Does Not Work.'International Security 31 (2): 42–78 (Doi: 10.1162/isec.2006.31.2.42). Duyvesteyn, Isabelle 2004. 'How New Is the New Terrorism?'Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 27 (5): 439–454 (Doi: 10.1080/10576100490483750). Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Chapters 2–4 (pp. 43–130). Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Jenkins, Brian 1975. International Terrorism: A New Mode of Conflict. Research Paper n. 48, California Seminar on Arms Control and Foreign Policy. Kaplan, Jeffrey 2007. 'The Fifth Wave: The New Tribalism?'Terrorism and Political Violence 19 (4): 545–570 (Doi: 10.1080/09546550701606564). Laqueur, Walter 2002. Chapters 1–2 (pp. 3–78). A History of Terrorism. London, UK: Transaction Publishers. Münkler, Herfried 2005. Chapter 5 (pp. 99–116). The New Wars. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Rapoport, David C. 2004. 'Modern Terror: The Four Waves.' Pp. 46–73 in Attacking Terrorism: Elements of a Great Strategy, edited by Audrey Cronin and J. Ludes. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Reed, Donald J. 2008. 'Beyond the War on Terror: Into the Fifth Generation of War and Conflict.'Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 31 (8): 684–722 (Doi: 10.1080/10576100802206533). Part 5. Typologies of Terrorist Movements An overview of the complex task of classifying terrorist organisations on the basis of characteristics such as political objectives, ideological frames, and the cleavages between them and their enemies. Goodwin, Jeff 2006. 'A Theory of the Categorical Terrorism.'Social Forces 84 (4): 2027–2046. Gunaratna, Rohan and Graeme C. S. Steven 2004. Chapter 1 (pp. 1–98). Counterterrorism. Santa Barbara, CA: Abc Clio. Schmid, Alexander P. and Albert J. Jongman 1988. Chapter 2 (in collaboration with M. Stohl and P. A. Fleming, pp. 39–60). Political Terrorism. London, UK: Transaction Publishers. Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat.'Sociology Compass 1 (2), 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Chapter 2 (pp. 20–38). Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge. Part 6. Al‐Qaeda and its Affiliates: Ideologies, Strategies, Structures A sociological look at the ideological, strategic, and organisational aspects of Al‐Qaeda's terrorism from the 1980s to its most recent campaign in Iraq. Al‐Zayyat, Montasser 2004. The Road to Al‐Qaeda. London, UK: Pluto Press. Gunaratna, Rohan 2002. Chapters 1–2 (pp. 21–126). Inside Al‐Qaeda. New York, NY: Berkley Books. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapter 7 (pp. 102–125). Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism. New York, NY: Random House. Sageman, Marc 2004. Chapters 1‐2 (pp. 1‐60). Understanding Terror Networks. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Hafez, Mohammed M. 2007. Chapters 1–5 (pp. 35–162). Suicide Bombers in Iraq. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. Part 7. Terrorism and the Media An exploration of the ways that terrorist organisations exploit old and new media, especially the Internet, as communicative channels (for staging their attacks, threats, demands, and propaganda) and as instrumental tools (for fund raising, coordination, and recruitment). Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Chapters 6–7 (pp. 173–228). Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. ICG 2006. In Their Own Words: Reading the Iraqi Insurgency. International Crisis Group: Middle East Report No 50, 15 February, http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=3953&l=1 (last accessed 5 February 2008). Rogan, Hanna 2006. Jihadism Online: A Study of How Al‐Qaeda and Radical Islamist Groups Use Internet for Terrorist Purposes. Norwegian Defence Research Establishment: FFI/RAPPORT‐2006/00915, http://rapporter.ffi.no/rapporter/2006/00915.pdf (last accessed 5 June 2008). Sageman, Marc 2008. Chapter 6 (pp. 109–123). Leaderless Jihad. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Weimann, Gabriel 2006. Chapters 3–4 (pp. 49–145). Terror on the Internet. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. Part 8. Terrorist Organisations and Their Logic An examination of the political objectives and ideologies of terrorist organisations and an overview of the rationality and strategies underlying their decision‐making in relation to the political opportunities and military events shaping their environment. Boyns, David and James David Ballard 2004. 'Developing a Sociological Theory for the Empirical Understanding of Terrorism.'American Sociologist 35 (2): 5–26 (Doi: 10.1007/BF02692394). Crenshaw, Martha 1998. 'The Logic of Terrorism: Terrorist Behaviour as a Product of Strategic Choice.' Pp. 7–24 in Origins of Terrorism, edited by Walter Reich. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press. Gambetta, Diego 2006. 'Can We Make Sense of Suicide Missions?' Pp. 259–299 in Making Sense of Suicide Missions, edited by Diego Gambetta. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Hafez, Mohammed and Quintan Wiktorowicz 2004. 'Violence as Contention in the Egyptian Islamic Movement.' Pp. 61–88 in Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach, edited Quintan Wiktorowicz. Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University Press. Kalyvas, Stathis 2006. Chapters 6–7 (pp. 147–208). The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Kramer, Martin 1998. 'The Moral Logic of Hezbollah.' Pp. 131–157 in Origins of Terrorism, edited by Walter Reich. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapters 3–5 (pp. 27–60). Dying to Win. New York, NY: Random House. Tosini, Domenico 2009. 'A Sociological Understanding of Suicide Attacks.'Theory, Culture & Society (Forthcoming). Part 9. Mechanisms of Social Support A discussion of the economic, cultural, and political conditions which make possible the support for, and collaboration with, terrorist organisations by members of certain communities. Cook, David and Olivia Allison 2007. Chapters 1–5 (pp. 1–85). Understanding and Addressing Suicide Attacks: The Faith and Politics of Martyrdom Operations. Westport, CT: Praeger Security International. Chernick, Marc 2007. 'FARC‐EP: From Liberal Guerrillas to Marxist Rebels to Post‐Cold War Insurgency.' Pp. 51–120 in Terror, Insurgency, and the State, edited by Marianne Heiberg et al. Philadelphia, PA: University Pennsylvania Press. Hashim, Ahmed S. 2006. Chapter 2 (pp. 59–124). Insurgency and Counter‐Insurgency in Iraq. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Kalyvas, Stathis 2006. Chapter 4 (pp. 87–110). The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Merari, Ariel 2005. 'Social, Organizational and Psychological Factors in Suicide Terrorism.' Pp. 70–86 in Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward, edited by Tore Bjørgo. London, UK: Routledge. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapters 6–8 (pp. 79–167). Dying to Win. New York, NY: Random House. Part 10. Social Networks and Recruitment An analysis of the motivations behind the process of joining terrorist organisations and of the role played by group dynamics and social networks. della Porta, Donatella 1995. Chapter 7 (pp. 165–186). Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Sageman, Marc 2004. Chapters 4–5 (pp. 99–173). Understanding Terror Networks. Philadelphia, PA: University Pennsylvania Press. Horgan, John 2005. Chapter 3 (pp. 47–79). The Psychology of Terrorism. London, UK: Routledge. Khosrokhavar, Fahad 2005. Chapter 3 (pp. 149–224). Suicide Bombers. London, UK: Pluto Press. Pedahzur, Ami 2005. Chapters 6–7 (pp. 118–181). Suicide Terrorism. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Stern, Jessica 2003. Chapter 9 (pp. 237–280). Terror in the Name of God. New York, NY: Harper Collins Publisher. Wintrobe, Ronald 2006. Chapters 5–6 (pp. 108–157). Rational Extremism: The Political Economy of Radicalism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Part 11. Counterterrorism I: Legal Implications An overview of the emergency powers of antiterrorism legislations and 'special measures', and an analysis of their legal impact on the protection of human rights. Cole, David 2003. Chapters 1–5 (pp. 17–82). Enemy Aliens. New York, NY: The Free Press. Haubrich, Dirk 2003. 'September 11, Anti‐Terror Laws and Civil Liberties: Britain, France and Germany Compared.'Government and Opposition 38 (1): 3–29 (Doi: 10.1111/1477-7053.00002). Parker, Tom 2005. 'Counterterrorism Policies in the United Kingdom.' Pp. 119–148 in Protecting Liberty in an Age of Terror, edited by Philip B. Heymann and Juliette N. Kayyem. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat', Sociology Compass 1 (2): 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Part 12. Counterterrorism II: Strategic Limitations An examination of the most important counterterrorism policies adopted since 2001, with special reference to the occupation of Iraq, and an assessment of their advantages and risks for combating and preventing terrorism. Nesser, Peter 2006. 'Jihadism in Western Europe After the Invasion of Iraq: Tracing Motivational Influences from the Iraq War on Jihadist Terrorism in Western Europe.'Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 29 (4): 323–342 (Doi: 10.1080/10576100600641899). Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapter 12 (pp. 237–250). Dying to Win. New York, NY: Random House. Silke, Andrew 2005. 'Fire of Iolaus: The Role of State Countermeasures in Causing Terrorism and What Needs to Be Done.' Pp. 241–255 in Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward, edited by Tore Bjørgo. London, UK: Routledge. Smelser, Neil J. 2007. Chapter 6 (pp. 160–199). The Faces of Terrorism: Social and Psychological Dimensions. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat', Sociology Compass 1 (2): 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Chapters 5–6 (pp. 61–102). Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge.5. Films and videos Al‐Qaeda Film on the First Anniversary of the London Bombings. 2006 (17 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/215/1186.htm)Excerpts from a message from 2005 London bomber Shehzad Tanweer and statements by Al‐Qaeda leaders Ayman Al‐Zawahiri and Adam Gadahn, posted on http://www.tajdeed.net.tc on 8 July 2006. A typical example of the communicative use of the Internet by Islamists in their attempt to frame terrorist attacks as legitimate acts of martyrdom, committed by courageous Muslims in defence of their brothers and sisters in occupied Muslim lands (e.g. Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine). Al‐Qaeda Leader in Iraq Abu Musab Al‐Zarqawi's First Televised Interview. 2006 (17 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/344/1118.htm)A video posted by the Islamist web forum http://www.alsaha.com on 25 April 2006, in which the Al‐Qaeda commander in Iraq Abu Musab Al‐Zarqawi (killed by an airstrike on 7 June 2006) outlines all the typical condemnations (by Islamist extremists) of the Iraq occupation by the US‐led coalition, and calls for a jihad against its forces and allies. Propagandising the military capabilities of Al‐Qaeda, the video culminates in footage of Al‐Zarqawi with masked fighters, firing an automatic weapon, and 'new missiles' developed by 'the brothers'. Al‐Arabiya TV Special on the Culture of Martyrdom and Suicide Bombers. 2005 (7 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/215/807.htm)Excerpts from a show about the culture of martyrdom, aired on Al‐Arabiya TV on 22 July 2005. The documentary investigates some of the most relevant religious and political justifications and symbolic representations among Islamist extremists in favour of suicide attacks. In particular, it looks at the Palestinian organisations Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and at the Lebanese Hezbollah. The film includes an interview with Maha Ghandour, the wife of Salah Ghandour, who was responsible for a suicide attack carried out in 1995 on behalf of Hezbollah against an Israeli military convoy. Battle For Haditha. 2007 (93 min)(http://www.nickbroomfield.com/haditha.html)In this film, the director Nick Broomfield looks at the dramatic events surrounding an incident that occurred in Haditha, Iraq, when 24 Iraqis were allegedly massacred by US Marines, following the death of a Marine in a bombing perpetrated by Iraqi insurgents. The harsh reality of the war is viewed from three perspectives: that of the US troops, the insurgents who committed the attacks, and a civilian Iraqi family. Iranian Animated Film for Children Promotes Suicide Bombings. 2005 (10 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/215/906.htm)Including excerpts from an Iranian animated movie for children, aired on IRIB 3 TV on 28 October 2005, this film is an example of the mechanisms of de‐humanization of the enemy (the Israelis), based on a tale of the ferocious murder of innocent people by Israeli soldiers. This incident is followed by a bomb attack framed as an act of martyrdom by young militants in revenge of the previous assassination. Paradise Now. 2005 (91 min)In his film, the director Hany Abu‐Assad focuses on the final days of two Palestinian militants as they prepare to carry out a suicide attack in Tel Aviv. Once childhood friends Said (Kais Nashef) and Khaled (Ali Suliman) are offered such an attack, they feel a sense of purpose in serving their people's cause, whereas a young Palestinian woman, after learning of their plan, tries to dissuade them from carrying out their missions. Paradise Now has been viewed as a controversial attempt to examine the motivations of suicide bombers. The Reach of War: Sectarian War in Iraq. 2006 (7 min)(http://www.nytimes.com/packages/khtml/2006/12/28/world/20061228_SECTARIAN_FEATURE.html)The New York Times journalist Marc Santora reports on some of the most violent and bloody effects of the sectarian violence perpetrated in Iraq during the civil war between Sunnis and Shiites, which has followed the occupation by the US‐led coalition. The Road to Guantanamo. 2006 (92 min)(http://www.roadtoguantanamomovie.com)Directed by Michael Winterbottom, the film tells the story of four friends beginning a holiday in Pakistan. Through a series of interviews and news footage, the film shows how they end up in Afghanistan, where are then captured by American forces and kept in harsh conditions at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, for over 2 years. The Role of Foreign Fighters in the Iraqi Jihad. 2006 (9 min)(http://www1.nefafoundation.org/multimedia‐original.html)In this video, NEFA Foundation expert Evan Kohlmann documents the phenomenon of foreign fighters in Iraq and their role within the Sunni insurgency. The video includes footage of senior figures from Abu Musab al‐Zarqawi's terrorist group (including Lebanese, Saudi, and Kuwaiti nationals) and scenes from Al‐Qaida training camps in Iraq. The Suicide Bomber. 2005 (12 min)(http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/terrorism/july‐dec05/bombers_11‐14.html)In this debate aired on PBS on 14 November 2005, three experts (Mia Bloom, Mohammed M. Hafez, and Robert A. Pape) discuss what motivates suicide bombers and their terrorist organisations, with special reference to the 2005 hotel bombings in Amman, Jordan, where a female militant joining these attacks was found alive after her bomb failed to detonate. The Terrorist Propaganda (three videos):
Indexing Al‐Qaeda Online.
2005 (6 min)(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp‐dyn/content/custom/2005/08/05/CU2005080501141.html?whichDay=1)
Without the Video, It's Just an Attack.
2007 (5 min)(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp‐dyn/content/video/2007/09/28/VI2007092800608.html)
Al‐Qaeda's Growing Online Offensive.
2008 (14 min)(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp‐dyn/content/article/2008/06/23/AR2008062302135.html)Over the last decade, terrorist propaganda on the Internet has increased dramatically. In these videos, experts discuss how insurgent groups, in particular Islamist extremists in Iraq and Afghanistan, are using new media to spread their messages worldwide, to chronicle their operations (including the assembly and emplacement of roadside bombs targeting US forces), to recruit, and to raise money.6. Focus questions

What challenges do researchers interested in terrorism studies face and why? What are the most important theoretical and methodological weaknesses in current terrorism research?
How can we define terrorism? What political controversies affect the definition of terrorism? When comparing different terrorism data sets, what kinds of diagnoses can we make on the tendencies of terrorist incidents in the last decade?
How has terrorism changed in history? Based on the literature concerning Al‐Qaeda's ideology, strategies, and structures, what continuities and discontinuities can we identify with respect to previous forms of terrorism?
When dealing with the explanation of terrorism, what are the most significant factors to be taken into account? How can we learn from the current literature on suicide terrorism in order to build a comprehensive model for its explanation?
Given the legislative and military responses to September 11 and subsequent attacks (e.g. the 2005 London bombings), what have been the legal consequences affecting our societies and the strategic implications for combating and preventing terrorist violence?

7. SeminarsParticipants will be divided into small groups of about three persons. Each group will be asked to make a contribution to a sociological analysis (either written or presented) of a specific armed organisation, such as:Al‐Gama'a Al‐IslamiyyaAl‐QaedaAl‐Qaeda in IraqAl‐Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (formerly Salafist Group for Call and Combat)Ansar Al‐SunnahAnsar Al‐IslamArmed Islamic Groups (GIA)Army of GodAum ShinrikyoChechen separatistsEgyptian Islamic JihadEuskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA)HamasHezbollahIrgun Zvai LeumiIrish Republican Army (IRA)Islamic Movement of UzbekistanJemaah IslamiyahKashmiri separatistsKu Klux Klan (KKK)Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)Lashkar‐e‐JhangviLibyan Islamic Fighting GroupPalestinian Islamic JihadPalestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO)Red Army Faction (RAF)Red Brigades (BR)Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)Taliban.For each armed organisation, each group will examine the following aspects:

data on its attacks – including information that justifies the label of 'terrorist organisation';
a historical account of its origins and developments;
an analysis of the strategy underlying its terrorist campaigns;
a clarification of its social support and collaboration (if any);
a profile of its militants and patterns of recruitment;
a discussion of the counterterrorism policies adopted by states and their impact on the terrorist organisation.

Note
* Correspondence address: Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Social Research, Piazza Venezia 41 – 38100 Trento, Italy, +39 0461 881324; +39 0461 881348 (fax); +39 347 2329219 (mobile); Email: domenico.tosini@soc.unitn.it http://portale.unitn.it/dpt/dsrs/docenti/tosini.htm

Genome-wide association studies (GWAS) have identified more than 100 genetic variants contributing to BMI, a measure of body size, or waist-to-hip ratio (adjusted for BMI, WHRadjBMI), a measure of body shape. Body size and shape change as people grow older and these changes differ substantially between men and women. To systematically screen for age-and/or sex-specific effects of genetic variants on BMI and WHRadjBMI, we performed meta-analyses of 114 studies (up to 320,485 individuals of European descent) with genome-wide chip and/or Metabochip data by the Genetic Investigation of Anthropometric Traits (GIANT) Consortium. Each study tested the association of up to similar to 2.8M SNPs with BMI and WHRadjBMI in four strata (men 50y, women 50y) and summary statistics were combined in stratum-specific meta-analyses. We then screened for variants that showed age-specific effects (G x AGE), sex-specific effects (G x SEX) or age-specific effects that differed between men and women (G x AGE x SEX). For BMI, we identified 15 loci (11 previously established for main effects, four novel) that showed significant (FDR= 50y). No sex-dependent effects were identified for BMI. For WHRadjBMI, we identified 44 loci (27 previously established for main effects, 17 novel) with sex-specific effects, of which 28 showed larger effects in women than in men, five showed larger effects in men than in women, and 11 showed opposite effects between sexes. No age-dependent effects were identified for WHRadjBMI. This is the first genome-wide interaction meta-analysis to report convincing evidence of age-dependent genetic effects on BMI. In addition, we confirm the sex-specificity of genetic effects on WHRadjBMI. These results may providefurther insights into the biology that underlies weight change with age or the sexually dimorphism of body shape. ; Funding: Funding for this study was provided by the Aarne Koskelo Foundation; the Aase and Ejner Danielsens Foundation; the Academy of Finland (40758, 41071, 77299, 102318, 104781, 117787, 117844, 118590, 120315, 121584, 123885, 124243, 124282, 126925, 129269, 129293, 129378, 130326, 134309, 134791, 136895, 139635, 211497, 263836, 263924, 1114194, 24300796); the Agency for Health Care Policy Research (HS06516); the Agency for Science, Technology and Research of Singapore (A*STAR); the Ahokas Foundation; the ALF/LUA research grant in Gothenburg; the ALK-Abello A/S (Horsholm, Denmark), Timber Merchant Vilhelm Bangs Foundation, MEKOS Laboratories Denmark; the Althingi (the Icelandic Parliament); the American Heart Association (AHA; 13POST16500011); the ANR ("Agence Nationale de la 359 Recherche"); the Ark (NHMRC Enabling Facility); the Arthritis Research UK (19542, 18030); the AstraZeneca; the Augustinus Foundation; the Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC; 241944, 389875, 389891, 389892, 389938, 442915, 442981, 496739, 496688, 552485, 613672, 613601 and 1011506); the Australian Research Council (ARC; DP0770096 and DP1093502); the Becket Foundation; the bi-national BMBF/ANR funded project CARDomics (01KU0908A); the Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure (BBMRINL; 184.021.007, CP 32); the Biocentrum Helsinki; the Boehringer Ingelheim Foundation; the British Heart Foundation (RG/10/12/28456, SP/04/ 002); the Canadian Institutes for Health Reseaerch (FRCN-CCT-83028); the Cancer Research UK (C490/A10124, C490/A10119); the Center for Medical Systems Biology (CMSB; NWO Genomics); the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and Association of Schools of Public Health (1734, S043, S3486); the Centre of Excellence Baden-Wurttemberg Metabolic Disorders; the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government; the Clinical Research Facility at Guys & St Thomas NHS Foundation Trust; the Contrat de Projets Etat-Region (CPER); the Croatian Science Council (Grant no. 8875); the CVON (GENIUS); the Danish Agency for Science, Technology and Innovation; the Danish Centre for Health Technology Assessment, Novo Nordisk Inc.; the Danish Council for Independent Research (DFF 1333-00124); the Danish Diabetes Association; Danish Heart Foundation; the Danish Medical Research Council; the Danish Ministry of Internal Affairs and Health; the Danish National Research Foundation; the Danish Pharmaceutical Association; Danish Pharmacists Fund; the Danish Research Council; the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft; the Diabetes Hilfs-und Forschungsfonds Deutschland (DHFD); the Dr. Robert Pfleger-Stiftung; the Dresden University of Technology Funding Grant, Med Drive; the Dutch Brain Foundation; the Dutch Diabetes Research Foundation; the Dutch Economic Structure Enhancing Fund (FES); the Dutch Kidney Foundation; the Dutch Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports; the Dutch Ministry of Economic Affairs; the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science; the Egmont Foundation; the Else Kraner-Fresenius Stiftung (2012_A147, P48/08//A11/08); the Emil Aaltonen Foundation; the Erasmus Medical Center and Erasmus University, Rotterdam; the Estonian Ministry of Science and Education (SF0180142s08); the European Commission (223004, 2004310, DGXII, FP6-EUROSPAN, FP6-EXGENESIS, FP6-LSHG-CT2006-018947, FP6-LSHG-CT-2006-01947, FP6-LSHM- CT-2004-503485, FP6-LSHM-CT-2006037593, FP6-LSHM-CT-2007-037273, FP7-201379, FP7-201668, FP7-279143, FP7-305739, FP7313010, FP7-ENGAGE-HEALTH-F4-2007-201413, FP7-EurHEALTHAgeing-277849, FP7-HEALTH-F42007-201550, HEALTH-2011.2.4.2-2-EU-MASCARA, HEALTH-F2-2008-201865-GEFOS, HEALTH-F7305507 HOMAGE, LSHM-CT-2006-037593, QLG1CT-2001-01252, QLG1-CT-2002-00896, QLG2-CT2002-01254); the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and the Wissenschaftsoffensive TMO; the European Regional Development Fund to the Centre of Excellence in Genomics (EXCEGEN; 3.2.0304.11-0312); the European Research Council (ERC; 2011-StG-280559-SEPI, 2011-294713-EPLORE, 230374); the European Science Foundation (ESF; EU/QLRT-2001-01254); the EuroSTRESS project FP-006; the Finlands Slottery Machine Association; the Finnish Centre for Pensions (ETK); the Finnish Cultural Foundation; the Finnish Diabetes Association; the Finnish Diabetes Research Foundation; the Finnish Foundation for Cardiovascular Research; the Finnish Foundation for Pediatric Research; the Finnish Funding Agency for Technology and Innovation (40058/07); the Finnish Medical Society; the Finnish Ministry of Education and Culture (627; 2004-2011); the Finnish Ministry of Health and Social Affairs (5254); the Finnish National Public Health Institute (current National Institute for Health and Welfare); the Finnish Special Governmental Subsidy for Health Sciences; the Finska Lakaresallskapet, Signe and Ane Gyllenberg Foundation; the Flemish League against Cancer, ITEA2 (project Care4Me); the Folkhalsan Research Foundation; the Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (FWO) Vlaanderen; the Foundation for Life and Health in Finland; the Foundation for Strategic Research (SSF) and the Stockholm County Council (560283); the G. Ph. Verhagen Foundation; the Gene-diet Interactions in Obesity' project (GENDINOB); the Genetic Association Information Network (GAIN); the GENEVA Coordinating Center (U01 HG 004446); the GenomEUtwin (EU/QLRT2001-01254; QLG2-CT-2002-01254); the German Bundesministerium fuer Forschung und Technology (01 AK 803 A-H, 01 IG 07015 G); the German Diabetes Association; the German Ministry of Cultural Affairs; the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF; 03IS2061A, 03ZIK012, 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, 01ZZ0403); the German National Genome Research Network (NGFN-2 and NGFN-plus); the German Research Council (SFB1052 "Obesity mechanisms"); the Great Wine Estates of the Margaret River region of Western Australia; the Greek General Secretary of Research and Technology research grant (PENED 2003); the Gyllenberg Foundation; the Health Care Centers in Vasa, Narpes and Korsholm; the Health Fund of the Danish Health Insurance Societies; the Helmholtz Zentrum Munchen-German Research Center for Environmental Health; the Helsinki University Central Hospital special government funds (EVO #TYH7215, #TKK2012005, #TYH2012209); the Hjartavernd (the Icelandic Heart Association); the Ib Henriksen Foundation; the Illinois Department of Public Health, and the Translational Genomics Research Institute; the INTERREG IV Oberrhein Program (Project A28); the Interuniversity Cardiology Institute of the Netherlands (ICIN; 09.001); the Italian Ministry of Health "targeted project" (ICS110.1/RF97.71); the Italian National Centre of Research InterOmics PB05_ SP3; the John D and Catherine T MacArthur Foundation Research Networks on Successful Midlife Development and Socio-economic Status and Health; the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR); the Joint grant from Siemens Healthcare, Erlangen, Germany and the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania; the Juho Vainio Foundation; the Juselius Foundation (Helsinki, Finland); the Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation International (JDRF); the KfH Stiftung Praventivmedizin e. V.; the Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation; the Kuopio University Hospital; the Leenaards Foundation; the Leiden University Medical Center; the Liv och Halsa; the Local Government Pensions Institution (KEVA); the Lokaal Gezondheids Overleg (LOGO) Leuven and Hageland; the LudwigMaximilians- Universitat, as part of LMUinnovativ; the Lundberg Foundation; the March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation; the Medical Research Council (G0601966; G0700931; G0000934; G0500539; G0600705; G1002319; G0701863; PrevMetSyn/SALVE; MC_ U106179471; MC_ UU_ 12019/1); the MRC centre for Causal Analyses in Translational Epidemiology (MRC CAiTE); the MRC Centre for Obesity and Related Metabolic Diseases; the MRC Human Genetics Unit; the Medical Research Council of Canada; the Mid-Atlantic Nutrition and Obesity Research Center (P30 DK072488); the Ministry of the Flemish Community, Brussels, Belgium (G. 0881.13 and G. 0880. 13); the MIUR-CNR Italian Flagship Project; the Montreal Heart Institute Foundation; the Munich Center of Health Sciences (MC Health); the Municipal Health Care Center and Hospital in Jakobstad; the Narpes Health Care Foundation; the National Alliance for Research on Schizophrenia and Depression (NARSAD); the National Cancer Institute (CA047988); the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (UL1TR000124); the National Center for Research Resources (U54RR020278); the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute (NHLBI, 1RL1MH083268-01, 5R01HL087679-02, HHSN268200800007C, HHSN268201200036C, HL043851, HL080467, HL087647, HL36310, HL45670, N01HC25195, N01HC55015, N01HC55016, N01HC55018, N01HC55019, N01HC55020, N01HC55021, N01HC55022, N01HC55222, N01HC85079, N01HC85080, N01HC85081, N01HC85082, N01HC85083, N01HC85086, N02HL64278, R01HL086694, R01HL087641, R01HL087652, R01HL087676, R01HL59367, R01HL103612, R01HL105756, R01HL120393, U01HL080295); the National Human Genome Research Institute (NHGRI, U01HG004402); the National Institute for Health and Welfare (THL); the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR, RP-PG-0407-10371); the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID); the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD); the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Disease (NIDDKDRC, 1R01DK8925601, DK063491, R01DK089256, P30 DK072488); the National Institute of Food and Agriculture (2007-35205-17883); the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke (NINDS); the National Institute on Aging (NIA; 263-MA-410953, 263-MD-821336, 263-MD-9164, AG023629, AG13196, NO1AG12109, P30AG10161, R01AG15819, R01AG17917, R01AG023629, R01AG30146); the National Institute of Arthritis and Musculoskeletal and Skin Diseases (5-P60-AR30701, 5-P60-AR49465-03); the National Institutes of Health (NIH; 1R01DK8925601, 1RC2MH089951, 1RC2MH089995, 1Z01HG000024, 2T32 HL 00705536, 5R01DK075681, 5R01MH63706: 02, AA014041, AA07535, AA10248, AA13320, AA13321, AA13326, AG028555, AG08724, AG04563, AG10175, AG08861, DA12854, DK046200, DK091718, F32AR059469, HG002651, HHSN268200625226C, HHSN268200782096C, HL084729, MH081802, N01AG12100, N01HG65403, R01AG011101, R01AG030146, R01D0042157-01A, R01DK062370, R01DK072193, R01DK093757, R01DK075787, R01DK075787, R01HL71981, R01MH59565, R01MH59566, R01MH59571, R01MH59586, R01MH59587, R01MH59588, R01MH60870, R01MH60879, R01MH61675, R01MH67257, R01MH81800, R01NS45012, U01066134, U01CA098233, U01DK062418, U01GM074518, U01HG004423, U01HG004436, U01HG004438, U01HL072515-06, U01HL105198, U01HL84756, U01MH79469, U01MH79470, U01NS069208-01, UL1RR025005); the NIHR Biomedical Research Centre based at Guy's and St Thomas' NHS Foundation Trust; the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical research Centre; the Netherlands Heart Foundation (2001 D 032); the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO; Geestkracht program grant 10-000-1002; 050-060-810; 100-001-004; 175.010.2003.005; 175.010.2005.011; 175.010.2007. 006; 261-98-710; 40-0056-98-9032; 400-05-717; 452-04-314; 452-06-004; 480-01-006; 480-04-004; 480-05-003; 480-07-001; 481-08-013; 60-60600-97-118; 904-61-090; 904-61-193; 911-03012; 985-10-002; Addiction-31160008; GB-MW 94038- 011; SPI 56-464-14192); the Netherlands Organization for the Health Research and Development (ZonMw; 91111025); the Nordic Center of Excellence in Disease Genetics; the Nordic Centre of Excellence on Systems biology in controlled dietary interventions and cohort studies, SYSDIET (070014); the Northern Netherlands Collaboration of Provinces (SNN); the Novo Nordisk Foundation; the Office of Research and Development, Medical Research Service, and the Baltimore Geriatrics Research, Education, and Clinical Center of the Department of Veterans Affairs; the Ollqvist Foundation; the Paavo Nurmi Foundation; the Pahlssons Foundation; the Paivikki and Sakari Sohlberg Foundation; the Perklen Foundation; the Republic of Croatia Ministry of Science, Education and Sports research (108-1080315-0302); the Research Centre for Prevention and Health, the Capital Region of Denmark; the Research Foundation of Copenhagen County; the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (014-93-015; RIDE2); the Reynold's Foundation; the Rotterdam Oncologic Thoracic Study Group, Erasmus Trust Fund, Foundation against Cancer; the Royal Swedish Academy of Science; the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (NWO-RFBR 047.017.043); the Rutgers University Cell and DNA Repository cooperative agreement (NIMH U24 MH068457-06); the Samfundet Folkhalsan; the Sigrid Juselius Foundation; the Social Insurance Institution of Finland, Kuopio, Tampere and Turku University Hospital Medical Funds (9M048, 9N035); the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania; the Societe Francophone du 358 Diabste (SFD); the South Tyrolean Sparkasse Foundation; the Stichting Nationale Computerfaciliteiten (National Computing Facilities Foundation, NCF); the Strategic Cardiovascular Programme of Karolinska Institutet and the Stockholm County Council (560183); the Susan G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation; the Swedish Cancer Society; the Swedish Cultural Foundation in Finland; the Swedish Diabetes Association; the Swedish Diabetes Foundation (grant no. 2013-024); the Swedish Foundation for Strategic Research (SSF; ICA08-0047); the Swedish HeartLung Foundation (20120197); the Swedish Medical Research Council (K2007-66X-20270-01-3, 20121397); the Swedish Ministry for Higher Education; the Swedish Research Council (8691, M-2005-1112, 2009-2298); the Swedish Society for Medical Research; the Swiss National Science Foundation (31003A-143914, 3200B0105993, 3200B0-118308, 33CSCO-122661, 33CS30-139468, 33CS30148401); SystemsX. ch (51RTP0_151019); the Tampere Tuberculosis Foundation; the TEKES (70103/06, 40058/07); the The Paul Michael Donovan Charitable Foundation; the Torsten and Ragnar Sderberg Foundation; the Umea Medical Research Foundation; the United Kingdom NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre; the Universities and Research of the Autonomous Province of Bolzano, South Tyrol; the University Hospital of Regensburg (ReForM A, ReForM C); the University Hospital Oulu, Biocenter, University of Oulu, Finland (75617); the University Medical Center Groningen; the University of Groningen; the University of Maryland General Clinical Research Center (M01RR16500, AG000219); the University of Tartu (SP1GVARENG); the University of Tromso, Norwegian Research Council (185764); the Vasterbottens Intervention Programme; the Velux Foundation; the VU University Institute for Health and Care Research (EMGO+) and Neuroscience Campus Amsterdam (NCA); the Wellcome Trust (064890, 068545/Z/02, 076113/B/04/Z, 077016/Z/05/Z, 079895, 084723/Z/08/Z, 086596/Z/ 08/Z, 088869/B/09/Z, 089062, 090532, 098017, 098051, 098381); the Western Australian DNA Bank (NHMRC Enabling Facility); the Yrjo Jahnsson Foundation (56358); and the Zorg Onderzoek Nederland-Medische Wetenschappen, KWF Kankerbestrijding, Stichting Centraal Fonds Reserves van voormalig Vrijwillige Ziekenfondsverzekeringen. The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. More details of acknowledgements can be found in S2 Text.

Issue 34.1 of the Review for Religious, 1975. This was the first issue edited by Dan Meenan, S.J. ; Review ]or Religious is edited by faculty members of the School of Divinity of St. Louis University, the editorial offices being located at 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. It is owned by the Missouri Province Educational Institute; St. Louis, Missouri. Published bimonthly and copy-right (~ 1975 by Review [or Religious. Composed, printed, and manufactured in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri. Single copies: $1.75. Sub-scriptiqn U.S.A. and Canada: $6.00 a year; $11.00 for two years; other countries, $7.00 a year, $13.00 for two years. Orders should indicate whether they are for new or renewal subscriptions and should be accompanied by check or money order payable to Review ]or Religious in U.S.A. currency only. Pay no money to persons claiming to represent Review ]or Religious. Change of address requests should include former address. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Everett A. Diederich, S.J. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Editor Associate Editor Questions and Answers Editor January 1975 Volume 34 Number 1 Renewals, new subscriptions, and changes of address should be sent to Review for Religious; P.O. Box 6070; Duluth, Minnesota 55802. Correspondence with the editor and the associate editor together with manuscripts and books for review should be sent to Review for Religious; 612 Humboldt Building; 539 North Grand Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63103. Questions for answering should be sent to Joseph F. Gallen, S.J.; St. Joseph's College; City Avenue at 54th Street; Philadelphia, Pennsyl-vania 19131. Daniel F. X. Meenan, S.J. Everett A. Diederich, S.J. Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Editor Associate Editor Questions and Answers Editor Review for Religious is published in January, March, May~ July, September, and November on the fifteenth of the month. It is indexed in the Catholic Periodical and Literature Index and in Book Review Index. A microfilm edi-tion of Review for Religious is available from University Microfilm; Ann Ar-bor, Michigan 48106. Copyright © 1975 by Review for Religious. Symposium on Continuing Formation Peter W. Cantwell, O.F.M. Sister Margaret McGovern, R.S.M. Brother Ronald Perry, F.M.S. In the following is given the text of three talks given in March 1974 to the Combined Major Superiors' Conference of Australia. PRINCIPLES OF CONTINUING FORMATION By Peter W. Cantwell, O.F.M. (Father Cantweli is Deputy Head of the Department of Pastoral Studies at Yarra Theol?gy Union in Box Hill, Australia, and a Director of Formation for the Franciscan Fathers. His address is: Franciscan Retreat House; 39 Sackville Street; Kew, Victoria 3101; Australia.) The most obvious question to ask at the beginning of a paper such as this is: Why continuing formation at all? The Need for Continuing Formation The first answer that comes to mind is: There are no professionals in living! We never graduate from the undergraduate status in the katter of life and liv-ing. And the other side of the coin is: It is surprisingly easy to become a drop-out from the university of life, to become someone who feels that he has now arrived and earned a rest and doesn't need to learn any more, and that it is now time to rest on his laurels! Well, in God's dealings with His chosen people, as soon as laurels were seen as things to rest on, then the People of God were broken in some very real way. To be a follower of Christ is a process of con-tinuing conversion of heart; we never have the faith in a static sense, but it is something that grows in us and must keep.growing. Augustine described the process of faith as: Hands groping in the dark. It is very easy, and very human, to give up the groping and find a comfortable niche. So the real question is not: How do we justify the time given to continuingformation? but rather: How do we justify not making it more of a priority than perhaps we do? We should not be asking "Why?" but rather "Why not?" 3 4 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 One of the answers sometimes given to the "Why not?" question is: Someone else has to do my work while I am away, and besides l am not con-tributing to the Province during that time. The second statement is invalid, for surely ! am preparing myself to be better equipped when I come back. And possibly the first statement reflects a certain mania for productivity and an ap-proach to religious life which is over task-centered (work is primary) rather than person-centered (the person is primary). But beyond the more general human need for continuing education and re-education-- being experienced in many fields today quite outside Church circles: teachers, nurses, management, and so forth--there are several very clear reasons from within the Church which emphasize the need for continuing formation. Vatican II specifically challenged religious to respond to the needs of the contemporary world and thereby make themselves more striking and credible witnesses to the gospel. It demanded of religious that they be attentive to the signs of the times and that they speak the good news to the people of this century and not the last. The challenge of Vatican iI was and is virtually a mandate for rebirth, and it was the impetus of Vatican II which stimulated the search for a new identity for religious orders and congregations. This mandate for rebirth was made doubly complicated by the rapidity of the changes occurring in society around. Not only did religious have to catch up on ~a world that was already in front, but on a world that was accelerating at a frightening rate (see Future Shock). So in religious life at the moment we have not only abandoned many struc-tures which have ceased to be useful and begun to search for new horizons--a challenging enough task on its own--but we have to try to accomplish this in a rapidly changing environment. In a recent article Karl Rahner analyzes the whole question of change in reference to religious life and concludes that one of the primary demands on religious today is to cope with a situation of change where many of the familiar landmarks have gone for good. This in itself puts considerable pressure on people: It requires a deeper and more solidly based personal maturity to be able to cope with change than it did to live year after year in a fairly codified, unchanging, structured, more conforming religious life. So if I were to try to sum up the need for continuing formation, the sum-mary would run something like this: --if we want to keep growing as persons, we need it. --if we want to answer the challenge of ,Vatican 1I, we need it. --if we want our witness to keep pace with and be relevant to today's world, we have no other option. Definition With that in mind I would like to try to give a description of how 1 see con-tinuing formation: The facilitation of the continuing growth of the whole person so as to promote a deeper and fuller commitment to the person and mission of Christ. Symposium on Continuing Formation Put perhaps in a more simple form, I do not ~believe that the central goal of continuing formation is to give people a lot more knowledge or produce people who are a lot better informed (though that is part of it, as we shall see), but rather to help the person: believe more in himself, believe more in life, believe more in Christ. This demands a real wrestling with myself in the radical depths of my faith-committed humanity, a continuing conversion~ as I try to inch forward in growth towards a fuller realization within myself Of the fullness of the Person of Christ. IMPLICATIONS Growtl~ and Attitude Change The first term in the description is "growth." Growth is and must be the central issue in continuing formation (or any formation for that matter). And something that is closely associated with the whole notion of growth is attitude change. What is an attitude? In my day-to-day living what determines the way l am ~oing to act in various situations is the set of attitudes which my life ex-periences to date have taught me. An attitude could then be simply described as "the way I perceive a situation," and it determines the way I will behave in a given situation. If my attitude towards change is that it is unnecessary, then my behavior will probably be one of resistance. If my attitude towards myself is one of general insecurity, change will be threatening for me, and 1 will resist again but for a different reason. Attitudes are usually fairly deeply engrained, they are a distilled product of my life experiences to date, they are very much tied to the center of my per-sonhood, "where I am at now." So they change only slowly and with much ef-fort. Attitude change is usually described as a threefold process, involving: firstly, beginning to let go of the old outlook and behaviors ("unfreezing"); secondly, looking around for a new frame of reference and new behavior models ("changing"); and thirdly, trying to solidify the newly acquired outlook and behavior so that they become a permanent part of the person's functional repertoire ("refreezing"). I would like to group the,first set of principles for continuing formation un-der these various dimensions of attitude change. '° Unfreezing" The first thing we are asking the person to undertake in attitude change is to venture out of an accustomed way of acting and to look around for new possibilities. Any person does this only with great caution, very tentatively, and. in an atmosphere of trust and acceptance, and is more likely to be too slow rather than too fast in the process: Hence: 6 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 If we are aiming at real growth, we can expect varying degrees of resistance, because we are asking persons to venture out into strange territory. In this venture it is very necessary that I see the need to move and am willing to take the risk involved. It is no good if you are trying to drag me along by the scruff of the neck. So: We cannot force people to grow or be renewed. A lot of time must be spent in eliciting the molivation Io want to grow. The effectiveness of a program depends to a large extent on how open the people participating are to the goals of the program, I feel it must be a terribly strong temptation for a superior, often out of sheer desperation, to use a large amount of moral and even physical pressure on those who are dragging their renewal heels to do programs that they simply do not want to do. Well, they might learn some new information, but they cannot possibly grow unless they want to. Father Nebreda, in his framework of catechesis, speaks of pre-evangelization: a kind of remote preparation for the proclamation of the good news. I think we need a type of pre-evangelization in the renewal work, almost like watering the ground before the plough comes along. There is a basic psy-chological axiom which says: People cannot be taught or learn who feel at the same time that they are being attacked. I feel that at times we need to spend more time watering the ground, gently listening to people and freeing them from the threat that they are about to be put through the compulsory sausage machine. Quite frequently we might find a surprising willingness under the camouflage of opposition. The next principle is perhaps self-explanatory: The longer a person has been in a relatively unchanging structure, the more resistance there is likely to be to change. Behavior patterns that have been in operation for a longer period of time, especially with people who are less secure in themselves, tend to become such a part of the person that change, while dearly Wished for, should not be expected. 1 often feel that the best and most that we can do for such people is to create opportunities for growth, encourage participation, but be open to the possibility that change may not be likely and that psychologically the person will remain where he or she is. The superior is then faced with the difficult situation of trying to find a niche for him which will be meaningful and enable him to feel that he is contributing something worthwhile, which will not de-mand change, but at the same time not create unnecessary hardships for those in the community who are trying to change. Quite a job! The last principle in this section is one which is very important: Real growth involves risk-taking and pain and tension, and may include the need for special help for a period of time. Sometimes, no matter how well one prepares a program and how well one screens people for it, an individual comes along who cannot cope with it and Symposium on Continuing Formation / 7 wl~o suddenly finds that he needs specialized help. (l would evenlike to extend the.principle and say that at some of the more critical phases of our individual growth most of us need something more than the ordinary help!) But to get back to renewal. In our experience, some superiors tend to overreact to this temporary inability of one of their subjects to cope. Well, if casualties con-stantly happened with the one program then one should ask some serious questions about the program. But an equally valid approach where real growth is concerned might see such a time of passing personal conflict as a not-to-be-unexpected factor of real efforts to grow, and if rightly handled by the right person such conflicts can be catalysts for very real growth. In fact we grow only through tension and conflict. And it could be far better for such tension and conflict to come to the surface in a controlled situation such as a program rather than when the person is busily engaged in the normal commitment to the apostolate. I am saying that to want "growth without casualties" is unreal and is perhaps wanting to avoid one of the unavoidables in growth. "Changing" We now come to the second stage of attitude change. Having tried to let go of an accustomed way of acting, the person is left in a state of confusion or doubt. That is an uncomfortable feeling, and gives rise to a strong motivation to resolve it. There are two ways that the person will usually try to do this. The first is to try to have a clear idea of the new goal that he is heading for, to seek to try to establish a new conceptual framework, to find ideas and ex-planations which are more in accord with life as he now sees it: lectures, books, reflection, the experience of others, and so forth--all the ways that we can find things out. He is looking for a new vision as to where he is heading. It is here that we treat of the place of new information in continuing education: Input and new information is an essential element of growth, but it can be, and often has been, wrongly made equivalent to growth. I think we all know the positive need and real benefits of new information, so just let me state some of the things that worry me about overemphasis on in-formation. Knowing does not necessarily by any means mean doing, and knowing how I should change does not mean that I am any closer to actually changing. I believe that in the early days of renewal within the Church we made the error of thinking that if we could get the latest lecturer with the latest idea on the latest subject then all would be well and we would immediately transform our orders and congregations. Such a notion of growth is one-sided. Know.ledge is essential, it provides a necessary frame of reference for un-derstanding experiences, and it elicits motivation for further growth. But the identification of knowledge with growth, as I think often happened in the older type of seminary training, can have unfortunate consequences. From the in-dividual's point of view it tends to produce the person who can mouth the latest I~ / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 catchword (be it "caring and sharing" or "togetherness" or whatever) without there being any internal experience to go with it and make sense of it. And from the point of view of the congregation in the context of renewal, it leads to disappointment and cynicism because the expected fruits are not forthcom-ing. But to get back to the positive side, the first need of someone who is trying to change is to have a real and valid frame of reference so that he can see and understand where he is going. A second need to help him in this crucial mo-ment of change is to see this new vision realized in some way or another in the lives of significant people around him. Such significant people would include those who are trying to inject the new ideas (fine words without example are dry), but more particularly the people back hgme, the members of the com-munity and province, and possibly most particularly the leadership in the province. So we say: Change of attitude is greatly assisted where the leadership in a province (overall, not just the provincial or general) approaches some kind of exemplification of the goals of renewal. "Refreezing" The final stage of attitude change is the "refreezing," which simply means that we try to make sure that the acquired learnings persist and become a nor-mal part of the person's behavior. And here the whole environment of a com-munity and a province plays a very significant role. It is not unusual for people to undergo some change, but not be able to maintain it. Many mental hospital patients, for instance, recover in hospital where they are away from the interaction with members of their family or other persons who played an important part in bringing about their breakdown. On leaving the hospital in a reasonably healthy state ofbody and mind they go back to the old context of relationships which promptly brings about a relapse. Either the behavior patterns were not deeply engrained enough, or the environment and atmosphere were so negative as to be destruc-tive. Hence the principle: If growth changes are to be lasting, there is need for a supportive environment and con-tinuing reinforcement. An extreme example of this would be: a religious is removed from an en-vironment which is hostile to any change, given a short intensive program which requires a lot of reintegration on the personal level, and is then returned to the same situation with no follow-up! The more intensive aspects of personal renewal need to be prepared for, nurtured during the moments of change, and solidified through support and follow-up. In other words there needs to be an atmosphere of renewal in a prov.ince, renewal cannot be considered a "oncer" which we now get all our people through and then get back to normal life and work. Some of our friars reflect this wrong attitude when they now say: "1 have done my renewal!" Symposium on Continuing Formation / 9 The Whole Person The second aspect of our definition is that continuing formation is meant to promote the growth of the whole person. I would like to touch on a couple of principles very briefly. The first principle really sums up two things I have said already: Real renewal in a province requires an atmosphere which is "person-centered" as con-trasted to "task-centered" (excessive concern with productivity). If renewal is an urgent need today, then it must come first in practice as well as theory. One of the tensions that many religious whom 1 am counseling are facing today is that numbers in the congregation are dwindling, the same number of commitments is being maintained, and so people are being stretched beyond their elastic limit., and break. That is almost the direct opposite of the at-mosphere which is needed for real renewal. If people are going to be able to have the time and energy necessary to do some real personal reflection and reintegration, to keep pace with changing life today, and to survive in their religious commitments, then possibly they should be doing less than they were before--at least till they do some catching up! The second principle has ]already been touched on too: The whole person--intellectual, spiritual, human--must be considered if renewal is to be lasting: I feel the emphasis has been something like this: the intellectual has been overcatered for, the spiritual has been undercatered for, and the whole human dimension has often been completely neglected. Enough has been said on the intellectual area and the need for information. What of the spiritual? The last part of the description of continuing formation says.~that the overall and primary goal of renewal is "to promote a deeper and fuller commitment to the person and mission of Christ." The faith-prayer-Christ dimensior~ must ob-viously be the air we breathe when talking of renewal, for nothing makes sense outside of this framework. Today, at the very grass roots of religious con-gregations, there is a real awakening of a need for spiritual direction and counseling, .for depth of prayer and the need for reflection--maybe because these have been partly left out of some renewal efforts to date! On the human level, the level of normal personal maturing, the level of adequate preparation for the various stages of life (especially the later stages), the level of the development of a sense of self-worth and self-value, the whole field of a psy-chology and theology of leisure and the creative use of leisure time, we have often been abysmally lacking. But the other papers will fill this out more. The third principle: The whole of each person must be considered if renewal is to be lasting. To achieve this the different members of a province need to have access to a variety of programs. The simple point 1 am making by way of principle is this: In any province we have a variety of people with a variety of needs: the young and the old, those 10 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 who have done a lot of renewal and those who have done little, those brought up under the older formation programs and those under the newer, those who need pre-evangelization and those who need follow-up, those who need something pretty solid for a longer period of time, those groups with special needs (for example, superiors), programs for a single community, coedu-cational programs, intellectual versus experiential programs, and so forth. We cannot hope to find an ultimate program that will suit everyone, that we can put them through, and then imagine that all is done. Finally: A n atmosphere of renewal in a province, and a variety of possible programs to cope with differing needs, is more likely to avoid the dangers of polarization (where few people get a lot and the rest nothing). I feel that a province should, as far as possible, move as a whole,.but within a very broad unity. Pluralism within a broad unity. That might mean that some members need to do less and move more slowly, and others more and move more quickly. A variety of programs helps to spread the leaven as far as possi-ble and avoid dangerous splitting. Conclusion By way of conclusion, I would like to do no more than mention three broad principles which might help us to be as realistic, and even as optimistric, as possible about religious life today: Because growth is a slow and painful process, we should not expect too much too soon from any person or program. Conflict is functional: that is, growth occurs only in a situation of reasonable conflict and tension. In the absence of all ~tension a group stagnales. One of the goals of renewal should be to create a wise pluralism within a broad unity so as to be as open as possible to whatever direction the Spirit moves in. CREATIVE RENEWAL AND RELIGIOUS WOMEN By Sister Margaret McGovern, R.S.M. (Sister Margaret McGovern, R.S.M., is Director of the Social Work Department at the Mater Hospital; Pacific Highway; Crows Nest, N.S.W. 2065; Australia. She is also deeply involved in renewal work for religious throughout Australia.) The previous paper described some of the principles which must be considered when offering and organizing continuing education programs for members of religious congregations. The next paper by Brother Perry outlines in detail how some of the existing programs attempt to meet these needs and shows where there are gaps and overlapping. Here we should like to attempt to tease out some of the difficulties in renewing the total person, with particular application to women religious. Programs designed to stimulate the process of renewal in Symposium on Continuing Formation the individual should not be confused with renewal itself. The latter is the work of the Spirit in the human heart. Programs of renewal are merely predisposing stimuli to the person to enter into the process of rendering himself more aware and able to appreciate and cooperate with the action of the Spirit. Multiple Options of Renewal Stimuli A very basic and fundamental principle here is the necessity of keeping a wide variety of programs continually open as options for a variety of people. We all need education and continuing formation in all aspects of total Chris-tian living. We need to learn and learn again, so that we may deepen and broaden our commitment to the truth who is Christ. Some of us need depthing in one particular area at one stage of our lives, and something quite different at another. Where people's needs are concerned we cannot have a neat, chronological, tightly-boxed sequence of renewal programs. For instance, it seems quite reasonable to presume that people who have been out on the apostolate for fifteen years might like a fairly intensive period of renewal. But even within that one group, what each wants and what each gets from any given program will, predictably, be quite different. (Incidentally~ the attitude behind phrases that one often hears today; "They've had their renewal," "She has done her renewal," betrays a very superficial outlook. Renewal must be a life's task.) Pluralism of opportunity is essential in any attempt to provide stimulus for an individual's growth and conversion.-Conversion is ultimately an individual phenomenon between God and the pers.on concerned: The community does play an important role in terms of support, atmosphere, and encouragement, both humanly and spiritually; but ultimately each individual must face his own conversion alone and against the background of his own individual uniqueness. So there can be no package deals for conversion. Nonetheless, our social condition means that stimuli to growth and renewal will often be provided by some kind of organized course, retreat, and so forth. Optimal Size of Programs Probably the most effective programs are those offered on a small group basis where the chances of remaining uninvolved or untouched are lessened. If a course is offered on a small group basis there is far more likelihood that it can be tailored to the needs of this particular group of people, thus lessening the frustration of those who have already been through a particular experience but are asked to do it again "for the sake of those who haven't done it yet." A small group renewal experience is more likely to get to where the person is at, and to be real formation as well as imparting a certain amount of information. Both of these elements are essential, as the other two papers emphasize. Types of Programs The kinds of continuing formation programs which might well operate for 12 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 the renewal of the total person over a period of years would include the following: updating in some of the key areas of modern theology; exposure to a variety of experiences in prayer forms; opportunities for indepth spiritual renewal, as, for instance, in varied forms of retreats (small groups, private, directed, communal), time in a house of prayer, individual direction; education in methods, forms, and process of community sharing; programs which foster self-awareness in relationship to others; workshops which assist the superior to learn to operate comfortably and.effectively in that role; some education on an even broader basis, for instance, some psychology, sociology, history and so forth, on the principle that some understanding of human and social phenomena lessen the threat of change and adaptation. Some of these programs are more directly spiritual in nature, others are more oriented to the development of the full, human person. Some will be more pertinent to a person at one stage of her growth and others at another. But both are necessary to grow into full maturity in Christ. Combining Resources A major problem is worth mentioning here. Organizationally it is very dif-ficult for major superiors, particularly if working merely with members of their own orders, to continually provide such a wide variety of programs as is suggested here. Intercongregational cooperation would seem to offer a partial solution. While it is quite true that it is important for some of the.renewal ex-periences to be assimilated just with members of one's own congregation (for example, a re-discovery of the charism of the founder), many of the other programs suggested could well be offered on a broader basis, particularly those that are information-oriented. And while major superiors are being mentioned, another point could be made: that it is very important for the major superior not only to arrange programs for the other sisters, but insofar as possible to at-tend and participate and thus model what renewal is all about. Is The Latest The Best? One of the less fortunate attitudes around in the renewal field today is that of equating the latest with the best. There are many courses and programs and experiences provided in the whole field of renewal, and they tend to wax and wane in cycles of popularity, and as the need determines. But they are all'valid and even necessary in the right context.~Choice made on the basis of"the latest is the best" can be not only unhelpful but be positively retrogressive, as for in-stance in the case of a person d6ing a fairly advanced program without the necessary preparation. One of the most recent renewal booms has been in the area of directed retreats: six to eight days, thirty days, and so forth. One cannot avoid the im-pression that a great number of sisters are enrolling to do one of these because it is the latest renewal "must." Speaking to this subject, David Fleming says: Symposium on Continuing Formation The accomplishment of having spent thirty days in prayer can easily be set up as a false criterion for determining who the really renewed religious are. It is not so much a con-scious putdown of the "have nots"., but rather a whole atmosphere is being created for the desirability and even necessity of being among this new elite in order to be the good religious (See David Fleming, S.J., "The Danger of Faddism and the Thirty-Day Retreat," Review for Religious, 1974, p. 97.) What we must try to do is to continually provide a wide variety of renewal opportunities to satisfy a factually wide variety of needs, including the latest types of programs but not overemphasizing these. It is a subtle and ticklish thing not only to spread the canvas wide but to present the various facets of the canvas objectively, so that those who are beginning a renewal process in their lives will begin at the right place, without at the same time feeling inferior to or outmastered by those who have been on the path for some time. And perhaps one of the more difficult and time-consuming tasks of the major superior is to keep encouraging each member to continually grow from where she is at and in whatever way she feels best. What of the Non-Participants? We need to make sure that renewal stimuli can get to all--or maybe we should say that all have the opportunity of getting tO renewal. Over recent years there has been a spate of workshops in the areas of personal awareness, communication skills, and so forth. These are good and necessary and serve a specific function. But what of the sisters who are not touched by these and who are perhaps frightened of becoming involved in such a course? We have left behind, in many cases, the second novitiate concept and taken on four to six week renewal programs. These are usually quite eclectic in terms of offering a broad smorgasboard of renewal possibilities. But not all will be touched by these either. What of them? For major superiors this differential rate of participation can be worrying, as it can seem that the more they supply to their communities the more it looks like a case of "to those who have, more will be given." And the worrying other side of the coin is the impression that the fearful ones are falling further behind. It is unfortunate if renewal becomes a cause of polarization, and yet, in many communities, it appears to be just that. Creative Leisure One of the questions that needs more attention in renewal today, especially for female religious, is the whole question of education for some form of creative leisure. The appreciation of and provision for Ieisure was by tradition abysmally lacking in many women's congregations. This has no doubt been responsible for a lot of the maladjustment and discontent of many women religious who were trained in and lived under that system. We are not talking about an easier way of life! We are speaking of the opportunity, and the regular opportunity, to just stop and be, to be able to get out of and away from 14 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 the pressure of the normal workaday job, to restore, revitalize, and refresh one's inner body and spirit., in whatever way each individual best enjoys do-ing that. Leisure is the chance for me to experience myself in relation to myself, others, and creation. Some appreciation and cultivation of leisure is very necessary to cultivate prayer in depth. We are still very heavily tainted by the good old Protestant work ethic of productivity, consumerism, materialism, getting the job done even if it means working ourselves into the ground doing it. And often we do just that and ruin even our productive hours of work ,because we are too exhausted or dried up. Leisure includes simple things like taking exercise--according to the medical profession a very healthy activity. How many women in your com-munity get any regular creative exercise: playing tennis, squash, golf, swim-ming, doing yoga, going on bush walks, and so forth? Women by their nature are creative: someone cooks nicely, sews beautifully, paints, and so forth. But how often do they get the chance to do it just for the sheer joy of doing it? And in the leisure field there are limitless possibilities in adult education courses: pottery, basket weaving, literature, history, and so forth. In many cases for women religious this part of their lives has been neglected for so long that. they almost have a need to be educated towards leisure and the creative use of such. And this is where leadership is needed in terms of providing opportunity for and positively encouraging women religious towards developing themselves in this area. Conclusion And that brings us back to where we started from: that renewal can only be thought of in terms of a continual, ongoing, lifelong process embracing the whole Christian person, body, mind, and spirit. That means trying to keep the body fresh, the mind informed, and the spirit as close to the Lord as possible; These conditions assist the woman religious today to witness to the simple gospel message of the good news of Christ in a world where the only constant is change, where adaptation is continually being demanded of her, and where the pressure on her to really be something for modern man is steadily increasing. RENEWAL AND CONTINUING EDUCATION: WHAT IS HAPPENING AND WHAT HAPPENS? By Brother Ronald Perry, F.M,S. (Brother Ronald Perry has contributed much to the renewal of religious life in Australia and is the Director of the Sydney Archdiocesan Institute of Counselling. His address is: Marist Brothers; 16 Dorahy Street; Dundas, N.S.W. 2117; Australia.) We may distinguish forms of continuing education under three possible headings: remedial, retraining, and continuing stimulation. By "remedial" we mean any form of continuing education that involves updating in all its variations, where, the attitude change that we all vaguely call renewal is'en- Symposium on Continuing Formation couraged or stimulated or begins to take place. The religious life document from the council is subtitled the "appropriate renewal" or the "adaptation and renewal" of religious life. Most renewal programs are heavily geared in this direction with the stress often on what is "new." By "retraining" we mean the process where we either prepare a person or a group for a new role or task or, without such specific goals, strive to develop the talent and potential of individuals or groups. This is basically a process in-volving a good deal of time and depthing. This retraining may be developmen-tal, and aimed therefore at improving the potential of a person in a rather general way; or specific, where it aims to prepare a person for a specific task or role, such as novice master, spiritual director, counselor, and so forth. In either case it involves much forward planning, consultation with the person con-cerned, a reasonably clear statement of aims, and often withdrawal from pres-ent activities for a time. By "continuing stimulation" we mean the type of program where we aim to call persons to continuing conversion, to recall the challenge and the grace of the gospel gift and call, and to depth the experience of the faith again. This we must do always. But in particular we must ensure that it can happen at every stage of a person's passage through life. This type of program is also always "new" but in a different sense of new to what we were referring to abo','e: it is the newness of the gospel and its constant challenge to us. RENEWAL IS OFTEN REMEDIAL Factors in Renewal Firstly, it is important to reflect on where renewal leads us and what is in-cluded. As we try to analyze the different aspects of renewal programs and the different sorts of skills and knowledge that are required for us to begin to change in a very fundamental way, three distinguishable aspects emerge: (a) We need a great deal of new intellectual knowledge that will enable us to establish new cognitive frames of reference to help us think with the Church. Specifically today this means becoming up-to-date in thinking with the Church, in, for instance, the whole new emphases in dogmatic theology that have emerged since the Council. Again, moral theology is a particularly impor-tant area where a fuller understanding of sin, reconciliation, penance, law, and authority is very important to enable us to move away from an approach to morality that was geared primarily to laws and "do's and don't's?' Recent developments in Scripture, what it means and what its central importance is in the life of the Christian, must be a vital area of concern in all our attempts at renewal. (b) We need a new capacity to share in community. This second aspect of renewal seems to consist in the development of a real capacity to share with others and to support others in community (in whatever situation that might happen to be), to share one's faith vision with others, and to communicate in charity and truth. This has been one of the great riches of the renewal in the 16 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 Church over the last several years. It reflects something that is happening in society at large, and has led us, by comparison to older forms of religious life, to a deeper understanding of the Church as community. (c) We need a new possibility of self-understanding and self-awareness before God. It has always been said that real renewal is personal renewal, and one aspect of the movement away from structures is that each person is called and challenged to look at himself more closely, more truly, and to face himself before God in a way that is more genuine (see Review for Religous, 1974, pp. 78-84 for an illustration of this). These three areas involve great variety and richness, and their attainment also means overcoming some difficulties, as for instance the development of a particular climate and particUlar skills. But it would seem that we have no choice in facing all three of these areas. The Church frequently calls us to this. Even if we would escape such a call, the pressure of our own contemporaries on us to become more effective witnesses of the Christ of the Gospels leaves no other alternative. The Process of Renewal It is difficult to analyze what we actually expect from all sorts of renewal programs. Perl~aps the following various expectations. schema might tie together some of the Personal self-awareness P A W Listening PRAYERFUL R C I (ableto meet) Community Development A T T Loving HOPEFUL Y I N (tolerant) New frames of reference E O E Relevant COMPASSIONATE (knowledge) R N S (understandable) S Development in the three areas of personal self-awareness, community, and new knowledge will result, if it happens properly, in a new understanding of and new capacity for prayer, but understood in a very different way to "saying prayers." Such a development will take time, and many religious have agonized through the difficulty of abandoning some prayer, shortening their time of prayer, rejecting some forms of prayer, finding some prayers meaningless, and so forth. The above diagram is not meant to imply any miraculous immediacy of results; it is more a question of what does happen frequently and what can happen for all of us. And if our prayer becomes more truly genuine, it should appear as a more credible witness in the action that is the apostolate both inside one's own community and beyond it. In that apostolate, then, we shall be relevant, what we say will be un-derstandable, we will be able as St. Peter suggests to have an answer for those who question us about the faith. We will also be more loving people in that we are more tolerant of others, more open to them however different they may be to us in belief or way of life. And we will be listening people because, with such a message, we are' able to meet them. Therefore, the person who is renewed by whatever process would be seen as Symposium on Continuing Formation prayer-ful, because in a real way in contact with the Lord and expressing that directly; hope-ful, because he is able to offer the world its only hope of un-derstanding meaning in life and seeing hope in what we live; and com-passionate, because able to live with and suffer with and be with fellow humans as Jesus, incarnate on earth, was able to be. Some Principles for Renewal Some principles that apply in the renewal of the whole person would include the following: (a) Development in one area without the others can be problematic. For in-stance, to be offered a solid diet of new understanding of theology without an additional capacity to understand self and to share with others in community, can produce isolated and confused people. On the other hand, to offer people considerable personal development through counseling, group work, and even spiritual direction, without an adequate understanding of the moral and dogmatic principles that are relevant can also lead to confusion. (b) Very few people are too rigid for some change. We often despair in renewal programs and cause polarization because we feel that many people are too rigid to change. I think we need to remember that we have come from a very structured situation and a very structured upbringing. This is probably true of ordinary Catholics, but particularly true of religious, and it is a slow process to change that older frame of reference~ A few people will be too.rigid in character structure to change, but this is the exception rather than the rule and usually results from some personality difficulty. But we should not give up on people too easily. Rather, as suggested by Father Cantwell in the earlieroar-ticle, we should be able to cushion the demands for chahge so that people are asked only to do a small amount at~a time and in ways that can be seen as valid and true for them. (c) This principle of renewal is really a corollary of the last: it is vital not to omit any group. It is very easy to concentrate on the younger ones and the pliable middle age ones! But this is just another way of reinforcing possible polarization. (d) Often, in the initial stages of renewal, it will be important to encourage and help develop some key leaders in order that through these people and their efforts the process will permeate the whole group. This is not the only possible method, and many successful programs have begun with a gathering of the whole province and operating on the principle of unity. However, the latter is not always easy to carry out. In any case, some special attention will need to be paid to encourage leaders to act as bridge-builders: that is, to encourage those who can see what needs to be done, to help them do it with as little aggression and hostility as possible, and with as much resp.ect for each age group and each person as possible. (e) Finally, and perhaps most obviously, renewal is written first in the lives of men. Persons leading renewal must be seen as credible. 1~ / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/I Types of Programs As we have said already, many types of programs with varied goals are usually gathered together under the one head of renewal. For instance, many a "month of renewal,' is based largely on lectures (knowledge), but takes place within the context of a large group of members of the same community or con-gregation, so that the whole dimension of community development and the challenge of deeper self-awareness become very significant elements of the overall experience. On the other hand, some courses in moral theology, while focusing prin-cipally on lectures and new information, cannot but challenge one's personal understanding of conscience, sin, law, and so forth, and therefore include a good deal of the self-awareness aspect of renewal, though less of the com-munity element. A number of courses on spirituality and spiritual theology are very deep challenges to personal awareness and depthing, would include some know-ledge, but may play down the community dimension a good deal. The in-dividually directed retreat is a good example of this. Some types of community development sessions that focus on group in-tei'action seem to consist mainly of an ensemble of what we have listed as com-munity development and self-awareness. Some sessions that involve training in communication skills would appear to concentrate almost entirely on com-munity development. It might be worth noting here that in the final section labeled "Continuing Stimulation," what has been variously called self-understanding, self-awareness, and so forth becomes self-appraisal, self-examination, self-depthing, the theological experience of conversion and reconciliation . . . because obviously the "self" part means "self before God." RETRAINING: LEARNING THROUGHOUT ONE'S ENTIRE LIFE In the first place we have already mentioned the obvious need for special training for special appointments. We could well ask ourselves if we are always prepared to give sufficient time to this, to look far enough ahead, and to prepare people sufficiently for the actual program. Secondly~ there is the obvious necessity for us to develop the talents that God has given us. But this is a somewhat paradoxical question in Christianity. Two quotations from the Holy Father illustrate this. The first is from Populorum progressio: In the design of God, every man is called upon to develop and fulfill himself, for every life is a vocation. At birth, everyone is granted, in germ, a set of aptitudes and qualities for him to bring to fruition. Their coming to maturity, which will be the result of education received from the environment a0d personal efforts, will allow each man to direct himself towards the destiny intended f9r him by his Creator. Endowed with intelligence and freedom, he is responsible for his fulfillment as he is for his salvation. The second quotation is from a recent talk by the Holy Father on religious life (5/11/72): Symposium on Continuing Formation Let us be clear: the form of religious life must not sacrifice natural talents or personal charisms. It must serve the vocation of each person. And it is a very heavy task for you, Superiors, to see to it that each of your sisters may develop in it, may be treated with con-sideration, be recognized and loved, and be able to bring the best of herself to her com-rhunity and to the world. However, the paradox of the Gospel, which you, more than others, are called to accept :fully, must not be forgotten: "For whoever would save his life will lose it, and whoever loses his life for my sake will find it" (Mr 16:25). Be assured: this love ofthe Lord, lived to the extent of renunciation of yourselves, cannot remain without fruit. Bringing you deep joy and the hope of eternal life, it will mysteriously open up for souls the way to the God of love. Yes, in this sense, do not fear to be fully religious. This is a problem for each Christian as he or she faces life. In religious life it is both the vow of obedience and our commitment to each other in com-munity that are necessary constraints to our "self fulfillment." This is a reality of our commitment, and any renewal that refuses to face it is utopian and un-christian, and certainly is not closely connected with religious life and the demands, both personal and apostolic, that it makes. However this is not to say, as the Holy Father emphasizes, that we can afford to "despise natural talents or personal charisms." A third aspect of retraining we hear voiced in all circles today, but par-ticularly among professional people: the necessity for commitment to lifelong education. The phenomenon of professional obsolescence is becoming in-creasingly frequent. Do we realize on the merely practical level how many religious feel a bit obsolescent? Finally, we may need a structure of some kind to facilitate retraining: for instance a committee, a director of studies, to take close consultation with per-sons about their potential and hopes. Again, we are not advocating "doing one's own thing" and that that is the only, or even primary, goal in retraining. Any such studies are obviously done in the context of the whole province, its commitments, and its capacities. (For a general treatment of the various aspects of continuing education, see Review for Religious, 1972, pp. 226-36; 1973, pp. 1325-35.) The Needs of the Different Age Groups The needs of the different age groups must be considered in all retraining programs, It may be useful here to highlight .some of the needs that seem to surface most readily in th~ religious life context. The Young The young have a special need for ideals: frames of reference that point high for them and help them to make the effort to take on the mind of Christ by means of the life style and prayer structures that are offered them. We must be very careful today not to structure too much for the young. But it is worth noting that many novices and junior professed these days complain about not being clear enough on what is expected of them. While we do not wish tO return to an older, highiy structured framework, this demand makes a valid point that all of those concerned with formation must take into account. 20 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 Next, and perhaps even more obviously, the young need welcome-- welcome from the person in charge of their formation and welcome from the total community. They do not belong and they are aware of this. To a small extent they accept it but it is a great thrill for them gradually to come to be-long to the group they have joined. (Could I point out here the need for them to learn their traditions, the traditions both in their origins, and in the local history of the group which they are joining?) Under this same heading they need reasonable support from each other, coupled with the chance to build up a community, to recognize others, and allow them to be different. They also need, and this is perhaps stressed less, independence. They need to gradually learn the solitude and the capacity to be alone, a learning very fun-damental in growth towards real celibacy. This includes the capacity to gradually face themselves. We cannot demand this too early of the young, and ttie excessively long periods of silence in older novitiates were not always help-ful in this regard. On the other hand, an excessive stress on community may not be the answer either. The young also need a forum to work out their questions. They will ask some of these aggressively, and people in formation know to their cost that they have to accept and allow for much of this questioning these days. But while they do allow for it, they do not need to become doormats! All these various needs demand some new goals and ideals, some values that are chosen and followed, some structures that are agreed on and kept to but that are real and relevant. It also assumes that psychologically these y.oung religious are very much on the way to self-discovery, even though the journey has just begun. Early Apostolic Life In their early apostolic life many of the above needs continue with perhaps these additions: They need to acquire professional skill and competerice. This is absolutely essential today and is strongly emphasized in Perfectae caritatis. They need to grow in the capacity to help each other in community. Sometimes the pressure for growth in professional skill crowds this out a little. Like all young people serving in the apostolate, they need the chance and the help to take initiatives, to strive, to succeed, to be recognized, to take risks, to fail, and to be supported by the older members through all this. The task of the older ones is not to withdraw and let them "fail or succeed," but to support them with their maturity and experience, and not to let themselves (the older ones) lose confidence in their role just because they do not have all the bright ideas ~or the quickness of thinking of some younger people. Their maturity, their balance, and their experience are things that the young simply cannot have or do without. They need continuing idealism, encouragement and assistance to center their lives on Christ and to grow towards Him (Eph 4:14). This assumes that Symposium on Continuing Formation they gradually become accustomed to "belonging" to Christ in this community with which they are gradually becoming identified. Middle Age At the present time some of the skills needed and the qualities to be ac-quired by the middle-aged religious would include the capacity to lose hold of some of their acquired frames of reference and to adopt new ones. This is often quite difficult for some middle-aged religious. It is so frequent to hear a major superior say that it is not the old ones who make changes difficult, but those in their forties and fiftie!! Such a change of attitude includes the whole process of "unfreezing" that Father Cantwell has referred to in his earlier paper in this symposium. Then there is the need of the ability to face oneself, with the inevitable feel-ing of failure that often becomes so clear at this stage--a fairly common feel-ing, but that does not make it any easier, is it not also a vital introduction to the meaning of redemption? Such a person also needs the ability to free himself or herself from excessive serf-preoccupation (again not an easy task), to see others as other, whether young or old, and to experience some inner unity. There is also the need to continue to use leisure properly, creatively. And it seems vital at this stage to receive, and to know how to receive, close personal friendship and support, and to be able to give this same support to one's peers. In later middle age some of the above needs may well continue but we may add: the capacity still to use one's potential to the fullest possible extent (it is so easy at this stage to "retire" too early); to appreciate one's own richness at a time of life when that has to mean more than one's capacity to work and to produce; and to have and to use leisure. Another vital feature of this time of life, which is perhaps just as true of earlier middle age, is the need for an opportunity to have a group situation where these personal issues can be face~t. At this stage of life it is almost in-evitable that one must face oneself deeply and personally, and as this often needs to be done with another or with others, supportive group situations are really necessary. This group may also feel the need of separate courses where they are not under pressure from the young or old. Old Age Religious at this stage need to be valued and helped to belong. It is easy for them to feel "out of it." They need to know that the values they have lived by are not abandoned. Often they are reasonably open to change, but only on con-dition they know clearly that the essentials are not denied. Such affirmation and support are an important gift that we owe to our older religious. They should be able to teach compassion to the middle-aged person. Often only the patience and understanding of an older person can help a somewhat younger person to be more tolerant and a little less task-oriented. 22 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 Older religious also need to be asked to hand on their wisdom and their traditions, and to know that their function in life--be it prayer or com-panionship- is valued and appreciated and wanted. CONTINUING STIMULATION I have used this title to indicate that .not all our courses need to use "newness" as the criterion of their excellence. This "newness" has been a strong emphasis in renewal programs in recent times and much of it is both ex-plicable and justifiable. However we always have a continuing need of conver-sion: a need to be joined anew to Christ, to be detached from our own selfishness, to find God's will. It is noteworthy that the article on "spiritual direction" in Sacramentum Mundi lists the process of spiritual direction as i. helping a person to self knowledge; 2. helping a person to self acceptance; 3. helping a person to detachment from his own ego; 4. helping a person to find the present will of God. This is a process that continues at every stage of a person's life, and for which we always need courses and helps that are relevant and stimulating. While "newness" is necessary, it is not the only criterion. Conclusion Finally there is an obvious danger of institutionalizing renewal., and then we shall have to start again. To avoid this it is most important that .personal responsibility be fostered, that opportunities be sought and provided, and that mutual caring and sharing be constantly deepened and encouraged. The New Law for Religious: Principles, Content, Evaluation Kevin D. O'Rourke, O.P. Kevin D. O'Rourke, O.P., is a canon lawyer and the Director of Medical Moral Affairs; The Catholic Hospital Association; 1438 South Grand Boulevard; St. Louis, Missouri 63104. In 1959, on the feast of St. Paul, January 25, Pope John surprised the Catholic Church by announcing that there would be an ecumenical council. At the same time, he stated that the law of the Catholic Church would be revised. After Pope John's death, Pope Paul continued the work, appointing in 1963 a Pon-tifical Commission for the Revision of the Code of Canon Law consisting of forty cardinals. In 1964, he appointed seventy consultors to the Commission. in 1965, tlSe cardinals and consultors were placed on 13 study groups or com-mittees (coetus studiorum) and the revision of the Code of Canon Law began in earnest. The various committees have.held meetings to discuss the needs of the Church insofar as law is concerned. At present, several sections of the revised Church law are nearing completion. The section of the revision in which we are interested, De institutis perfectionis, has been completed in its preliminary form. After 14 general meetings between November 1966 and May 1974, with much work being done by the consultors between the meetings, a tentative set of canons has been produced. These canons will be presented to the Commis-sion on Revision for review, and then, if the practice followed with other sec-tions of the revision is adhered to, they will be sent by Pope Paul to the bishops of the world for evaluation. Because of the nature of the matter, perhaps they will be sent to conferences of major superiors as well. After comments, obser-vations, criticisms, and additions are received, the Committee on Institutes of Perfection will rework the section in light of the additional material and then present it to the Pontifical Commission for Revision for final approval. Since the Holy Father, in collegial union with the bishops, is the legislator in the Church, nothing will be final until his approval is given to the new text. 24 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 Though the tentative text has not been published officially, several accounts of the work of the Commission have been published in the official journal of the Pontifical Commission for Revision, Communicationes.' These accounts, along with some articles written by members of the study group composing the canons, enable us to form a rather accurate picture of the principles, outline, and content of the new canons.~ The purpose of our endeavor, then, will be to present the principles, outline, and content of the new canons for institutes of perfection, and to offer an evaluation of the work that has been completed to date. PRINCIPLES OF THE REVISION Though the first two meetings of the Committee, then known under the ti-tle, De religiosis,3 were productive, at the third session the group determined to formulate principles before proceeding further. These principles would make the work orderly and the discussions less abstract. Accordingly, principles were formulated in accord with the Decree on Religious Life of Vatican Council I I, Perfectae caritatis, with the document implementing the conciliar decrees for religious, Ecclesiae sanctaeo and with the Principles for the Renewal of the Code issued by the Pontifical Commission for Revision? As a result of the Committee's discussion, the following principles were formulated to guide the revision of the laws for institutes of perfection. Spirituality Principle 1. The canons should be stated in such a way that they foster the gift of religious vocation and the presence of grace in the life of those consecrated to the Lord. In other words, the juridical formulation of the canons ought to be harmonized wisely with the theological and mystical elements which lead to the fullness of the spiritual life. Through this principle, the Committee wished to avbid a multiplication of norms and to dispel the idea, held even by some in the consecrated life, that formal and external observance of general or particular laws would lead to perfection. In order to implement this principle, the Com-mittee did two things: Scriptural statements and theological elements were added to the canons, and pastoral canons, hortatory in nature, were als6 employed. aCommunicationes, 1970, pp. 168-81; 1973, pp. 47-69; 1974, pp. 72-93. 2j. Beyer, S.J., "De institutorum vitae consecratae novo jure," Periodica, 1974, pp. 145-68; 179- 222; Mark Said, O.P, secretary of the Committee, "'Progetto della riforma della legislazione codiciale: De religiosis, un giro d'orizzonte," manuscript of a talk given in 1974 to an international conference of major superiors. , 3The title was changed to institutes of perfection after the fourth session, April 1968. Thus, religious life was no longer the paradigm for other institutes in which people practiced the evangelical counsels. The practical changes resulting from this new vision are significant, es-pecially insofar as terminology is concerned. 4Communicationes. 1969, p. 80. The New Law: Principles, Content, Evaluation Individuality Principle 2. The second principle is: the common law of the Church ought to be to foster and conserve the patrimony proper to each religious family. This patrimony consists in the proper and particular charism, the goal, mission, spirit, character, and the tested tradition of each institute. Hence, the canons should be general, all detailed and minute regulations being eliminated since the proper liberty should be afforded each institute. The tendency to group all persons devoted to the following of the evangelical counsels into one category is hereby renounced by the Church. In this manner, the canons will stimulate the self-understanding in each institute, increase an appreciation of the charism of the institute, develop an awareness of the graces received and of the role of the institute in the mission of the Church, and prompt institutes to study and conserve the spirit of the founder. This principle, of course, is in accord with the documents of the Council and seeks to overcome the "leveling" influence of the Code of Canon Law which legislated in too great detail. Subsidiarity Principle 3. The third principle follows from the second. While the constitutive or es-sential principles of the consecrated life should be precisely and clearly stated, other norms should have a certain flexibility so that they may .be applied fit-tingly to different conditions and needs of the Church and institutes of perfec-tion. Essential principles are the same for all institutes dedicated to the evangelical counsels, but in other norms, especially disciplinary norms, sub-sidiarity is needed in order to promote apostolic life and allow adaptation to social and community needs. This principle is contained in the general princi-ple approved by the Pontifical Commission for Revision, but it is applied in this section more liberally because people in institutes of perfecti6n have answered God's call to vocation and should ha~,e greater maturity and respon-sibility. Shared Responsibility Principle 4. The fourth principle, following the admonition of the Conciliar fathers, postulates the need for a more democratic exercise of power in the internal af-fairs of institutes of perfection. Hence, canons which concern the governmental structure.and administration should allo~; representation and cooperation of all members of the institute. Each institute should design suitable governmen-tal programs in light of its nature, spirit, goals, and apostolic mission. Ample freedom must be afforded to develop particular methods of representation and participation in government. Respecting the genius and spirit of each institute, governments should be designed so that the same person does not have office for too long a time, nor too often. Equality Principle 5. The last principle, developed after the Committee had undertaken its 26 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 work,5 concerns equality. Insofar as possible, all institutes of perfection should be treated the same. Hence, there is no longer any distinction in the common law between orders and congregations; between regulars and non-regulars; between solemn and simple vows, granting that there may be some theological difference. Moreover, the Committee sought to eliminate the divisions and divisiveness which arise because of exemption. Hence, exemption, in accord with the documents of the Council, is stressed as a quality affecting the internal life of a community that possesses it. Lastly, the Committee sought to remove all signs of discrimination between institutes of men and women, and between members of each institute. Distinctions might be retained by particular in-stitutes among members, but they are no'longer contained in the general law. The motivation for eliminating all these distinctions was to allow the necessary freedom, thus enabling institutes to find their own identity, to rediscover the spirit of the founder, and after prayer and study, to formulate a body of legislation adapted to their own needs. In doing this, the Committee was aware of certain risks, especially in institutes with less experience; but the risks were considered worthwhile in view of the potential benefits for each in-stitute. For purposes of convenience, I have given each one of these principles a ti-tle. Hence, the five principles which guided the consultors as they wrote the new canons for institutes of perfection might be entitled: 1. The principle of spirituality 2. The principle of individuality 3. The principle of subsidiarity 4. The principle of shared responsibility 5. The principle of equality CHARACTERISTICS OF THE NEW LAW FOR INSTITUTES OF PERFECTION As a result of these principles, according to the secretary (relator) of the Committee, the consultors sought to incorporate certain characteristics into the law during its formulation.6 These characteristics are noted in the following paragraphs. Respect for the Activity of the Holy Spirit All institutes of perfection come into being as a result of the love of the Holy Spirit. God inspires the founder of a community to choose a way of life which enables people to follow Christ more closely. After the institute is ap-proved by the Church, the influence of the Holy Spirit continues; and those who wish to remain faithful to their vocation must follow the way of life given to the founder under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. This is why there is such respect for the charism, vocation, genius, mission, spirit, and tradition of each institute shown in the new canons. ~See Said, "Progetto," p. 6. ~lbid., p. 7. The New Law." Principles, Content, Evaluation Respect for Suitable Autonomy As a result of the principle of ~ubsidiarity, the legislation avoids detailed and minute statements. Autonomy and diversity are promoted by allowing in-stitutes to make the necessary applications of general principles whenever possible. Respect for the Theological Element The consultors realized that they were writing laws, but they also realized that the laws were stated in the Code of Canon Law in an arid and stultifying manner. Hence they sought to give the new laws greater theological flavor, realizing that they were writing for people who were totally dedicated to the pursuit of perfect charity. Respect for Maturity In the future the particular laws of institutes of perfection will be more im-portant than the g~neral laws. Through the particular laws, the character of the institute will be formulated, and in it the specific characteristics of mission and vocation will be stated. Without doubt, an institute will require members who are mature and capable in order to compose this legislation. Moderators and members of the institutes will be given responsibilities of self-determination that will require prayer, insight, and maturity. Respect for Rights of the Church Founded upon the word and example of Christ, institutes of perfection are a gift from God to the Church, the Body of Christ. Hence the Church con-serves and guides these institutes under the direction of the Holy Spirit. All members of institutes of perfection must be committed to building up the Body of Christ, according to the vocation of each institute. People in institutes of perfection have the obligation to bring Christ to the world. Hence, this legisla-tion recalls continuously that the life of people in institutes of perfection must be lived in union with Christ. But in order to live in close union with Christ, those in institutes of perfection must be in close union with the Church. CONTENTS OF THE PROPOSED NEW LAW In this section, I shall give an outline of the proposed law, then make a few preliminary and general remarks, and finally discuss various points in the con-tents of the proposed law. Outline of the Proposed Law INSTITUTES OF PERFECTION Preliminary Canons cc. 1-6 Part I Common to Institutes of Perfection Title I Constitution, Institutes and Their Parts cc. 7-13 21~ / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 Title I1 Dependence of Institutes upon Ecclesiastical Authority cc. 14-24 Title III Government of Institutes of Perfection cc. 25-36 Title IV Administration of Goods cc. 37-43 Title V Admission into an Institute cc. 44 Article 1 Requirements of Candidates cc. 45-49 Article 2 Formation of Candidates cc. 50-56 Article 3 Incorpora.tion into the Institute cc. 57-64 Article 4 Formation of Members of the Institute cc. 65-67 Title VI Obligations of Institutes and Their Members cc. 68-75 Title VII Separation from an Institute Article I Transfer to another Institute cc. 76-77 Article 2 Departure from an Institute cc. 78-82 Article 3 Dismissal from an Institute cc. 83-87 Article 4 Juridical Condition of Those Separated from an Institute cc. 88-90 Part 1I Proper to Different Institutes of Perfection Preliminary Canons cc. 91-94 Title I Religious Institutes cc. 95-99 Chapter I Article I Article 2 Chapter II Article 1 Article 2 ¯ Article 3 Title II Title Ill Monastic Institutes cc. 100 Monks cc. 101-106 Nuns cc. 107-109 Religious Institutes Dedicated to Apostolic Works cc. I10- 113 Canonical Institutes cc. 114-115 Conventu.al Institutes cc. 116-117 Apostolic Institutes cc. 118-120 Institutes United for Apostolic Life cc. 121-124 Secular Institutes cc. 125-127 General Remarks on the Proposed Law In order to treat adequately and clearly the various forms of institutes dedicated to the consecrated life, the matter is divided into general and par-ticular considerations. Though some of the titles contained in the first part of the division are also contained in the Code of Canon Law, the matter is treated in an entirely new manner, and for the most part, the content is changed con-siderably. The matter in the second part of the division is entirely new. The main purpose in this section of this article will be to present a rather detailed account of the contents of the new law for institutes of perfection. Since the text is still under development, changes will be made in it before it is submitted to the episcopal conferences; and many more changes will be made in it before it is promulgated. Hence, specific statements should npt be con-sidered as final. Nonetheless, the general thrust o.f the new law can be perceived The New Law." Principles, Content, Evaluation by concentrating on what has been formulated thus far. In translating from the Latin, I have tried to be accurate rather than elegant. The text, therefore, with all its clauses and phrases may not read as smoothly as it would if originally written in English. One familiar with the Code of Canon Law will notice that many new terms are used in the new law. The main reason for these changes is the fact that religious life is no longer presented as the paradigm for all institutes of perfec-tion. Hence, more general terms had to be found which would be applicable to all institutes of perfection. Following are some of the terms used in the Code and their counterparts in the new law: Code vita religiosa = religious life religio = religious institute religiosi = religious subjecti = subjects soperiores = superiors domus = house votum = vow novitius = novice novitiatus = novitiate magister novitiorum = novice master professio = profession professio perpetua = perpetual profession professio temporaria = temporary profession New Law vita consecrata = consecrated life institutio perfectionis = institute of perfection sodales = members sodales = members moderatores = moderators sedes or coetus = house or group sacra ligamina = sacred bonds receptus or sodales nuper recepti = candidate or new members tempus probationis = canonical probation magister probationis canonicae = master of canonical probation cooptatio = incorporation cooptatio perpetua = perpetual profession cooptatio temporaria = temporary professibn Preliminary Canons The preliminary canons contain the principal elements describing and defining the consecrated life, a life devoted to a closer following of Christ through commitment to the evangelical counsels. Naturally, these preliminary can6ns are applicable to all institutes of perfection, the individual types of in-stitutes being described and defined in the second part of the tract. There are six preliminary canons. The first presents the theological elements of the con-secrated life by describing the various characteristics which constitute and specify it. It states: I. Life consecrated through the profession of the evangelical counsels is a stable form of life, by which the faithful, following Christ more closely, are dedicated totally to God loved above all, so that by a new and special title they are ordered to the honor of God, to the salvation of the world, and to the building up of the Church, seek the perfection of charity in the service of the kingdom of God, and become clear signs in the Church foretelling heavenly glory. 2. Which form of living in institutes of perfection, constituted under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit and canonically erected by the competent authority of the Church, the 30 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 faithful freely accept, who through vows or other sacred bonds, profess to observe ac-cording to the particular laws of these institutes the evangelical counsels of chastity, poverty, and obedience, and who are united to the mystery of the Church in a special manner by charity, to which the counsels lead. Though the purpose of this presentation does not include analyzing the various definitions given in this tract, because of its importance, we shall schematize the theological notion of the consecrated life in the following out-line. Consecrated life: 1. is a stable form of life 2. dedicates people to God loved above all things 3. orders them by a new and special title to: a. the honor of God b. the salvation of the world c. the building up of the Church 4. enables its members to seek the perfection of charity in service of the kingdom of God and witness heavenly glory in the Church 5. is constituted by inspiration of the Holy Spirit 6. is canonically erected by competent ecclesiastical authority 7. is accepted by professing, through vows or other sacred bonds, the evangelical counsels of chastity, poverty, and obedience, according to the laws of particular institutes 8. unites the faithful to the mystery of the Church in a special manner through charity to which the counsels lead. The charismatic nature of the consecrated life is stated in the second preliminary canon. It affirms that the status of those in institutes of perfection, though not pertaining to the hierarchical structure of the Church, does pertain to its life and sanctity and must be held in honor by all. Both clerics and lay people may be called to this state by divine vocation and thus participate in the saving mission of the Church. The evangelical counsels, the third canon declares, are founded in the teaching and example of Christ. They are a divine gift to the Church from God and it is the duty of the Church to conserve this gift. In early versions of the revision, the right of the Church to govern institutes of perfection was spelled out here, but this power is now treated in Title I1. The fourth canon repeats the thought of Lumen gentium, no. 46, by stating that the profession of the evangelical counsels, though entailing the renuncia-tion of certain values which are to be undoubtedly esteemed, does not detract from a genuine development of human persons, but rather by its very nature is helpful to that development. Those who profess the evangelical counsels, by their consecration do not become strangers to their fellowmen or useless citizens of this earthly city, for even though they sometimes do not directly assist their contemporaries, still they help them spiritually by prayer, sacrifice, and preaching the gospel. All, however, also those who offer service to others and direct the building up of the earthly city to God, give testimony to Christ so that the Heavenly Father may be glorified in all things. The distinction between clerical and lay institutes is explained in canon five, as well as the difference between institutes of diocesan right and pontifical The New Law: Principles, Content, Evaluation right. The distinction between clerical and lay institutes is slightly different from that of canon 498, no. 4 in the Code. Clerical institutes are now defined as institutes which assume the exercise of sacred orders in their particular legisla-tion, said legislation being approved by competent authority. Institutes of pon-tifical right are erected and approved by the Holy See, while diocesan institutes have been erected by a local ordinary but not by the Holy See. The last preliminary canon declares that what is stated concerning members of in-stitutes of perfection pertains to both sexes, unless the context or nature of the case indicates otherwise. This has been called the principle of equality by the secretary of the Committee,~ but the content of the canon fails to justify this laudable title. Part I Those Things Common to Institutes of Perfection Title l The Constitution of Institutes and Their Parts This section was originally entitled, Concerning the Erection, Union, and Suppression of Institutes, Provinces, and Houses. Though the same matter is treated, the title was changed to that given above. In view of the new structures in the Church, such as the national conferences of bishops, and the application of the principle of subsidiarity, this section is changed considerably from the legislation of the Code. Diocesan institutes may be erected by local ordinaries provided the con-ference of bishops, avoiding unnecessary duplication of institutes, grants per-mission. To divide an institute into parts, to erect new parts, or to join existing parts pertains to the authority of the institutes as determined in particular law. To erect a house (sedes) or group of an institute pertains to the competent authority stated in the particular law, provided the consent of the ordinary of the place has been given in writing beforehand. Consent of the ordinary to erect a house of the institute carries with it the right to live according to the spirit, particular go~l, and particular means of the institute, to carry on the works proper to the institute, any condition contained in the permission to establish the house being observed. Moreover, clerical institutes have the right to es-tablish a church or public oratory and to carry on the sacred ministry, the com-mon law being observed. In order to change the apos.tolic purpose of a house or group, the consent of the local ordinary is required, unless it concerns the inter-nal government of discipline of the institute. Changes in institutes which affect matters determined by the Holy See require permission of the Holy See. The permission of the Holy See is also required if two or more institutes unite to form a new institute, or if they unite, one institute retaining, the other surrendering, its identity. Suppression of institutes also pertains to the Holy See which has the right to dispose of the property of the institutes. Suppression of a part of an institute, a province or a vicariate, pertains to the general chapter of the institute in accord with particular law. The supreme moderator may suppress a house, the ordinary of the place having given his consent. If 7Communicationes, 1970, p. 176. 32 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 there is difficulty, the Holy See should be consulted. Property of a suppressed house should be distributed according to particular law and justice, the inten-tion of the donors being observed. Title !! Dependence of Institutes upon Ecclesiastical Authority The revision of the Code has two sections on government; one concerns the dependence of the institute upon the Church, the other the internal government of the institute. The principle underlying the section which outlines the relationship to the Church is that an institute of perfection is constituted for the service of the whole Church. Hence, it is subject to the authority of the Church in order to insure that it achieve its own purpose and cooperate in effecting the common good. Members of institutes of perfection, therefore, are subject to the Holy Father by reason of their bond of obedience. Moreover, it pertains to competent ecclesiastical authority, led by the Holy Spirit, to moderate and interpret the practice of the evangelical counsels and to approve stable forms of life so that institutes will grow and flourish according to the spirit of the founders. The canons insist that in order to preserve their doctrinal and spiritual patrimony, institutes have autonomy of internal government and of particular legislation. The Holy See as well as the bishops must respect this autonomy. This statement is significant because it indicates that internal autonomy is a right, not a privilege nor an exemption. The possibility of exemption is mentioned in this section. Exemption, as Lumen gentium (no. 45) informs us, is the power of the Holy See to remove an institute of pe.rfection from the jurisdiction of the local ordinary and subject it to himself or another authority of the Church, in order to provide better for apostolic service and for the spiritual growth of members of the institute. Only the possibility and purpose of exemption is mentioned, no explanation being given of its meaning. Since exemption is a particular act of the Roman Pontiff, it is not fitting that it be limited through a definition of law. Institutes that are exempt carry on their apostolic life in cooperation with the local ordinary as outlined in Christus Dominus (nos. 34, 35) and Ecclesiae sanctae (1, nos. 22- 40). Thus, the new law states that houses and members of institutes are subject to episcopal authority according to the norms of law. The specific rights of local ordinaries in regard to diocesan institutes are enumerated. In respect to a diocesan institute, a local Ordinary has the right: I. to approve particular laws 2. to confirm changes in particular laws proposed by the general chapter, unless the ¯ matter pertains to the Holy See 3. to give dispensations from the particular law in single and particular (per modum ac-tus) cases 4. to visitate houses of an institute for pastoral reasons or if a particular reason warrants 5. to call members of the institute in their territory to external works of the apostolate in keeping with the purpose and slbirit of the institute, observing religious discipline and obtaining the consent of the competent moderator. The New Law." Principles, Content, Evaluation if the diocesan institute is located in more than one diocese the local ordinary of the principal house approves the particular law, other concerned ordinaries being consulted, and grants proper dispensations. If the principal house is to be moved from one diocese to another, the consent of both local ordinaries is re-quired, Institutes of pontifical right are subject immediately and exclusively to the Holy See in internal government and discipline, any laws to the contrary being observed. Members of these institutes are subject to the local ordinary in the public exercise of divine worship and the external work of the apostolate, ac-cording to the spirit, purpose, and discipline of each institute. Moreover, the local ordinary must visitate houses of pontifical right in regard to the above mentioned matters if grave reasons seem to require it. The last canon of this section calls for regular meetings between local ordinaries and moderators of institutes of perfection in order to improve and coordinate apostolic activity. Title 1II The Government of Institutes of Perfection In this section, the moderator or superiors of the institute are urged to accept and fulfill their responsibilities in a spirit of service toward the com-munity, governing more by promoting cooperation than by imposing precepts. Sufficient authority is provided, however, so that the moderators may wisely and prudently provide for the common good and the growth of individual members. Extensive use of the principle of subsidiarity makes this section of the new law much different from the law of the Code and the attitudes and customs in accord with the Code. In particular the section states the following: Moderators and chapters of institutes have authority to govern individuals and groups within the com-munity, carrying out their pastoral mission according to the particular laws of the institute. In clerical institutes, moderators have ecclesiastical jurisdiction for the internal and external forum. In exempt institutes, moderators possess a greater participation of ecclesiastical power and exercise it in accord with general and particular law. Major moderators in clerical instituti~s are called ordinaries. Moderators should follow the example and command of Christ: "Whoever is great among you, let him become the servant" (Mt 20:26). Moreover, they should recognize and promote the human and Christian dignity of the members, in regard to the exercise of authority, members should display an ac-tive obedience, both in executing and in initiating apostolic works. So that this might be achieved more harmoniously, moderators should listen to the members and consider them as collaborators in working for the good of the in-stitute and the Church. In order for one to be a moderator, whether supreme or subordinate, one must be incorporated definitively in the institute for a period of time deter-mined by particular law. The length of term for each office, which is determined by particular law, should be temporary, unless the spirit of the institute in- 34 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 dicates otherwise for the office of supreme moderator. For the good of the in-stitute and in'order to improve the quality of government and the spirituality of the members, particular law should provide that moderators do not stay in of-rice for too long a period. Hence, when they complete the time prescribed in particular law, they should not assume the office of moderator again until some years have expired. The supreme moderator of an institute should be designated by canonical election according to norms of particular law. Other major superiors are designated according to particular law, that is, they are either elected and then confirmed by the supreme moderator, or appointed but only after adequate and free consultation. Particular law should provide for the appointment or election of minor superiors. Members of the institute must follow the norms of common and particular law in all elections. Moreover, they must vote only for those whom they consider in the Lord to be more worthy of office, avoiding all abuses, especially that of procuring votes for themselves or for others. In order to improve communications, at regular intervals the supreme moderator should send a brief report on the condition and life of the institute to the Holy See. Moreover, moderators should communicate pertinent statements of the Holy See to the members in their care. Moderators should visitate, according to norms of particular law, houses and members under their care. Members should be honest with their moderators responding in truth and charity to legitimate questions. No one should hinder members from fulfilling their responsibilities. The spiritual duties of the moderator are considered carefully. Besides be-ing solicitous about their duties, moderators are to help members seek and love God, foster fraternal communion, promote the growth of the Church and the love of fellow °man, and help members draw closer to Christ through the prac-tice of the evangelical coun~eis. Frequently, they should communicate the word of God to the members, be present with them at the liturgy, stimulate them to the practice of virtue, and instruct by word and example in observance of the law and the worthwhile traditions of the institute. Moreover, let moderators help them in their personal needs, visit and care for the sick sedulously, correct the unruly, strengthen the weakhearted, and be patient to all. The thoughts of this canon, even some of the words, are taken from the Rule of St. Augustine. Moderators must have a permanent council, constituted according to par-ticular law, and must use the council in fulfilling their responsibilities. Consent or consultation is required according to common and particular law. Chapters and councils fulfill their office according to particular and common law, work-ing for the good of the institute or a particular group. In consultation and meetings discretion should be observed so that each institute may be effectively and aptly governed according to its spirit and goals. Moderators should leave the members free in regard to the direction of conscience, the particular law of the institute being observed. Unless members petition it spontaneously, moderators should not hear their confessions. The New Law: Principles, Content, Evaluation Though no one should be bound to confess to a particular priest, worthy con-fessors should be provided regularly. It is desirable that members freely and faithfully open their hearts to their moderators. Title IV Temporal Goods and Their Administration Because the administration of temporal goods in institutes of perfection is subject to the common law of the Church and also to the civil law of particular countries, this section is rather brief. In composing this,part, the Committee sought to state the principles which would foster the practice of poverty and to eliminate all requirements contained in the old law which discriminate against communities of women. The section begins with the statement that temporal goods of institutes of perfection are ecclesiastical goods and as such are Subject to the general laws concerning the patrimony of the Church, unless particular or common law states otherwise. If the particular s, pirit of an institute warrants, particular law may limit or eliminate the power of acquisition, possession, and administration of temporalgoods. Hence~ each institute should form laws which foster, protect, and express the practice, of poverty according to the spirit of the institute. Witnessing to poverty and charity, institutes should give alms and gifts when possible, particular laws being observed:. Major and minor moderators should have a treasurer, constituted accord-ing to particular law, who administrates temporal goods under their direc-tion. Particular law, following common law, should statelwhich actions exceed the goal and manner of ordinary administration. At proper times determined by particular law, administrators should give an account of their responsibility. For the validity of an alienation which exceeds the amouqt set by the episcopal conference, the consent of the Holy See is required. Title V Admission into the Institute The legislation concerning this most important topic is general, the burden for insuring proper selection and formation of candidate being put upon the in-dividual institutes. The law states that any Catholic may ibe admitted to an in-stitute of perfection who, endowed with a divine vocation, is fittingly prepared and approved by proper authority and has the qualities required by common and particular law. The rest of the title is divided into four articles, the first article concerning the preparation of those to be received. The right to admit candidates pertains to major superiors according to the norms of particular law. This responsibility should be fulfilled carefully so that only those are admitted who are of proper age, have the required health, maturity, and aptitude for the life and mission of the institute, experts being consulted to ascertain the presence of these qualities if need be. The following would be admitted invalidly to an institute: 1. those who are not yet 17 years of age 2. a .spouse who is still married 36 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 one who presently is bound by vows or other bonds in an institute of perfection one who conceals a. admission into another institute of perfection b. substantial indebtedness c. the need to render an account to legally constituted authority. Other impediments to valid admission may be stated in particular law. Before candidates are admitted they must present testimony of baptism and confirma-tion as well as the fact that they are free to enter the institute. Recent converts should not be admitted until their steadfastness is demonstrated. Particular law requires additional proof of candidates' worthiness and their freedom from impediments of particular or common law. If necessary, moderators may seek confidential information as well. Article 2 treats the formation of candidates. The purpose of the time of canonical probation,, by which the life in the institute is begun, is to enable the candidates to consider more carefully, their divine vocation, to experience life in the institute, to test and prove their commitment and worthiness, and to im-bue their hearts and mind with the spirit of the institute. The place for canonical probation may be erected, moved, and suppressed by the supreme moderator with the consent of his council. Particular law, in addition to other conditions for the validity of canonical probation, may define requisites in regard to time, provided (dummodo) the duration of canonical probation em-braces at least one continuous year. The purpose of the canonical probation requires that it be made under the direction of a master according to particular law and be adapted to the nature and goals of the institute. Many of the op-tions in regard to apostolic activity during the time of canonical probation con-tained in Renovationis causam are not contained in the new law, the institute being allowed to determine how the time of probation will be spent as long as the goals are fulfilled. Some of the innovations contained in Renovationis causam .were not thought to be successful by the Committee.8 The master of canonical probation (fgrmerly the novice master), a member definitively admitted to the institute, is design.ated according to particular law and may have assistants; but the direction of the canonical probation is the responsibility of the master under the authority of the major moderator. The formation of candidates should be under the direction of carefully selected and well-prepared members who are free from other responsibilities that would im-pede their work, most important for the institute and the good of the Church. The master and assistants should discern the vocation of (he candidates, leading them gradually to the way of perfection proper to the institute, ac-cording to the norms of particular law. The master and assistants should help the candidates develop Christian and human virtues, and educate them in the spiritual life according to the purpose, goals, spirituality, and history of the in-stitute. Other members of the institute should cooperate in formation through prayer and example. The candidates must be conscious of their responsibility 8Beyer, "De institutorum . . . novo jure," p. 200. The New Law." Principles, Content. Evaluation / 37 to cooperate actively with the master and respond to the grace of their divine vocation. In institutes which have members of different categories, the proba-tion fulfilled for one category is valid for the other, unless particular law states the contrary. Candidates may leave the institute if they wish and may be dismissed by competent authority of the institute, according to particular law. The canonical probation being completed, if the candidate is judged worthy, he or she may be admitted to the institute, otherwise she or he should be dismissed, unless there is doubt about worthiness, and then the probation may be prolonged, but not beyond six months. Article 3 is concerned with incorporation (cooptatio) into the institute. Find-ing an English word to serve as a synonym for the Latin "cooptatio" is rather difficult. A literal translation would be "election," but this does not seem to describe what happens when one professes vows or other sacred bonds in an in-stitute of perfection. The Code of Canon Law used the word "'profession" but this is a form of"cooptatio" which is proper to religious communities. Having considered many possible words, I have settled upon "'incorporation," being open to a better alternative in the future. Whatever the word, the event and process under discussion is clear; it is the action and the effects of the action by which one temporarily or permanently binds oneself through vows or other sacred bonds to follow the evangelical counsels according to the spirit and legislation of a particular institute of perfection. The canons state: No one may be incorporated into an institute, unless in the manner prescribed by particular law. Incorporation carries with it the rights and obligations defined in particular statutes, being observed under legitimate authority. Through incorporation the institute assumes the respon-sibility, under a new title, of leading the member to his goal according to the statutes of the institute. After canonical probation, incorporation should be made for a definite time, but not for less than three years or longer than nine years, unless particular law states otherwise. By temporary incorporation, members assume publicly the observance of the three evangelical counsels of chastity, poverty, and obedience, made firm either by vow or some other sacred bond. Particular law may permit, however, that in temporary incor-poration of the member, in place of a vow or other sacred bonds, one may be bound to the institute by another bond, the nature of which must be defined carefully by the same particular law. Always, h6wever, the member must be so incorporated that one is held to lead one's life according to the norms of the in-stitute under the authority of the legitimate moderator. For the validity of temporary incorporation, besides the conditions set down in particular law, the following are required: a. at least 1,8 years of age completed b. completion of valid canonical probation c. judgment of worthiness made according to the requirements of par-ticular law d. admission by the competent superior. 31~ / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 When the time of temporary incorporation is completed, one who freely petitions and is judged worthy should be admitted to definitive incorporation; otherwise one should leave or be dismissed. However, if it seems opportune or if the member spontaneously requests, the period of temporary incorporation may be prolonged by the competent moderator, not however beyond three years. Through definitive incorporation members consecrate their lives to God by a sacred bond of its nature perpetual, and also are admitted fully into the in-stitute. For valid definitive incorporation, besides the conditions of particular law, the following are required: a. at least 21 years of age completed b. previous incorporation completed, according to canon 58 c. judgment of worthiness made according to the requirements of par-ticular law d. admission by the competent superior. Those who are incorporated are bound to live according to the norms of their institute. Article 4 provides for the formation of incorporated members of the in-stitute. The new law considers the education or formation of incorporated members as well as candidates. This article gives general notions which in-dicate the necessity, purpose, and duration of continuing education and forma-tion. The details are consigned to particular law. In every institute, after first incorporation, the formation of the members must be perfected so that they will be able to lead more fully the life of the in-stitute and carry on its mission more fittingly. Hence, particular law must define the duration and purpose of this formation, being mindful of the needs of the Church, the conditions of the times, as well as the goal and spirit of the institute. During this period of formation, members should not be assigned to offices or other work which impedes their formation. This formation, under the guidance of qualified people and accommodated to the capabilities of the members, should be doctrinal as well as practical, in accord with the needs of the institute. If possible and fitting, useful academic degrees should be ob-tained. The formation of those who are destined for sacred orders is governed by common law and the course of studies (ratio studiorum) proper to each in-stitute. Throughout their whole life, members should seek spiritual, doctrinal, and professional development, and moderators, insofar as possible, should provide the time and means to do this. Title Vi Obligations of Institutes and Their Members The principal responsibility of each institute is to understa~ld its vocation in Christ and in the Church, to preserve faithfully its particular nature according to the spirit of the founder, and to strive sedulously to achieve the goals of the community, being attentive to the signs of the times. Members should keep in The New Law: Principles, Content, Evaluation mind that they have responded to the divine call by profession of the evangelical counsels; accordingly, being more and more liberated from the things which might diminish the fervor of charity, they are bound to live solely for God and His kingdom. Members of institutes of perfection should make the following of Christ in the Gospels the supreme rule of their life. All members have the responsibility of cooperating wholeheartedly and diligently in the building up of the Body of Christ, according to the vocation of each institute. Solicitously, therefore, let them be careful so that through them the Church show forth Christ more vividly day by day. Each institute, according to its nature and proper character, should define by particular law in its own rule of life the manner in which the counsels of chastity, poverty, and obedience should be observed. Each member ought not only to observe faithfully and integrally the evangelical counsels, but also order his or her life according to the statutes of the institute, and so strive for greater perfection of charity. Let the contemplation of divine things and assiduous communication with God be as daily food to people consecrated to the service of God and the Church. Avidly, therefore, members should peruse meditatively the Sacred Scriptures, participate in the celebration of the sacred liturgy, prac-tice mental and vocal prayer, make a yearly retreat, and perform other spiritual exercises according to the norms of particular law. It is earnestly recommended that members participate daily in the sacrifice of (he Mass, and according to the condition of each one, receive the sacred Body of Christ. Let them go to confession frequently according to the norms of particular law and the counsel of their spiritual director. Moreover, let the members employ other means, whether natural or supernatural, useful for fostering the spiritual life, whether common to all or proper to their own in-stitute; most especially, let them examine their conscience, visit the Blessed Sacrament, and pray to the Blessed Virgin, especially by reciting the rosary. The members, living in fraternal community rooted and founded in charity, should be an example to others of the universal reconciliation in Christ; hence let them show forth the gentleness and kindness of Christ in their life. Title VII Separation from the Institute When treating this matter, the Committee sought to simplify the process by which one departs or is dismissed from an institute of perfection. Hence, the practice of having separate processes for those in simple and solemn vows was eliminated, as well as the differences arising from exempt and non-exempt in-stitutes. Secularization and exclaustration were dropped from the new law, as well as the distinctions between apostates and fugitives. Moreover, in accord with the principles of subsidiarity, many of the decisions which were previously made by the Holy See are now made by the institute. As a result of the simplifications and in response to the needs of our times, a person who does not cooperate with the community may be dismissed more easily than in the legislation contained in the Code. Hence, the rights of the institute are 40 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 protected more readily than they were under the legislation of the Code which gave greater protection to the individual religious. Article I Transfer to Another Institute One may not transfer from one's own institute of perfection to another un-less one has the consent of each supreme moderator and the deliberative vote of each council. Particular law should define the time and manner of proba-tion, which having been fulfilled, the member may be admitted to a new incor-poration according to the statutes. One who has been definitively incorporated before transfer, after completing.probation is definitively incorporated into the new institute; one who was not definitively incorporated assumes temporary bonds, lasting for at least three years. Until the new incorporation, the sacred bonds remaining, the particular rights and obligations that the member had in the previous institute remain suspended; when the new probation begins, however, the member is bound by the statutes of the new institute. If one is not admitted to incorporation or refuses it, one must return to the original institute unless he or she obtains a dispensation from bonds or the preceding time of incorporation has already ex-pired. Through incorporation, a member is joined to the new institute, the sacred bonds, rights, and obligations of the original institute ceasing. Article 2 Departure from an Institute The supreme moderator, having heard his council, for a grave cause may concede to a member definitively incorporated into the institute that he or she may live outside the institute, and, though still under sacred bonds, be free from obligations which cannot be reconciled with the new condition of life, but not for more than three years. A member in this state remains under the care of the superiors; however, he or she lacks active and passive voice. One who completes the time of temporary incorporation may leave the in-stitute if he so wishes. A member who during the time of temporary incorpora-tion for a grave cause petitions to leave the institute may be given an indult to depart definitively by the supreme moderator with the consent of his council. A definitively incorporated member who for most grave reasons considered before the Lord petitions an indult to depart from the institute may obtain it from the supreme moderator. In order to validly concede this induit, the supreme moderator needs the consent of his council, which for this case must consist of at least five members. Hence, if ordinary councilors are absent or lacking, others should be called according to the norms of particular law. Voting for this consent should be done secretly. An induit to depart from the institute, accepted in writing by the member, carries with it ipso iure a dispen-sation from vows or other sacred bonds and from all other obligations which arise from incorporation. A member who removes himself from the prescribed community life or from the jurisdiction of the moderator should be solicitously sought and helped by the moderators so that he might persevere in his vocation. However, if The New Law: Principles, Content, Evaluation within the time determined in particular law, but never less than three months, two warnings have proved useless, or the member does not return, he may be dismissed from the institute by a decree of the supreme moderator with the consent of his council. Article 3 Dismissal from an Institute A member, the time of temporary incorporation having expired, may be dismissed by the competent moderator if there are just and reasonable causes either on the part of the institute or the part of the candidate. Observing justice and charity, physical or mental infirmity, even if contracted after incorpora-tion, constitutes a just cause for dismissing one whose temporary incorporation has expired, provided the judgment of experts states that the member cannot lead the life of the institute without doing damage to himself or to the institute. Members temporarily incorporated may be dismissed by the supreme moderator of the institute with the consent of his council, respecting particular law. In order to carry out such a dismissal, it is required: a. that the cause of dismissal, either on the part of the institute or on the part of the member, is grave though it need not involve culpability b. that if the cause is culpable, warning were given in writing and proved useless c. that dismissal is not because of ill heait~ unless it was maliciously kept secret before incorporation, or unless the judgment of experts urges the dismissal in order to avoid injury to the member or the institute. The causes for dismissal should be manifested to the member in writing, full liberty to respond being granted. The response of the member, which ought also to be in writing, should be submitted to the supreme moderator and his council. Members definitively incorporated may be dismissed by a decree of the supreme moderator with the consent of the council, observing the norms of general and particular law. In order to carry out such a dismissal, it is required: a. that the causes of dismissal are grave, culpable, and juridically sound b. that before ~the dismissal, two canonical warnings which threatened dis-missal if not observed, have proved useless c. the causes of the dismissal were communicated to the member, and full liberty of defense was given after each warning. The responses of the member, given in writing, should be included in the acts which are submitted to the supreme moderator and his council for examina-tion. The supreme moderator with the consent of his council may dismiss im-mediately a member: a. who publicly professes apostasy, heresy or schism b. who attempts or contracts matrimony, even if only civil 42 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 c. who culpably was the cause of serious and most grave exterior scandal or injury to the institute. The decree of dismissal must be communicated as soon as possible to the member who has the right of appealing to the Holy See within ten days, with suspensive effect. When a member is dismissed legitimately, ipso facto all bonds, rights, and obligations coming from incorporation also cease. Article 4 Juridical Condition of Those Separated from Institute A member in sacred orders, dismissed from or having legitimately departed from his institute, in order to exercise the sacred ministry, must be accepted ac-cording to law by his own or another diocesan bishop. An institute, in a spirit of equity and gospel charity, should show proper concern for former members. In the report that is made to the Holy See, mention should be made concerning members who have been separated from the institute in any way whatsoever. Part II Things Proper to Different Institutes of Perfection In this section the different kinds of institutes of perfection and their par-ticular characteristics are considered. The foundation of the distinction between these various types of institutes is the manner of apostolate carried on by each one. In order to compose and divide this part, the Committee had to consider intently the theology of the states of perfection and the constitutive elements of the various types of institutes. The content and the theoretical and practical considerations that underlie this section of the new law have been ex-plained clearly and thoroughly by the secretary of the Committee, Mark Said, O.P., in the recent issues of Communicationes) Part II begins with four preliminary canons which apply to each kind of in-stitute. The first three canons contain the principles formulated by Vatican Council II for the vitality and renewal of religious life, and the last canon in the group confirms the eremitical life as a valid form of evangelical perfection. The canons state: There are many institutes of perfection in the Church, displaying various charisms of the Spirit and having different gifts according to the grace which has been given them. These institutes follow Christ more closely either by prayer, by active works which benefit mankind, or by communicating with people in the world. Therefore, given these differences from the Holy Spirit, the mind of the founders and their proposals concerning the nature, purpose, and character of the institute, as well as its sound traditions, must be followed by all. Norms which concern the basic elements, that is, the mind of the founder and proposals concerning the nature, purpose, and sound traditions of the in-stitute, are to be placed in the principal lawbook of each institute, whatever that book might be called; and just as these norms must be approved by the competent authority in the Church, so they may not be changed without per-aCommunicationes, 1973, pp. 63 ff.; 1974, pp. 73 ft. The New Law: Principles, Content, Evaluation / 43 mission from the same authority. Other norms, concerning life, government, and discipline, are ratified and gathered together by the competent authority of each institute, which authority, however, may change and adapt them accord-ing to particular law. In composing these texts, the spiritual and juridical should be combined, and norms should not be multiplied without reason. Though the wording here is not as clear as it might be, the meaning is ap-prehended easily. Basically, these laws repeat the distinction of Ecclesiae sanc-tae concerning constitutions, which are more general and permanent, and directives, which are concerned with changeable and less important items?° This distinction will be familiar to religious who have taken part in general chapters over the past few years. In addition to institutes of perfection, the Church recognizes the eremitical or anchoritic life by which the faithful, withdrawing more strictly from the world, consecrate their lives to the praise of God and salvation of the world through the silence of solitude and by assiduous prayer and penance. An anchorite, recognized in law as a religious, is one who professes under vow the three evangelical counsels and follows a definite rule of life under the guidance of a competent religious superior or local ordinary. Title 1 Religious Institutes These canons contain the essential and integral elements of the form of consecration known as the religious life. For most people, this type of institute of perfection is the most commonly encountered. The laws state: In each religious institute, the members must assume the responsibili!y of the three evangelical counsels, this responsibility being strengthened by public vows, at least at the time of definitive profession, and they must lead a common life ac-cording to the norms of particular law. The public witness which should be rendered to Christ and to the Church by these institutes involves separation from the world according to the spirit and purpose of each institute, as well as use of a fitting habit prescribed by particular law as a sign of the consecrated life. The profession of chastity for the kingdom of God carries with it the obser-vance of celibacy as well as perfect continence by which love of God and of all men is increased and manifested. The profession of poverty for the following of Christ involves, besides a life of work and simplicity, total dependence in the use and disposition of goods, and at least the cession of the administration of one's proper patrimony. Unless one makes a renunciation of patrimony already acquired or to be ac-quired according to the norms of particular law, members are held to make a will, and in view of future profession, to dispose freely of the use and usufruct of their goods. Whatever is acquired by members of the institute through their own work, stipend, or pension, belongs to the institute. The profession of obedience in imitation of Christ carries with it total ~°lbid., 1970, pp. 12-4. 44 / Review for Religious, Volume 34, 1975/1 dedication to the will of God through submission to moderators taking the place of God, offered in a spirit of faith and love according to the regulations of law. Religious should live in community in a house legally constituted, which house may have its own church or oratory in which the Eucharist is celebrated and reserved so that it is the true center of the community. Chapter I Monastic Institutes Monastic institutes are religious institutes whose members, according to the particular traditions of each institute, lead an anchoritic or coenobitic life by conversion to God through prayer and labor so that through apostolic charity and the contemplation of divine things they seek only God and His kingdom. This chapter then considers first monks and afterwards considers nuns. The principle responsibility of monks is to offer humble and noble service to the divine Master within the confines (septa) of the monastery. Monastic in-stitutes which are ordered totally to contemplation remain always a lustrous part of the Mystical Body of Christ and speak of the richness of treasures in the Church; hence, even though the need for active apostolic work is great, let them remain firmly in their state of life. Institutes, however, which would assume some legitimate apostolate or work of Christian charity, should pursue only those things which are consonant with the spirit of monastic life. Monastic institutes, per se, are neither clerical nor lay. A religious house of monks, under the care and government of a proper moderator, is called a monastery, and of itself is an independent entity, particular laws being observed. The moderator of an independent monastery, who is usually called an abbot, is by right a major moderator. Monasteries of the same monastic families may be united in federations, and these federations may be united in confederations, with the permission of the Holy See. Each federation or con-federation is governed by its own law, the autonomy of each monastery, however, being preserved. Each institute should state in its particular law the norms for the monastic and priestly formation of its members. Transfer from one monastery to another of the same family or the same rule may be made with the consent of both moderators and the deliberative vote of the chapter of the receiving monastery, particular law being observed. If one transfers, monastic profession is not repeated, unless particular law states otherwise. Other forms of transfer are governed by common law. Nuns, a more noble part of the flock of Christ, legally are those women who are dedicated primar, jly to a life of contemplation. Those things that are stated concerning monks apply to nuns as well. Monasteries of nuns affiliated with an institute of men receive their way of life and government from the statutes of these institutes. It is fitting, moreover, that they be helped in pur-suing their proper vocation by spiritual care of the institute to which they are affiliated. The papal cloister, which uniquely disposes for contemplative life, The New Law." Principles, Content, Evaluation / should be observed in monast erles of nuns. Statutes concerning the papal cloister in particular law are t~o be approved by the Holy See. Other .I monasteries should observe a cloister that is accommodated to their particular spirit and defined in particular lalw. I Chapter II Religious Institutes~Dedicated to Apostolic Works In institutes dedicated to apostolic works, apostolic activity pertains to their very nature Hence, the whole~ life of the members should be imbued with apostolic spirit, ~nd the total apostolic activity should be informed by the spirit of the instttute. Apostohc act~vtty should always proceed from an intimate union with God and should nourish and confirm this union. Apostolic activity, exercised in the name of and un[ler the guidance of the Church, should be I carried on in ecclesiai commumo,n. Works proper to the institutes should be retained faithfully though adapted to the needs of the times and places, using new and opportune methods" Members of institutes dedicated to apostolic works, by reason of their very vocation, are bound to help bishops and work for the good of the Church under the direction of their own moderators. Bishops and moderators, either alone or in groups, should take common coIunsel in planning the works of the apostolate that will be carried on by the members. Institutes have the right to carry on their proper works, the requirements of law being observed. When opportune, bishops and moderators should e~nter particular agreements for ordering and improving collaboration. In three successive articles theI proposed canons then treat of three kinds of institutes: canonical institutes, conventual institutes, and apostolic institutes. Canonical institutes offer d~wne praise, especially through solemn worship, and they carry on apostolic works[ especially by exercising the priestly ministry in parishes. In order to foster r~gular life, parishes should be committed to them which are close together or close to the principal house. Many indepen-dent chapters of regular canons~ may be brought together under the same leadership; many institutes of the same canonical type may be confederated under an abbot primate with th~ permission of the Holy See. Conventual institutes intimately join the apostolic life with divine praise and regular observance, and they also offer the particular witness of an austere life. Members live a fraternal iif~ in common, especially in the celebration of the Eucharist and the Liturgy of ihe Hours, an