La crítica especializada reconoce dos líneas dominantes en el campo intelectual argentino a partir de las producciones de las décadas del sesenta y sus prolongaciones en los setenta, aunque ambas se inscribirían en una genealogía que implica dos modos diferentes de leer la dicotomía arte/vida, una de las tensiones en las estéticas de las vanguardias históricas. Una de ellas, iniciada en los años cincuenta en torno de la famosa revista Poesía Buenos Aires, dirigida por Raúl Gustavo Aguirre, emerge como consecuencia, principalmente, del procesamiento de la vanguardia francesa [especialmente el surrealismo] y podría ser caracterizada como trascendentalismo poético [Calabrese: 2001 y 2002], un aspecto de la ideología del arte que, representado en plenitud por los poetas llamados "malditos", concibe a la poesía como un modo de vida y al poeta como vate, un ser singular, que se constituye en la poesía misma y que atisba un universo diferente al de la cotidianeidad. Mientras que la segunda de las líneas mencionadas, -surgida entre 1955, con "El solicitante descolocado" de Leónidas Lamborghini y prolongada hasta los '70- conocida como la de los "sesentistas", se instaura en polémica con la índole gratuita y estetizante del arte. Se trata de aproximar el texto a lo que se denominaba el contexto aludiendo a lo histórico-social; para ello se intenta crear un imaginario que establezca una continuidad entre la escritura y un determinado modo de ver el mundo; la literatura, inscripta así en el imperativo sartreano, debe identificarse con la praxis política y con los discursos sociales de procedencia referencial [Dalmaroni: 1993 y 1998]. Ingresan, así, elementos procedentes de la cultura popular [por ejemplo, el tango] y las jergas urbanas que construyen un simulacro de oralidad, como materiales a inscribir en la poesía, enfatizando su índole "antiliteraria": tales elementos, al desplazarse de su contexto de procedencia, generan un efecto de extrañamiento, apto para promover una estimulación de la conciencia crítica y develar los ideologemas vigentes. En este contexto, se trata de problematizar la generalización de esta periodización dicotómica, mediante el estudio de las obras de los tres poetas mencionados, instaladas en un espacio de cruce e hibridaciones entre estos mandatos y la vertiente experimental o más intelectual, por lo que no responderían a los rasgos dominantes que permitirían inscribirlos en uno u otro extremo del campo diseñado. ; Specialized criticism acknowledges two dominant lines in the Argentine intelectual field as a result of works from the sixties up to the seventies. Although both could be recorded in a genealogy that implies two different ways of reading the art/life dichotomy, one of the historical avant-garde tension. One of them iniciated in the fifties by the well known Poesia Buenos Aires Review, managed by Raul Gustavo Aguirre and resulting mainly from the French avant-garde process [mainly surrealism] and it could be characterized as poetic transcendentalism [Calabrese: 2001, 2002], an aspect of the art ideology, fully represented by the kinown as "poetas malditos" that conceive poetry as a way of life and the poet as a prophet, a singular being who becomes poetry itself and watches a different universe from everyday life. While the second appeared in 1955 with El solicitante descolocado by Leónidas Lamborghini and went up to the seventies, known as the sesentistas, sets up a polemic over the ideology known as "art for art's sake". Text and context are tried to be amalgamated by refering to the historical and social and by trying to create an imaginary that establishes a continuity between writing a certain way to look at the world, the literature as seen from sartrean point of view, must be identified itself with political praxis and the social discourses from references sources (Dalmaroni: 1993, 1998). As such elements from popular culture [for example the tango] and its urban slangs building an oral simulacrum become parts of poetry, emphasizing the "anti literature" character. Such elements by shifting from ist original source, produce a wonderment effect, fit to promote the critical awareness and find out the present ideologemas. In this context we approach the generalization of this dichotomic period, by studying works of the tree mentioned poets, established in an hybridization and interconnected space and the experimental trend or more intelectual that will not agree with the dominand characters that would allow them to enroll in one or other end of the established field. ; Fil: Blanco, Mariela Cristina. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación; Argentina.
Les fôrets endémiques de pins (Pinus Canariensis) et de lauriers (Laurus spp.) on été l'objet d'une exploitation intensive dès les débuts de l'établissement des espagnols dans les îles occidentales des Canaries, les plus humides de l'Archipel. Les excès des bûcherons, des récolteurs de poix (pez) et des charbonniers (tout d'abord pour la production de sucre), les incendies, les incursions des paysans et de leurs troupeaux et le manque perpétuel de gardiens, tout cela a contribué à ce qu'il fut très tôt considéré comme un désastre écologique. Les conseils municipaux insulaires et, plus tard, des sociétés civiques comme les Sociedades Económicas ont essayé en vain d'enrayer ces ravages. Après quatre siècles de surexploitation ininterrompue les pinèdes on été en grande partie restaurées (avec un succès particulier à Ténérife) au moyen d'un vigoureux programme gouvernemental de repeuplement forestier, aujourd'hui sous la responsabilité d'ICONA (l'0ffice National des Fôrets Espagnol), plus de 25.000 ha ayant été plantées dans les dernières années. Les buts principaux recherchés ont été l'obtention d'un maximum de précipitation horizontale (par dégouttement du brouillard) et la protection des lignes de partage des eaux, plutôt que la production de bois. Ces dernières années on a aussi accordé une importance croissante aux considérations d'ordre esthétique et a l'utilisation des fôrets pour les loisirs. Aujourd'hui les Canaries ont des pinèdes plus étendues et exubérantes que dans la période qui a suivi l'arrivée des Européens il y a cinq siècles, mais dans la plupart des contrées le "monte verde" n 'est guère plus qu'un souvenir et il est devenu depuis longtemps des terrains de culture ou une garrigue secondaire. ; From the early Spanish establishment on the better-watered western Canary Islands the endemic pine (Pinus canariensis) and laurel (Laurus spp.) forests were the object of intense exploitation. The excesses of the woodcutters, pitch (pez) collectors and charcoal makers (initially for sugar manufacturing), the destructive fires, the incursions of peasant cultivators and their livestock, and the perpetual shortage of reliable guards, all contributed to what was early seen as an ecological disaster in the making. Efforts to stem the devastation by the island councils and, later, by such civic groups as the Sociedades Económicas were to no avail. After four centuries of continued abuse the pinares have been largely reestablished, most successfully on Tenerife, through a vigorous government afforestation program, now under the charge of ICONA. More than 25.000 ha have been planted. The maximizing of horizontal precipitation ("fog drip") and watershed protection, not the production of lumber, has been the guiding rationale. Recently esthetic and recreational values have been given comparable emphasis. The Canaries today support stands of pines of greater luxuriance and extent than have been known at any time since the arrival of Europeans five centuries ago. But the "monte verde", in most areas is little more than a memory, long since converted to cropland or secondary scrub. ; Els boscos endèmics de pi (Pinus canariensis) i de llorer (Laurus spp.) foren l'objecte d'una intensa explotació des dels inicis de l'establiment d'espanyols a les més humides illes occidentals de les Canàries. Els excessos dels llenyataires, dels recol·lectors de pega (pez) i dels carboners (primer per a la producció de sucre), els incendis destructors, les incursions dels pagesos i de llur bestiar i la perpètua escassesa de guardians de confianca, tot plegat va contribuir a allò que aviat fou considerat un desastre ecològic en marxa. Endebades s'esforcaren a aturar la devastació els ajuntaments insulars i, més tard, els grups cívics com les Sociedades Económicas. Després de quatre segles de sobreexplotació ininterrompuda, els pinares han estat en gran mesura restaurats, de la manera més reexida a Tenerife, mitjancant un vigorós programa governamental de repoblació forestal actualment a càrrec d'ICONA. S'han plantat més de 25.000 ha. La directriu seguida ha estat la d'obtenir el màxim de precipitació horitzontal (degoteig de la boira) i la protecci6 de les divisòries d'aigües, més que no pas la producció de fusta. Darrerament hom ha donat una importància semblant a consideracions estètiques i recreatives. Avui les Canàries tenen pinedes més extenses i exuberants que les conegudes en cap altra època d'ençà de l'arribada dels europeus fa cinc segles. Però a la majoria d'àrees el "monte verde" no és gaire cosa més que un record, i ja fa molt temps que ha esdevingut terra de conreu o matoll secundari.
Few genome-wide association studies (GWAS) account for environmental exposures, like smoking, potentially impacting the overall trait variance when investigating the genetic contribution to obesity-related traits. Here, we use GWAS data from 51,080 current smokers and 190,178 nonsmokers (87% European descent) to identify loci influencing BMI and central adiposity, measured as waist circumference and waist-to-hip ratio both adjusted for BMI. We identify 23 novel genetic loci, and 9 loci with convincing evidence of gene-smoking interaction (GxSMK) on obesity-related traits. We show consistent direction of effect for all identified loci and significance for 18 novel and for 5 interaction loci in an independent study sample. These loci highlight novel biological functions, including response to oxidative stress, addictive behaviour, and regulatory functions emphasizing the importance of accounting for environment in genetic analyses. Our results suggest that tobacco smoking may alter the genetic susceptibility to overall adiposity and body fat distribution. ; A full list of acknowledgments appears in the Supplementary Note 4. Co-author A.J.M.d.C. recently passed away while this work was in process. This work was performed under the auspices of the Genetic Investigation of ANthropometric Traits (GIANT) consortium. We acknowledge the Cohorts for Heart and Aging Research in Genomic Epidemiology (CHARGE) Consortium for encouraging CHARGE studies to participate in this effort and for the contributions of CHARGE members to the analyses conducted for this research. Funding for this study was provided by the Aase and Ejner Danielsens Foundation; Academy of Finland (41071, 77299, 102318, 110413, 117787, 121584, 123885, 124243, 124282, 126925, 129378, 134309, 286284); Accare Center for Child and Adolescent Psychiatry; Action on Hearing Loss (G51); Agence Nationale de la 359 Recherche; Agency for Health Care Policy Research (HS06516); ALF/LUA research grant in Gothenburg; ALFEDIAM; ALK-Abelló A/S; Althingi; American Heart Association (13POST16500011); Amgen; Andrea and Charles Bronfman Philanthropies; Ardix Medical; Arthritis Research UK; Association Diabète Risque Vasculaire; Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (241944, 339462, 389875, 389891, 389892, 389927, 389938, 442915, 442981, 496739, 552485, 552498); Avera Institute; Bayer Diagnostics; Becton Dickinson; BHF (RG/14/5/30893); Boston Obesity Nutrition Research Center (DK46200), Bristol-Myers Squibb; British Heart Foundation (RG/10/12/28456, RG2008/08, RG2008/014, SP/04/002); Medical Research Council of Canada; Canadian Institutes for Health Research (FRCN-CCT-83028); Cancer Research UK; Cardionics; Cavadis B.V., Center for Medical Systems Biology; Center of Excellence in Genomics; CFI; CIHR; City of Kuopio; CNAMTS; Cohortes Santé TGIR; Contrat de Projets État-Région; Croatian Science Foundation (8875); Danish Agency for Science, Technology and Innovation; Danish Council for Independent Research (DFF-1333-00124, DFF-1331-00730B); County Council of Dalarna; Dalarna University; Danish Council for Strategic Research; Danish Diabetes Academy; Danish Medical Research Council; Department of Health, UK; Development Fund from the University of Tartu (SP1GVARENG); Diabetes Hilfs- und Forschungsfonds Deutschland; Diabetes UK; Diabetes Research and Wellness Foundation Fellowship; Donald W. Reynolds Foundation; Dr Robert Pfleger-Stiftung; Dutch Brain Foundation; Dutch Diabetes Research Foundation; Dutch Inter University Cardiology Institute; Dutch Kidney Foundation (E033); Dutch Ministry of Justice; the DynaHEALTH action No. 633595, Economic Structure Enhancing Fund of the Dutch Government; Else Kröner-Fresenius-Stiftung (2012_A147, P48/08//A11/08); Emil Aaltonen Foundation; Erasmus University Medical Center Rotterdam; Erasmus MC and Erasmus University Rotterdam; the Municipality of Rotterdam; Estonian Government (IUT20-60, IUT24-6); Estonian Research Roadmap through the Estonian Ministry of Education and Research (3.2.0304.11-0312); European Research Council (ERC Starting Grant and 323195:SZ-245 50371-GLUCOSEGENES-FP7-IDEAS-ERC); European Regional Development Fund; European Science Foundation (EU/QLRT-2001-01254); European Commission (018947, 018996, 201668, 223004, 230374, 279143, 284167, 305739, BBMRI-LPC-313010, HEALTH-2011.2.4.2-2-EU-MASCARA, HEALTH-2011-278913, HEALTH-2011-294713-EPLORE, HEALTH-F2-2008-201865-GEFOS, HEALTH-F2-2013-601456, HEALTH-F4-2007-201413, HEALTH-F4-2007-201550-HYPERGENES, HEALTH-F7-305507 HOMAGE, IMI/115006, LSHG-CT-2006-018947, LSHG-CT-2006-01947, LSHM-CT-2004-005272, LSHM-CT-2006-037697, LSHM-CT-2007-037273, QLG1-CT-2002-00896, QLG2-CT-2002-01254); Faculty of Biology and Medicine of Lausanne; Federal Ministry of Education and Research (01ZZ0103, 01ZZ0403, 01ZZ9603, 03IS2061A, 03ZIK012); Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania; Fédération Française de Cardiologie; Finnish Cultural Foundation; Finnish Diabetes Association; Finnish Foundation of Cardiovascular Research; Finnish Heart Association; Fondation Leducq; Food Standards Agency; Foundation for Strategic Research; French Ministry of Research; FRSQ; Genetic Association Information Network (GAIN) of the Foundation for the NIH; German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (BMBF, 01ER1206, 01ER1507); GlaxoSmithKline; Greek General Secretary of Research and Technology; Göteborg Medical Society; Health and Safety Executive; Healthcare NHS Trust; Healthway; Western Australia; Heart Foundation of Northern Sweden; Helmholtz Zentrum München—German Research Center for Environmental Health; Hjartavernd; Ingrid Thurings Foundation; INSERM; InterOmics (PB05 MIUR-CNR); INTERREG IV Oberrhein Program (A28); Interuniversity Cardiology Institute of the Netherlands (ICIN, 09.001); Italian Ministry of Health (ICS110.1/RF97.71); Italian Ministry of Economy and Finance (FaReBio di Qualità); Marianne and Marcus Wallenberg Foundation; the Ministry of Health, Welfare and Sports, the Netherlands; J.D.E. and Catherine T, MacArthur Foundation Research Networks on Successful Midlife Development and Socioeconomic Status and Health; Juho Vainio Foundation; Juvenile Diabetes Research Foundation International; KfH Stiftung Präventivmedizin e.V.; King's College London; Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation; Kuopio University Hospital; Kuopio, Tampere and Turku University Hospital Medical Funds (X51001); La Fondation de France; Leenaards Foundation; Lilly; LMUinnovativ; Lundberg Foundation; Magnus Bergvall Foundation; MDEIE; Medical Research Council UK (G0000934, G0601966, G0700931, MC_U106179471, MC_UU_12019/1); MEKOS Laboratories; Merck Santé; Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, The Netherlands; Ministry of Cultural Affairs of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania; Ministry of Economic Affairs, The Netherlands; Ministry of Education and Culture of Finland (627;2004-2011); Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, The Netherlands; Ministry of Science, Education and Sport in the Republic of Croatia (108-1080315-0302); MRC centre for Causal Analyses in Translational Epidemiology; MRC Human Genetics Unit; MRC-GlaxoSmithKline pilot programme (G0701863); MSD Stipend Diabetes; National Institute for Health Research; Netherlands Brain Foundation (F2013(1)-28); Netherlands CardioVascular Research Initiative (CVON2011-19); Netherlands Genomics Initiative (050-060-810); Netherlands Heart Foundation (2001 D 032, NHS2010B280); Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) and Netherlands Organisation for Health Research and Development (ZonMW) (56-464-14192, 60-60600-97-118, 100-001-004, 261-98-710, 400-05-717, 480-04-004, 480-05-003, 481-08-013, 904-61-090, 904-61-193, 911-11-025, 985-10-002, Addiction-31160008, BBMRI–NL 184.021.007, GB-MaGW 452-04-314, GB-MaGW 452-06-004, GB-MaGW 480-01-006, GB-MaGW 480-07-001, GB-MW 940-38-011, Middelgroot-911-09-032, NBIC/BioAssist/RK 2008.024, Spinozapremie 175.010.2003.005, 175.010.2007.006); Neuroscience Campus Amsterdam; NHS Foundation Trust; National Institutes of Health (1RC2MH089951, 1Z01HG000024, 24152, 263MD9164, 263MD821336, 2R01LM010098, 32100-2, 32122, 32108, 5K99HL130580-02, AA07535, AA10248, AA11998, AA13320, AA13321, AA13326, AA14041, AA17688, AG13196, CA047988, DA12854, DK56350, DK063491, DK078150, DK091718, DK100383, DK078616, ES10126, HG004790, HHSN268200625226C, HHSN268200800007C, HHSN268201200036C, HHSN268201500001I, HHSN268201100046C, HHSN268201100001C, HHSN268201100002C, HHSN268201100003C, HHSN268201100004C, HHSN271201100004C, HL043851, HL45670, HL080467, HL085144, HL087660, HL054457, HL119443, HL118305, HL071981, HL034594, HL126024, HL130114, KL2TR001109, MH66206, MH081802, N01AG12100, N01HC55015, N01HC55016, N01C55018, N01HC55019, N01HC55020, N01HC55021, N01HC55022, N01HC85079, N01HC85080, N01HC85081, N01HC85082, N01HC85083, N01HC85086, N01HC95159, N01HC95160, N01HC95161, N01HC95162, N01HC95163, N01HC95164, N01HC95165, N01HC95166, N01HC95167, N01HC95168, N01HC95169, N01HG65403, N01WH22110, N02HL6‐4278, N01-HC-25195, P01CA33619, R01HD057194, R01HD057194, R01AG023629, R01CA63, R01D004215701A, R01DK075787, R01DK062370, R01DK072193, R01DK075787, R01DK089256, R01HL53353, R01HL59367, R01HL086694, R01HL087641, R01HL087652, R01HL103612, R01HL105756, R01HL117078, R01HL120393, R03 AG046389, R37CA54281, RC2AG036495, RC4AG039029, RPPG040710371, RR20649, TW008288, TW05596, U01AG009740, U01CA98758, U01CA136792, U01DK062418, U01HG004402, U01HG004802, U01HG007376, U01HL080295, UL1RR025005, UL1TR000040, UL1TR000124, UL1TR001079, 2T32HL007055-36, T32GM074905, HG002651, HL084729, N01-HC-25195, UM1CA182913); NIH, National Institute on Aging (Intramural funding, NO1-AG-1-2109); Northern Netherlands Collaboration of Provinces; Novartis Pharma; Novo Nordisk; Novo Nordisk Foundation; Nutricia Research Foundation (2016-T1); ONIVINS; Parnassia Bavo group; Pierre Fabre; Province of Groningen; Päivikki and Sakari Sohlberg Foundation; Påhlssons Foundation; Paavo Nurmi Foundation; Radboud Medical Center Nijmegen; Research Centre for Prevention and Health, the Capital Region of Denmark; the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly; Research into Ageing; Robert Dawson Evans Endowment of the Department of Medicine at Boston University School of Medicine and Boston Medical Center; Roche; Royal Society; Russian Foundation for Basic Research (NWO-RFBR 047.017.043); Rutgers University Cell and DNA Repository (NIMH U24 MH068457-06); Sanofi-Aventis; Scottish Government Health Directorates, Chief Scientist Office (CZD/16/6); Siemens Healthcare; Social Insurance Institution of Finland (4/26/2010); Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg-West Pomerania; Société Francophone du 358 Diabète; State of Bavaria; Stiftelsen för Gamla Tjänarinnor; Stockholm County Council (560183, 592229); Strategic Cardiovascular and Diabetes Programmes of Karolinska Institutet and Stockholm County Council; Stroke Association; Swedish Diabetes Association; Swedish Diabetes Foundation (2013-024); Swedish Foundation for Strategic Research; Swedish Heart-Lung Foundation (20120197, 20150711); Swedish Research Council (0593, 8691, 2012-1397, 2012-1727, and 2012-2215); Swedish Society for Medical Research; Swiss Institute of Bioinformatics; Swiss National Science Foundation (3100AO-116323/1, 31003A-143914, 33CSCO-122661, 33CS30-139468, 33CS30-148401, 51RTP0_151019); Tampere Tuberculosis Foundation; Technology Foundation STW (11679); The Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek Vlaanderen, Ministry of the Flemish Community (G.0880.13, G.0881.13); The Great Wine Estates of the Margaret River Region of Western Australia; Timber Merchant Vilhelm Bangs Foundation; Topcon; Tore Nilsson Foundation; Torsten and Ragnar Söderberg's Foundation; United States – Israel Binational Science Foundation (Grant 2011036), Umeå University; University Hospital of Regensburg; University of Groningen; University Medical Center Groningen; University of Michigan; University of Utrecht; Uppsala Multidisciplinary Center for Advanced Computational Science (UPPMAX) (b2011036); Velux Foundation; VU University's Institute for Health and Care Research; Västra Götaland Foundation; Wellcome Trust (068545, 076113, 079895, 084723, 088869, WT064890, WT086596, WT098017, WT090532, WT098051, 098381); Wissenschaftsoffensive TMO; Yrjö Jahnsson Foundation; and Åke Wiberg Foundation. The views expressed in this manuscript are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI); the National Institutes of Health (NIH); or the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. ; Peer Reviewed
This article analyzes the use of biographical method for studying Ukrainian on participation in the migratory processes shaping ethnic population Budjak, cultural and social characteristics, rites Danubian immigrants. Investigation of the formation of the ethnic composition of Budjak where Ukrainian took an active part, requires the use of different methods and biographical one of them. The significance of this method increases significantly in the absence or small number of sources and then biographical evidence substantially complementary understanding of the historical processes, including on ethnic processes in that region. Biographical method is interesting for us in terms of its use in ethnology. On the Historical Faculty of Odessa I. I. Mechnikov National University it successfully used the famous explorer Ukrainian Cossacks Professor of History of Ukraine A. D. Bachyns'kyi (1933–1995). In the military, social and economic issues, Anatolyi Diomydovych paid attention to sources of replenishment of the Cossacks. Noting the multinational composition of the Cossacks, he noted that his national content determined by various Ukrainian regions, argued their findings based on a wide range of materials, giving priority to archival sources, and using its own methodology of historical research developed on biographical material. A. D. Bachyns'kyi biographical method primarily used to detect the presence of Ukrainian Budjak. It is known that the Census 1897 issue of ethnic identity is not related to the priorities as ascertain the proportion of different ethnic groups. However, recognizing the potential of these sources, historians pointed to them, to some extent, subjective, and the need comparison with other types of information sources. In the second half of the nineteenth century was a common practice to mark umbrella Eastern Slavic population of the region called "russkiye." Therefore, identification of the Ukrainian and Russian in Budjak was made for further research rather complex problem that is solved A. D. Bachyns'kyi tracked through the biography of immigrants of different backgrounds. Not always they contain information about ethnicity, but information, such as name, place of birth is likely to indicate precisely the origin and belong to a certain ethnic group, in this context, to Ukrainian. For example publications are quarantine certificates Danubian Cossacks. Also, researchers will describe the property, which arrived immigrants. Equally important was the use of biographical method for determining the time of appearance in the Ukrainian region clarifies the dynamics of immigrants especially in the early stages of migration. Upon learning a large amount of archival sources, A. D. Bachyns'kyi introduced to the scientific biography, which proved not only very presence in some areas, but significantly complement the chronology of Ukrainian settlement southwestern part of the desert. It is necessary to note the importance of the release of information about immigrants, because they were carriers of the regional culture. These testimonies illustrate quite specific geographic areas from which the immigrants came. It is important for ethnologists issue is relevant in the context of regional transformation clarify the consequences crops in the Black Sea and Budjak area in particular. One of the least studied is the problem of internal migration and biographical materials Ukrainian substantially complementary understanding, highlight the intensity of the migration process, ways of movement, fix temporary stop immigrants, people reasons to stay in a particular area. Biographies indicate that the intensity of internal migration was high enough. These examples do not determine the level of scale migrations, but confirm the existing practice movements of people on a fairly long distances, short-term or long stay in a particular area. Anatolyi Diomydovych scientifically worked out and introduced into scientific circulation many new archival materials. With the publication of quarantine certificates to learn about traditional Ukrainian family in the early nineteenth century, everyday items and clothing, household employment. It should be noted also that the submitted information is a valuable additional source, particularly for the study of the marriage ceremony as a part of the things described meet the required components of traditional Ukrainian dowry (dowry): chest, towels, shirts, and more. Among the things written icon married immigrants (most likely – Wedding). Note that among widowers and unmarried described things not meet towels and chest. Names clothes indicate the process of acculturation, which is reflected in particular in borrowing Turkish Ukrainian ranks. Using biographical sources have allowed scientists to examine not only the history of the Danubian Cossacks, but also provide valuable information domestic nature, personalize the process of settlement and resettlement. Biographical method in the scientific heritage of scientist shows promise in its use of Ethnology, particularly in the early stage of research on Ukrainian settlement Budjak region, places of exit immigrants, problems of internal migration patterns of peasant families, household life, ceremonies, including the wedding. ; Статья посвящена анализу использования биографического метода для изучения вопросов участия украин- цев в миграционных процессах, в формировании этнического состава населения Буджака, культурно-бытовых особенностей, обрядовости задунайских переселенцев. ; Статтю присвячено аналізу використання біографічного методу для вивчення пи- тань участі українців в міграційних процесах, формуванні етнічного населення Буджака, культурно-побутових особливостей, обрядовості задунайських переселенців. Дослідження процесів формування етнічного складу населення Буджака, в яких украї- нці брали активну участь, потребує використання різноманітних методів і біографіч- ний є одним із них. Він передбачає вивчення історії життя особистості (життєвого шляху), автобіографій та ініційованих автобіографічних описів, сповідей, біографічних продуктів діяльності особистості, свідчень очевидців і близького оточення особисто- сті – спогадів сучасників, опитувань близьких тощо.
With over 3,260 kilometers of coastal line and 112 estuaries, 226,000 square kilometers of internal waters and territorial waters, the exclusive economic zone of more than 1 million square kilometers, and more than 4,000 islands, forming 12 bays and lagoons with a total area of 1,160 square kilometers, Vietnam has high potentials for aquaculture development. Vietnam's seafood output has been growing steadily in recent years (since 2000 up to 2016) with an average increase of 9% per year. Despite its advantages and positive development trends, Vietnam aquaculture has faced several issues including asymmetric information and high demand for quality products. The main cause of these issues is risks, from production to market risks. This study has explored the main risks faced by the coastal clam farming sector in Thaibinh province located in northern Vietnam. The risks can be classified into two types in term of the nature of their cause: man-made and natural ones, and three types in term of their impact: production, market and financial risks. The causes of these risks include extreme weather events, wasted water flows, production technics; market access or financial capacity. However, man-made risks are more severe and more difficult to cope with than natural ones. These above risks have serious consequences for clam farming. For the three communes examined in this study, less than half of the farmers were yet recovered from the loss caused by several shocks although majority of them had mobilized capital to restart clam farming. About one third of the farmers had to sell their fixed assets to pay debts related to their clam investment, and ten households had left their villages under the pressure of debts. However, in such risky clam farming environments and increased market difficulties, not all farmers were seriously impacted. Indeed, it is surprising that one fifth of the surveyed farmers succeeded in all their clam raising cycles so far, and another quarter remained well resilient after the shocks. Different household risk management strategies applied in clam farming are thus discussed in the comparative analysis and discriminant analysis. In general, the tactics related to increasing farm size, applying technical innovation and accessing financial sources with no or a lower interest rate, provided better conditions for clam growth, reducing clam farming losses. They also facilitated speedier recovery from shocks. There are many internal and external factors in the application of risk management strategies and tactics. Of the internal factors identified, include households' financial capacity and the experiences of the head of households had more impact while the education level and the job of the head of household seemed to have little influence on the choice and application of households' risk management strategies. External factors refer to the policy factors and the knowledge capacity enhancing activities in the clam farmers community. Among these activities, those of "groups for experience sharing" were found to have significantly greater impact than the training courses and activities of farmer's union. Besides, the government had played a role in directing farmers in clam farming practices, but not much in risk management. Given that the tactics addressed the capital issues, land uses, and clam farming techniques had positively contributed to the result of household risk management strategies whilst experience gaining and sharing activities strongly impacted the application of these tactics. The intervention and policies of government in all levels to the farmers should therefore focus more on these issues. It is vital that the government's support policies, extension programs, training courses and farmer's union activities be practically oriented and suit farmers' desires. Furthermore, the addition of policies/interventions in market issues (for both input and output) should be taken into account because those risks were considered as meso level, which farmers cannot solve by themselves and thus definitely need the support from the government, from local to the state level. To support farmers in managing risks, several government interventions are needed: (1) improving the support system to household in clam farming such as increasing farm size, promoting linkages to market and training technic; (2) increasing investment in the treatment of the water management issue and protecting the ecosystem; and (3) promoting participatory policy formulation and its enforcement. ; Avec plus de 3 260 kilomètres de lignes côtières et 112 estuaires, 226 000 km2 d'eaux intérieures et d'eaux territoriales, une zone économique exclusive de plus d'un million de km2, et plus de 4 000 îles formant 12 baies et lagunes d'une superficie totale de 1160 km2, le Vietnam présente un potentiel élevé pour le développement de l'aquaculture. La production de produits de la mer du Vietnam a connu une croissance régulière ces dernières années (de 2000 à 2016) avec une augmentation moyenne de 9% par an. Malgré ses avantages et ses tendances positives en matière de développement, l'aquaculture vietnamienne a été confrontée à plusieurs problèmes, notamment le phénomène d'information asymétrique et une forte demande de produits de qualité. La cause principale de ces problèmes est le risque, encouru de la production au marché. Cette étude a exploré les principaux risques auxquels est confronté le secteur de l'élevage des palourdes côtières dans la province de Thaibinh, située dans le nord du Vietnam. Les risques peuvent être classés en deux types en fonction de la nature de leur cause: ceux d'origine humaine et ceux d'origine naturelle, et en trois types en termes d'impact: le risque de production, le risque de marché et le risque financier. Les causes de ces risques comprennent les phénomènes météorologiques extrêmes, les écoulements d'eau gaspillée, les techniques de production; l'accès au marché ou la capacité financière. Cependant, les risques créés par l'homme sont plus graves et plus difficiles à gérer que les risques naturels. Les risques cités ci-dessus ont de graves conséquences pour l'élevage de palourdes. Pour les trois communes étudiés dans cette étude, moins de la moitié des agriculteurs avaient encore récupéré de la perte, bien que le majorité d'entre eux aient mobilisé des capitaux pour relancer la culture de la palourde. Environ un tiers des agriculteurs ont dû vendre des immobilisations pour rembourser leurs dettes liées à leurs investissements dans les palourdes, et dix ménages ont quitté leur village sous la pression des dettes. Cependant, malgré les risques de production et les difficultés de marché accrues, tous les agriculteurs n'ont pas été sérieusement touchés. En effet, il est surprenant qu'un cinquième des agriculteurs interrogés aient réussi jusqu'à présent tous les cycles de récolte de palourdes, et qu'un autre quart soit resté résilient après les chocs. Différentes stratégies de gestion des risques des ménages appliquées à la culture des palourdes sont donc discutées dans l'analyse comparative et l'analyse discriminante. En général, les tactiques liées à l'augmentation de la taille des exploitations, à l'application de l'innovation technique et à l'accès à des sources de financement avec un taux d'intérêt inférieur nul ou faible ont permis de produire des palourdes dans de meilleures conditions réduisant les pertes d'exploitation. Elles ont également facilité une récupération plus rapide des chocs. Il existe de nombreux facteurs internes et externes influant l'application des stratégies et des tactiques de gestion des risques. Parmi les facteurs internes identifiés, on note que la capacité financière des ménages et l'expérience du chef de ménage ont eu le plus d'impact alors que le niveau d'éducation et le travail du chef de ménage semblaient avoir peu d'influence sur le choix et l'application des stratégies de gestion des risques des ménages. Les facteurs externes se rapportent aux facteurs politiques et aux activités de renforcement des capacités de connaissance dans la communauté des producteurs de palourdes. Parmi ces activités, celles des «groupes de partage d'expériences» se sont révélées avoir un impact beaucoup plus important que les cours de formation et les activités du syndicat des agriculteurs. En outre, le gouvernement a joué un rôle en dirigeant les agriculteurs dans les pratiques d'élevage de palourdes, mais pas beaucoup dans la gestion des risques. Étant donné que les tactiques concernent les problèmes de capital, les techniques d'utilisation des terres et d'élevage des palourdes ont contribué de manière positive au résultat des stratégies de gestion des risques des ménages. Alors que l'expérience acquise et les activités partagées ont fortement influencé l'application de ces tactiques. L'intervention et les politiques du gouvernement à tous les niveaux en faveur des agriculteurs devraient donc se concentrer davantage sur ces questions. Il est essentiel que les politiques d'appui du gouvernement, les programmes de vulgarisation, les cours de formation et les activités syndicales des agriculteurs soient axés sur les besoins pratiques des agriculteurs. En outre, l'ajout de politiques / interventions sur les questions de marché (à la fois pour les intrants et les extrants) devrait être pris en compte car ces risques sont considérés comme de niveau intermédiaire; les agriculteurs ne peuvent y faire face seuls et ont donc besoin du soutien de l'Etat. Pour aider les agriculteurs à gérer les risques, plusieurs interventions gouvernementales sont nécessaires: (1) améliorer le système de soutien aux ménages dans l'élevage de palourdes comme: augmenter la taille des exploitations; promouvoir les liens avec du marché et les formations des techniques, (2) accroître l'investissement dans le traitement de la gestion de l'eau et protéger l'écosystème, et (3) promouvoir la formulation de politiques participatives et leur application.
The possibility of Britain withdrawing from the European Union - a "Brexit" - has been receiving growing attention. Reports have largely focused on what this withdrawal could mean for the United Kingdom; however, there has been little analysis of what it could mean for the rest of the Union, its individual members, wider Europe, and other states around the world such as the United States and Japan. This analysis gathers 26 views from think-tanks, research institutions, and universities from sixteen EU member states, nine non-EU countries, and a view from the EU's institutions in Brussels. Five overall themes emerge from the contributions: 1. Developments in the UK have not passed unnoticed, but there are varying levels of understanding as to what is driving UK behavior as well as a great deal of uncertainty about the potential impact for the EU and the countries covered. While no country seems to be planning actively for a Brexit, many are aware that this step may become necessary because of developments in the UK's domestic debate. 2. Awareness of the UK's position is largely framed by wider concerns facing the EU, especially the euro zone. For many states, the UK is important, and the EU would be a lesser place without it. Yet while the UK's reform agenda does appeal to some states, the real pressure for reform will remain within the euro zone. Reform agendas might happen to overlap with London's, but with the euro zone continuing to move ahead, they might increasingly diverge. Countries within the euro zone, the pre-in countries, and even Denmark with its opt-out have focused on Germany and France for leadership and have tried to secure a place close to euro zone decision-making. London has become a bystander. 3. While there is some support for the UK's positions on EU reform, conceptual clarity and language are crucial. States like the Netherlands and Germany seek better enforcement of the principle of subsidiarity, not repatriation. A multispeed EU is considered a possibility, but not - as the UK might hope - in a pick-and-choose fashion; there is less and less appetite in Brussels for "third ways" like Switzerland. And because many EU members perceive the UK's long-term EU agenda as opaque or unpredictable, they are hesitant to align with London. 4. Countries both inside and outside the EU are clearly concerned about the economic and, to a lesser degree, security consequences of a British exit. Britain's economic approach - especially its free-market, liberal outlook - would be the most noticeable loss. Yet some countries note a growing "mercantilist" attitude in British thinking; its economic connections to some traditionally close countries have been in decline for some time; and some states will seek to exploit economically Britain's marginalization, using this tactic to strengthen their appeal to global investors. In European foreign, security, and defense policies, the UK is not easily replaced, and the EU and Europe's place in the world would lose from a British withdrawal: France would face Germany's "culture of restraint" on external affairs, while for the United States a Brexit would further complicate transatlantic relations by stunting not only its long-sought improvements to the European arm of NATO but also a reduction in Europe's dependence on the United States and efforts to make Europe take on a more global role. Furthermore, outside powers may seek to play on divisions, choosing between bilateral and multilateral relations when necessary. 5. While these economic and security concerns serve to remind other countries of the UK's role in the EU, they do not necessarily generate sympathy for it, but rather exasperation at the country's inability to offer leadership other than "negative leadership." The UK's debate on limiting immigration is seen as a direct attack on the fundamental right of the free movement of people and labor in the single market. EU countries fear the influence of British Euroskeptics on their own domestic debate and are frustrated with London for not successfully confronting the issue at home. In view of previous episodes of UK-EU difficulties, the EU today is much larger and in parts much deeper. Some member states have little if any attachment to the UK. The British government's rapprochement with Germany while neglecting, and in some areas abusing, relations with former close partners in central and eastern Europe and Scandinavia means it has found itself on the sidelines of EU politics. Some of the UK's criticisms of the EU and proposals for its reform are seen as legitimate. What is not seen as legitimate is advancing these as a purely national interest and using the threat of a Brexit as leverage. London will have to work harder and engage in more effective coalition-building if it wants to succeed in shaping the ongoing debates about EU reform.
The inclusive production of the J/ψ and ψ(2S) charmonium states is studied as a function of centrality in p-Pb collisions at a centre-of-mass energy per nucleon pair √sNN = 8.16 TeV at the LHC. The measurement is performed in the dimuon decay channel with the ALICE apparatus in the centre-of-mass rapidity intervals −4.46 < ycms < −2.96 (Pb-going direction) and 2.03 < ycms < 3.53 (p-going direction), down to zero transverse momentum (pT). The J/ψ and ψ(2S) production cross sections are evaluated as a function of the collision centrality, estimated through the energy deposited in the zero degree calorimeter located in the Pb-going direction. The pT-differential J/ψ production cross section is measured at backward and forward rapidity for several centrality classes, together with the corresponding average ⟨pT⟩ and ⟨pT^2⟩ values. The nuclear effects affecting the production of both charmonium states are studied using the nuclear modification factor. In the p-going direction, a suppression of the production of both charmonium states is observed, which seems to increase from peripheral to central collisions. In the Pb-going direction, however, the centrality dependence is different for the two states: the nuclear modification factor of the J/ψ increases from below unity in peripheral collisions to above unity in central collisions, while for the ψ(2S) it stays below or consistent with unity for all centralities with no significant centrality dependence. The results are compared with measurements in p-Pb collisions at √sNN = 5.02 TeV and no significant dependence on the energy of the collision is observed. Finally, the results are compared with theoretical models implementing various nuclear matter effects. ; A.I. Alikhanyan National Science Laboratory (Yerevan Physics Insti- tute) Foundation (ANSL), State Committee of Science and World Federation of Scientists (WFS), Armenia; Austrian Academy of Sciences, Austrian Science Fund (FWF): [M 2467- N36] and Nationalstiftung für Forschung, Technologie und Entwicklung, Austria; Ministry of Communications and High Technologies, National Nuclear Research Center, Azerbaijan; Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq), Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos (Finep), Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) and Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), Brazil; Ministry of Education of China (MOEC), Ministry of Science & Technology of China (MSTC) and National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC), China; Ministry of Science and Education and Croatian Science Foundation, Croatia; Centro de Aplicaciones Tecnológi- cas y Desarrollo Nuclear (CEADEN), Cubaenergía, Cuba; Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports of the Czech Republic, Czech Republic; The Danish Council for Independent Research | Natural Sciences, the VILLUM FONDEN and Danish National Research Foun- dation (DNRF), Denmark; Helsinki Institute of Physics (HIP), Finland; Commissariat à l'Energie Atomique (CEA) and Institut National de Physique Nucléaire et de Physique des Particules (IN2P3) and Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), France; Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF) and GSI Helmholtzzentrum für Schwerionenforschung GmbH, Germany; General Secretariat for Research and Technol- ogy, Ministry of Education, Research and Religions, Greece; National Research, Develop- ment and Innovation Office, Hungary; Department of Atomic Energy Government of India (DAE), Department of Science and Technology, Government of India (DST), University Grants Commission, Government of India (UGC) and Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), India; Indonesian Institute of Science, Indonesia; Centro Fermi — MuseoStorico della Fisica e Centro Studi e Ricerche Enrico Fermi and Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN), Italy; Institute for Innovative Science and Technology, Nagasaki Insti- tute of Applied Science (IIST), Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) and Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) KAK- ENHI, Japan; Consejo Nacional de Ciencia (CONACYT) y Tecnología, through Fondo de Cooperación Internacional en Ciencia y Tecnología (FONCICYT) and Dirección Gen- eral de Asuntos del Personal Academico (DGAPA), Mexico; Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO), Netherlands; The Research Council of Norway, Nor- way; Commission on Science and Technology for Sustainable Development in the South (COMSATS), Pakistan; Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Peru; Ministry of Sci- ence and Higher Education, National Science Centre and WUT ID-UB, Poland; Korea Institute of Science and Technology Information and National Research Foundation of Ko- rea (NRF), Republic of Korea; Ministry of Education and Scientific Research, Institute of Atomic Physics and Ministry of Research and Innovation and Institute of Atomic Physics, Romania; Joint Institute for Nuclear Research (JINR), Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation, National Research Centre Kurchatov Institute, Russian Science Foundation and Russian Foundation for Basic Research, Russia; Ministry of Education, Science, Research and Sport of the Slovak Republic, Slovakia; National Research Foun- dation of South Africa, South Africa; Swedish Research Council (VR) and Knut & Alice Wallenberg Foundation (KAW), Sweden; European Organization for Nuclear Research, Switzerland; Suranaree University of Technology (SUT), National Science and Technology Development Agency (NSDTA) and Office of the Higher Education Commission under NRU project of Thailand, Thailand; Turkish Atomic Energy Agency (TAEK), Turkey; Na- tional Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Ukraine; Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC), United Kingdom; National Science Foundation of the United States of America (NSF) and United States Department of Energy, Office of Nuclear Physics (DOE NP), United States of America.
Austrian Federal Ministry of Science, Research and Economy ; Austrian Science Fund ; Belgian Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique ; Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek ; Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) ; Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) ; Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (FAPERJ) ; Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) ; Bulgarian Ministry of Education and Science ; CERN ; Chinese Academy of Sciences, Ministry of Science and Technology ; National Natural Science Foundation of China ; Colombian Funding Agency (COLCIENCIAS) ; Croatian Ministry of Science, Education and Sport ; Croatian Science Foundation ; Research Promotion Foundation, Cyprus ; Secretariat for Higher Education, Science, Technology and Innovation, Ecuador ; Ministry of Education and Research, Estonian Research Council ; European Regional Development Fund, Estonia ; Academy of Finland ; Finnish Ministry of Education and Culture ; Helsinki Institute of Physics ; Institut National de Physique Nucleaire et de Physique des Particules / CNRS, France ; Commissariat a l'Energie Atomique et aux Energies Alternatives / CEA, France ; Bundesministerium fur Bildung und Forschung, Germany ; Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, Germany ; Helmholtz-Gemeinschaft Deutscher Forschungszentren, Germany ; General Secretariat for Research and Technology, Greece ; National Scientific Research Foundation, and National Innovation Office, Hungary ; Department of Atomic Energy, India ; Department of Science and Technology, India ; Institute for Studies in Theoretical Physics and Mathematics, Iran ; Science Foundation, Ireland; the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare, Italy ; Ministry of Science, ICT and Future Planning, and National Research Foundation (NRF), Republic of Korea ; Lithuanian Academy of Sciences ; Ministry of Education, (Malaysia) ; University of Malaya (Malaysia) ; Mexican Funding Agency (BUAP) ; Mexican Funding Agency (CINVESTAV) ; Mexican Funding Agency (CONACYT) ; Mexican Funding Agency (LNS) ; Mexican Funding Agency (SEP) ; Mexican Funding Agency (UASLP-FAI) ; Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment, New Zealand ; Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission ; Ministry of Science and Higher Education, Poland ; National Science Centre, Poland ; Fundacao para a Ciencia e a Tecnologia, Portugal ; JINR, Dubna ; Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation ; Federal Agency of Atomic Energy of the Russian Federation ; Russian Academy of Sciences ; Russian Foundation for Basic Research ; Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of Serbia ; Secretaria de Estado de Investigacion, Desarrollo e Innovacion and Programa Consolider-Ingenio, Spain ; Swiss Funding Agency (ETH Board) ; Swiss Funding Agency (ETH) ; Swiss Funding Agency (Zurich) ; Swiss Funding Agency (PSI) ; Swiss Funding Agency (SNF) ; Swiss Funding Agency (UniZH) ; Swiss Funding Agency (Canton Zurich) ; Swiss Funding Agency (SER) ; Ministry of Science and Technology, Taipei ; Thailand Center of Excellence in Physics ; Institute for the Promotion of Teaching Science and Technology of Thailand ; Special Task Force for Activating Research ; National Science and Technology Development Agency of Thailand ; Scientific and Technical Research Council of Turkey ; Turkish Atomic Energy Authority ; National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine ; State Fund for Fundamental Researches, Ukraine ; Science and Technology Facilities Council, UK ; US Department of Energy ; US National Science Foundation ; Marie-Curie programme ; European Research Council ; EPLANET( European Union) ; Leventis Foundation ; A.P. Sloan Foundation ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Belgian Federal Science Policy Office ; Fonds pour la Formation a la Recherche dans l'Industrie et dans l'Agriculture (FRIA-Belgium) ; Agentschap voor Innovatie door Wetenschap en Technologie (IWT-Belgium) ; Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports (MEYS) of the Czech Republic ; Council of Science and Industrial Research, India ; HOMING PLUS programme of the Foundation for Polish Science ; European Union, Regional Development Fund ; Mobility Plus programme of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education ; National Science Center (Poland) ; Thalis programme ; Aristeia programme ; EUESF ; Greek NSRF ; National Priorities Research Program by Qatar National Research Fund ; Programa Clarin-COFUND del Principado de Asturias ; Rachadapisek Sompot Fund for Postdoctoral Fellowship ; Chulalongkorn University ; Chulalongkorn Academic into Its 2nd Century Project Advancement Project (Thailand) ; Welch Foundation ; Ministry of Education and Research, Estonian Research Council: IUT23-4 ; Ministry of Education and Research, Estonian Research Council: IUT23-6 ; National Science Center (Poland): Harmonia 2014/14/M/ST2/00428 ; National Science Center (Poland): Opus 2013/11/B/ST2/04202 ; National Science Center (Poland): 2014/13/B/ST2/02543 ; National Science Center (Poland): 2014/15/B/ST2/03998 ; National Science Center (Poland): Sonata-bis 2012/07/E/ST2/01406 ; Welch Foundation: C-1845 ; Results are reported from a search for physics beyond the standard model in final states with at least three charged leptons, in any combination of electrons or muons. The data sample corresponds to an integrated luminosity of 2.3 fb(-1) of proton-proton collisions at root s = 13 TeV, recorded by the CMS experiment at the LHC in 2015. Two jets are required in each event, providing good sensitivity to strong production of gluinos and squarks. The search regions, sensitive to a range of different new physics scenarios, are defined using the number of jets tagged as originating from bottom quarks, the sum of the magnitudes of the transverse momenta of the jets, the imbalance in the overall transverse momentum in the event, and the invariant mass of opposite-sign, same-flavor lepton pairs. The event yields observed in data are consistent with the expected background contributions from standard model processes. These results are used to derive limits in terms of R-parity conserving simplified models of supersymmetry that describe strong production of gluinos and squarks. Model-independent limits are presented to facilitate the reinterpretation of the results in a broad range of scenarios for physics beyond the standard model.
It is a common perception that 20 years after fall of communism, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CCEE), even though they have joined the EU, belong to the group of the post-communist countries. Post-communism is defined as the period of transition to democracy in the former communist countries after the fall of communism. This period is characterized by a significant difference in the quality of democracy between the country in transition and mature Western democracies. Yet is it correct to assert that 20 years after fall of communism the communist past constitutes the most important factor determining the status of democracy of the CCEE, which have already joined the EU? Is it correct to assert that the CCEE are still in transition? On the other hand, 20 years is quite a long time. One can ask, is it justified to call "transition" a period, which lasts so long? If the significant differences in the quality of democracy between the CCEE, the former communist countries, and the mature Western democracies persist, it would be reasonable to assert that in the CCEE democracy of a distinctive nature has been emerged. This means that there are significant differences in civilization and culture that prevail between the CCEE and mature Western democracies. When analyzing the CCEE, known Western political and economic development models could not be fully applied. This article analyses whether a clear distinction in the quality of democracy between the CCEE, which are new member states of the EU, and the old member states, could still be made. The starting point of the research has been the acceptance that the group of old member states of the EU is not homogeneous with respect to the quality of democracy. The analysis has been conducted by comparison of the democracy indicators of the CCEE (Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia), the countries of Southern Europe (Greece, Portugal, Spain) and the Nordic countries (Denmark, Finland, Sweden). The countries of Southern Europe and the Nordic countries are the old members of the EU. The comparison has been made in five different areas, using five sets of indicators, which are usually related to the quality of democracy: (1) the Economist Intelligence Unit's Index of Democracy, (2) voter turnout in national and EU parliamentary elections, (3) citizen satisfaction with the way democracy works, (4) the Worldwide Governance Indicators (Voice and Accountability, Rule of Law), (5) freedom of the press. The research has revealed that scores of democracy indicators of the CCEE and the countries of Southern Europe do not differ significantly. In some cases, the scores of the group of the CCEE correspond to the better quality of democracy. The scores of the democracy indicators of individual countries of the two groups overlap in most cases. However, the analysis has exhibited a considerable difference in the scores of democracy indicators between the countries of Southern Europe and Nordic countries, although the countries of these two groups belong to the group of the old member states of the EU. Thus, the difference in the scores of democracy indicators inside the group of the old member states of the EU is bigger than the difference between the CCEE and the countries of Southern Europe. The research has found that a clear distinction in the quality of democracy between the CCEE, which are the new member states of the EU, and the old member states, does not exist. With regard to the quality of democracy, there is no reason to distinguish the CCEE as a separate group with a different civilizational and cultural nature, because the scores of the democracy indicators of the CCEE and some old member states of the EU overlap. The fast transition of the period, which is called "post-communism", has ended, and separate states have different systems of government. The communist past is still an important factor, but only as one among many other factors, which impact on the development of the countries. The communist past is not a fatalistic imprint. Twenty years after fall of communism, the responsibility falls on the decision-making institutions of the countries. The criteria of democracy, which are applied to the countries of mature Western democracies, have to be applied to the CCEE without any exceptions. ; Praėjus dvidešimt metų po komunizmo žlugimo Vidurio ir Rytų Europos (VRE) valstybės, tapusios ES narėmis, neretai vis dar priskiriamos pokomunistinių valstybių grupei. Straipsnyje analizuojama, ar, vertinant demokratijos kokybę, vis dar esama aiškios ribos tarp VRE valstybių – naujųjų ES narių, ir ES senbuvių. Analizė atlikta lyginant Šiaurės Europos valstybių, Pietų Europos valstybių ir VRE valstybių demokratijos kokybės rodiklius. Tyrimas atskleidė, kad nėra ryškios ribos tarp VRE valstybių ir Pietų Europos valstybių grupių rodiklių. Tačiau Šiaurės Europos valstybių ir Pietų Europos valstybių grupių rodikliai, atitinkantys kokybiškesnės demokratijos kriterijus, gerokai skiriasi ir liudija apie kokybiškesnę demokratiją Šiaurės Europos valstybėse, nors Šiaurės Europos valstybės ir Pietų Europos valstybės priskiriamos vienai, senųjų ES narių, grupei. Taigi demokratijos kokybės skirtumai ES senbuvių grupės viduje yra didesni, nei VRE valstybių ir Pietų Europos valstybių skirtumai. Tai reiškia, kad demokratijos kriterijai, taikomi brandžios demokratijos Vakarų valstybėms, turi būti be išlygų pritaikyti ir VRE valstybėms, kurioms tenka atsakomybė už priimamus sprendimus įtvirtinant demokratiją.
"Lenguaje Desde y Para la diversidad" es una propuesta que nace con el fin de construir en conjunto con un grupo de madres comunitarias encargadas de un conglomerado de niños y niñas de primera infancia, que hacen parte del proyecto "Educación Inicial Saludable, Inclusiva y Diversa en el Sector El Codito, Cerros Orientales de la UPZ 9 (Verbenal), Localidad de Usaquén", estrategias y herramientas comunicativas y de aprendizaje adecuadas para la implementación de actividades lúdico-prácticas con temática de diversidad. Lo anterior se trabaja desde la identificación de la importancia de la diversidad en el desarrollo social de las comunidades y cómo afecta los escenarios de cultura, educación, salud, política, entre otros, que se consideran indispensables para vivir en sociedad, además de profundizar en temáticas como el lenguaje, el desarrollo del lenguaje y la comunicación, las cuales serán las herramientas y estrategias que se pretenden co- construir en las madres comunitarias para que logren cumplir con los objetivos propuestos. Las madres comunitarias al abordar la diversidad desde estrategias y herramientas comunicativas y de aprendizaje, lograron identificarla como un pilar fundamental de la sociedad que debe ser trabajado desde la primera infancia. Además se logra la estructuración de actividades lúdico- prácticas donde se hace uso de elementos claves, que facilitan el desarrollo de las mismas cumpliendo con los objetivos propuestos por la propuesta; así mismo se logra concientizar a las participantes sobre la importancia de la intención y contenido del mensaje en el discurso para generar el cambio que se espera en los niños y niñas de primera infancia. Esta propuesta al encontrarse directamente relacionada con el proyecto se acopla a su metodología, la cual se basa en la investigación acción participativa, lo que significa que las madres comunitarias, como agentes activos desde sus saberes, constructos y conocimientos, generarán y desarrollarán la propuesta, cumpliendo de esta manera con el objetivo de construir actividades lúdico- prácticas, desde el reconocimiento y la utilización de estrategias y herramientas comunicativas adecuadas para la educación de primera infancia con temática de diversidad. Finalmente, las madres comunitarias, además de entender la importancia de la diversidad, reconocieron y co- construyeron habilidades y estrategias que facilitaron la creación, diseño y planeación de actividades lúdico-prácticas que trabajaran con niños y niñas en primera infancia, además de generar un banco de actividades en el cual se evidenció la constancia de las actividades, estrategias y herramientas que pretendieron utilizar al momento de implementar las acciones pertinentes. ; Language From and For Diversity is a proposal that was born in order to build together with a group of community mothers in charge of a conglomerate of early childhood children, who are part of the project Healthy, Inclusive and Diverse in the El Codito Sector, Eastern Hills of the UPZ 9 (Verbenal), Usaquén Town ", communication and learning strategies and tools suitable for the implementation of recreational-practical activities with a diversity theme. The foregoing is worked from the identification of the importance of diversity in the social development of communities and how it affects the settings of culture, education, health, politics, among others, which are considered essential to live in society, in addition to deepening topics such as language, language development and communication, which will be the tools and strategies that are intended to be co-constructed in the community mothers so that they can meet the proposed objectives. Community mothers, when approaching diversity from communication and learning strategies and tools, managed to identify it as a fundamental pillar of society that must be worked on from early childhood. In addition, the structuring of recreational-practical activities is achieved where key elements are used, which facilitate their development, complying with the objectives proposed by the proposal; Likewise, it is possible to make the participants aware of the importance of the intention and content of the message in the speech to generate the change that is expected in early childhood children. This proposal being directly related to the project is coupled with its methodology, which is based on participatory action research, which means that community mothers, as active agents from their knowledge, constructs and knowledge, will generate and develop the proposal, fulfilling in this way with the objective of building playful-practical activities, from the recognition and use of adequate communication strategies and tools for early childhood education with a diversity theme. Finally, the community mothers, in addition to understanding the importance of diversity, recognized and co-built skills and strategies that facilitated the creation, design and planning of recreational-practical activities that worked with children in early childhood, in addition to generating a Bank of activities in which the constancy of the activities, strategies and tools that they intended to use at the time of implementing the pertinent actions was evidenced.
One of the objectives of the Final Peace Agreement in Colombia (2016) was to promote knowledge and skills about the territory, culture, the economic and social context and historical memory through the Chair of Peace. When issues related to historical memory and peace in the school are raised, concern arises about the role of the Military Forces in the chair. The question arises because, to the extent that the Military Forces, at the institutional level, are armed actors and, from the subjectivity of their members, some are victims of the armed conflict, they must also be peace builders and contribute to the Chair of Peace. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to interpret and analyze the perceptions of the Military Forces held in the school about the Chair of Peace through a qualitative approach using the method of content analysis of the participants' speeches in the focus groups (directors, teachers and parents of private and official schools of Cundinamarca, Colombia). The purpose is to generate recommendations for both, the Chair of Peace and the military institution. Among the results of the research, it is found that the perception about the active work of the Military Forces within the teaching-learning processes in the Chair of Peace is that, from the signing of the Final Agreement and the implementation of the lecture, they are rethinking themselves as actors. Not only as guarantors of order but also as peace builders. Also, the new context forces us to resignify the role of the Military Forces as actors for peace. ; Uno de los objetivos del Acuerdo Final de paz de Colombia (2016) fue fomentar conocimientos y competencias sobre el territorio, la cultura, el contexto económico y social y la memoria histórica mediante la Cátedra de Paz. Cuando se plantean los temas relacionados con la memoria histórica y la paz en la escuela, surge la inquietud sobre el papel de las Fuerzas Militares (FFMM) estatales en la cátedra. La pregunta surge porque, en la medida en que las FFMM, en el nivel institucional, son actores armados y, desde la subjetividad de sus miembros, algunos son víctimas del conflicto armado, también deben ser constructores de paz y aportar a la cátedra. Por tanto, el propósito del presente artículo es interpretar y analizar las percepciones que de las FFMM se tienen en la escuela, sobre la Cátedra de Paz, mediante el enfoque cualitativo, utilizando el método de análisis de contenido de los discursos de los participantes en los grupos focales (directivos, docentes y padres de familia de escuelas privadas y oficiales de Cundinamarca, Colombia), con el propósito de generar recomendaciones tanto para la cátedra como para la institución militar. Entre los resultados de la investigación, se encuentra que la percepción sobre la labor de las FFMM dentro de los procesos de enseñanza-aprendizaje en la Cátedra de Paz es que, a partir de la firma del Acuerdo Final y la implementación de la cátedra, se están repensando como actores, no solo como garantes del orden, sino como constructores de paz. Así también que el nuevo contexto obliga a resignificar el papel de las FFMM como actores para la paz. ; Um dos objetivos do acordo final de paz da Colômbia (2016) foi promover conhecimentos e competências sobre território, cultura, contexto econômico e social, e memória histórica mediante a cátedra de paz. Quando os temas relacionados com a memória histórica e a paz foram propostos na academia, surgiu o questionamento sobre o papel das Forças Militares (FMS) estatais na cátedra. A pergunta ocorre porque, à medida que as FMS, no nível institucional, são atores armados e, sob a subjetividade de seus membros, alguns são vítimas do conflito armado, também devem ser construtores de paz e contribuir para a cátedra. Portanto, o objetivo deste artigo é interpretar e analisar as percepções existentes das FMS na academia sobre a cátedra de paz, mediante a abordagem qualitativa, com a utilização do método de análise de conteúdo dos discursos dos participantes nos grupos focais (diretores, docentes e pais de famílias de escolas privadas e oficiais de Cundinamarca, Colômbia), a fim de gerar recomendações tanto para a cátedra quanto para a instituição militar. Entre os resultados da pesquisa, encontra-se a percepção sobre o trabalho ativo das fms dentro dos processos de ensino e aprendizagem na cátedra de paz é que, a partir da firma do acordo final e da implementação da cátedra, estão repensando-se como atores, não somente garantidores da ordem, mas também construtores da paz. Além disso, o novo contexto obriga a ressignificar o papel das FMS como atores para a paz.
Abstract. This article touches upon an urgent problem of our time - gadgetalization and its consequences, which greatly affect the development of children and youth. For example, children in the 21-st century use gadgets such as personal computers and smartphones on a daily basis. Unfortunately, in most cases, the constant usage of these devices negatively affects their psychophysical state. Taking into account that in modern living conditions in all developed countries there is a need to actively use the results of scientific and technological progress, both in everyday life and in professional activity, restricting access to modern gadgets will significantly distort the acception of the conditions of reality of the younger generation. Taking into consideration the impossibility and illogicality of refusing to use the results of scientific and technological progress, it becomes necessary to minimize the negative impact of gadgetalization on the psychophysical state of children and adolescents, in particular, through physical training in schools and colleges. Of particular interest for this study is physical education in educational institutions in China — a country whose representatives regularly occupy leading positions in international sports competitions. The state regulation of sports rehabilitation in China is aimed at creating the necessary conditions for the development of physical education in the country, improving the physical condition of its citizens, raising the level of sports events, ensuring ideological development of society, creating organizational and managerial conditions to strengthen national health. As a result of the study, the features of physical education of young students in China were identified and researched: its goals at the legislative level, strategies for achieving the goals set at the ideological level, the prerequisites and factors of its physical development were tracked. Key words: physical training, physical culture, gadgetalization, studying youth, educational establishment of China. ; Аннотация. В этой статье поднята актуальная проблема современности — гаджетализация и ее последствия, которые в значительной степени влияют на развитие детей и юношества. Подрастающее поколение в ХХІ веке ежедневно используют такие гаджеты, как персональный компьютер и смартфон. К сожалению, в большинстве случаев злоупотребление этими устройствами негативно сказывается на их психофизическом состоянии. Учитывая, что в современных условиях жизни во всех развитых странах существует необходимость активного использования результатов научно-технического прогресса, как в быту, так и в профессиональной деятельности, ограничение доступа к современным гаджетам в значительной степени исказит реальную картину мира подрастающего поколения. Учитывая невозможность и нелогичность отказа от использования плодами НТП, возникает необходимость максимального снижения негативного влияния гаджетализации на психофизическое состояние детей и юношества, в частности посредствам физического воспитания в учебных заведениях. Особый интерес для этого исследования представляет физическое воспитание в учебных заведениях Китая – экономически развитой страны, представители которой регулярно занимают лидирующие места в международных спортивных соревнованиях. Государственное регулирование спортивного оздоровления в Китае нацелено на создание необходимых условий для развития физического воспитания на территории страны, улучшение физического состояния граждан своей страны, повышение уровня спортивно-массовых мероприятий, обеспечение идеологического развития общества, создание организационно-управленческих условий для укрепления здоровья нации. В результате проведенного исследования выявлены и изучены особенности физического воспитания учащейся молодежи в Китае: его цели на законодательном уровне, стратегии достижения поставленных целей – на идеологическом уровне, отслежены предпосылки и факторы его развития. Ключевые слова: физическое воспитание, физическая культура, гаджетализация, учащаяся молодежь, учебные заведения Китая. ; Анотація. У цій статті порушено актуальну проблему сучасності — гаджеталізація та її наслідки, які значною мірою впливають на розвиток дітей та юнацтва. Так, діти у ХХІ столітті щодня використовують такі гаджети, як персональний комп'ютер та смартфон. На жаль, у більшості випадків зловживання застосуванням цих пристроїв негативно позначається на їхньому психофізичному стані. Зважаючи на те, що в сучасних умовах життя в усіх розвинених країнах існує необхідність активного використання результатів науково-технічного прогресу, як у побуті, так і в професійній діяльності, обмеження доступу до сучасних гаджетів значною мірою спотворить реальну картину світу підростаючого покоління. Враховуючи неможливість та нелогічність відмови від користування плодами НТП, виникає необхідність максимального зниження негативного впливу гаджеталізації на психофізичний стан дітей та юнацтва, зокрема, засобами фізичного виховання у навчальних закладах. Особливий інтерес для цього дослідження становить фізичне виховання у навчальних закладах Китаю — економічно розвиненої країни, представники якої регулярно займають лідируючі місця у міжнародних спортивних змаганнях. Державне регулювання спортивного оздоровлення у Китаї націлене на створення необхідних умов для розвитку фізичного виховання на території країни, поліпшення фізичного стану громадян своєї країни, підвищення рівня спортивно-масових заходів, забезпечення ідеологічного розвитку суспільства, створенню організаційно-управлінських умов для зміцнення здоров'я нації. В результаті проведеного дослідження виявлено та вивчено особливості фізичного виховання учнівської молоді в Китаї: його цілі на законодавчому рівні, стратегії досягнення поставлених цілей – на ідеологічному рівні, відстежено передумови та фактори його розвитку. Ключові слова: фізичне виховання, фізична культура, гаджеталізація, учнівська молодь, заклади освіти Китаю.
The article analyzes the attitude of the Kharkiv University staff to the problem of higher education Ukrainization, actualized after the February Revolution. It is claimed that it was not significantly different from the position of the other two universities of the Dnieper Ukraine – Kyiv and Novorossiysk (Odessa) and was rather cool. Most professors at first demonstrated their negative attitude towards the Ukrainization of social, political and university life, and eventually became generally supportive of the Ukrainization of the cultural and educational sphere though in every way trying to minimize the Ukrainization measures at the university. While declaratively acknowledging the right of Ukrainians to be educated in their mother tongue, university professors remained largely carriers of Russian or Little Russian identity, Russian culture, and therefore did not consider it possible to sacrifice its stronghold – the university actually remaining such one. The position of the student body is not traced; at least, it did not show any significant activity in this matter. Attention is given to the relevant measures of the then authorities and the position of the local public on the university issue. It is emphasized that not only before the formation of the Ukrainian state, but to a great extent even afterwards such actions were situational, episodic, held at the initiative of individuals, lacking some sound basis, proper corporate, public and state support. The reasons for such a situation are analyzed as well: both national and local characteristics of Kharkiv region and the university (long stay of the region under Bolshevik rule, dominance of pro-Russian elements in local administration, weakness of «Prosvita» etc.). Some positions related to the history of Kharkiv University (regarding the formation of the departments of Ukrainian Studies, teaching in Ukrainian by D. Bagaliy and M. Sumtsov, functioning of the People's University etc.) are revised or clarified. ; В статье анализируется отношение коллектива Харьковского университета к проблеме украинизации высшего образования, актуализированной после Февральской революции. Утверждается, что оно существенно не отличалось от позиции двух других университетов Надднепрянщины – Киевского и Новороссийского (Одесского) и было достаточно прохладным. Большинство профессуры сначала демонстрировало отрицательное отношение к украинизации общественно-политической и университетской жизни, со временем стало в целом поддерживать украинизацию культурно-образовательной сферы, однако всячески пыталось минимизировать украинизационные мероприятия в университете. Декларативно признавая право украинцев на образование на родном языке, университетские профессора преимущественно оставались носителями русской или малороссийской идентичности, русской культуры, поэтому не считали возможным жертвовать ее твердыней, каковой фактически оставался университет. Позиция студенчества не прослеживается; по крайней мере, заметной активности в этом вопросе оно не проявляло. Уделяется внимание соответствующим мерам тогдашней власти и позиции местной общественности в университетском вопросе. Подчеркивается, что не только до образования Украинского государства, а в значительной степени и после этого такие действия были ситуативными, эпизодическими, держались на инициативе отдельных лиц, не имели надежной основы, надлежащей корпоративной, общественной и государственной поддержки. Анализируются причины такого положения – как всеукраинского характера, так и локальные, характерные для Харьковщины и университета (длительное пребывание края под большевистской властью, преобладание пророссийских элементов в местной администрации, слабость «Просвиты» и др.). Ревизуются или уточняются некоторые позиции, связанные с историей Харьковского университета (о создании кафедр украиноведческого цикла, преподавании на украинском языке Д. Багалием и Н. Сумцовым, функционировании народного университета и т. п.). ; У статті аналізується ставлення колективу Харківського університету до проблеми українізації вищої освіти, актуалізованої після Лютневої революції. Стверджується, що воно істотно не відрізнялося від позиції двох інших університетів Наддніпрянщини – Київського та Новоросійського (Одеського) й було достатньо прохолодним. Більшість професури спершу демонструвала негативне ставлення до українізації суспільно-політичного й університетського життя, з часом стала загалом підтримувати українізацію культурно-освітньої сфери, проте всіляко намагалася мінімізувати українізаційні заходи в університеті. Декларативно визнаючи право українців на освіту рідною мовою, університетські професори здебільшого залишалися носіями російської чи малоросійської ідентичності, російської культури, тож не вважали за можливе жертвувати її твердинею, якою фактично залишався університет. Позиція студентства не простежується; принаймні, помітної активності в цьому питанні воно не виявляло. Приділяється увага відповідним заходам тогочасної влади та позиції місцевої громадськості в університетському питанні. Підкреслюється, що не лише до утворення Української держави, а значною мірою й після цього такі дії були ситуативними, епізодичними, трималися на ініціативі окремих осіб, не мали надійної основи, належної корпоративної, громадської та державної підтримки. Аналізуються причини такого становища – як загальноукраїнського характеру, так і локальні, характерні для Харківщини й університету (тривале перебування краю під більшовицькою владою, переважання проросійських елементів у місцевій адміністрації, слабкість «Просвіти» та ін.). Ревізуються чи уточнюються деякі позиції, пов'язані з історією Харківського університету (щодо утворення кафедр українознавчого циклу, викладання українською мовою Д. Багалієм та М. Сумцовим, функціонування народного університету тощо).
The political context of the language policy model of Belgium, which, in connection with the languagepolitical problems that split it from the middle, was forced to conclude an alliance treaty and thus to transform from a unitary state to a federal one. The article states that this step did not add to the Belgian community either peace or peace, a lesson for Ukrainian prorussian politicians who, referring to the language and political experience of this state, are trying to introduce in Ukraine a policy that seems to be completely" "Decentralization, regionalization and federalization, which, in their conviction, will strengthen inter-political and inter-governmental relations in the state and will solve in Ukraine all the language-political problems that also split the country from the inside and outside. The author emphasizes that the constituent part of the political context of the language policy model of Belgium, as well as Ukraine, is the language-political problems that are associated with a third party that interferes in the internal affairs of these states. The author tries to show that the language policy of Belgium, which is an important state of the European Union, is closely linked to the linguistic policies of France and the Netherlands, each of which, unlike the Ukrainian authorities, cares about the development of the native state language not only in its own country, and not only on the eve or during the elections to add a few thousand more votes to victory, but also beyond its borders. However, Ukraine's linguistic policy is closely linked to the language policy of neighboring states such as Russia, Hungary, Romania and Poland, each of which is not at all the language in Ukraine, and which language policy is conducted by the Ukrainian authorities in relation to national minorities and indigenous peoples who live compactly on its territory. In this sense, the researcher tries to prove that the language-political model of Belgium is not suitable for Ukraine, which, in comparison with this state, does not consist of separate regions historically populated by other nations, have their own history of development, language and culture, customs and traditions, which have nothing to do with other regions. The national-democratic political forces of Ukraine, referred to by the researcher, claim that the language and political experience of this state can not be a good example for Ukraine, which does not consist of foreign lands, separate territories, which, with the exception of the Crimea, are populated by the overwhelming majority of Ukrainians. ; Досліджується політологічний контекст моделі мовної політики Бельгії, яка, у зв'язку з мовнополітичними проблемами, що розколювали її з середини, змушена була укласти союзний договір і таким чином перетворитися з унітарної держави на федеративну. У статті констатується, що і такий її крок не додав бельгійській спільноті ні спокою, ні миру, що є уроком для українських проросійськи налаштованих політиків, які, посилаючись на мовно-політичний досвід цієї держави, намагаються запровадити в Україні політику, начебто, зовсім «безобідної» децентралізації, регіоналізації і федералізації, яка, на їх переконання, зміцнить міжполітичні і міжвладні стосунки у державі та вирішить в Україні усі мовно-політичні проблеми, які також розколюють країну з середини і зовні. Автор наголошує, що складовою політологічного контексту моделі мовної політики Бельгії як і України є мовно-політичні проблеми, які пов'язані з третьою стороною, яка втручається у внутрішні справи цих держав. Автор намагається показати, що мовна політика Бельгії, яка є важливою державою Єврососоюзу, тісно пов'язана з мовної політикою Франції і Нідерландів, кожна з яких, на відміну від української влади, піклується про розвиток рідної державної мови не лише у своїй країні і не лише напередодні або під час виборів, щоб додати собі ще кілька тисяч голосів виборців для перемоги, а й за її межами. Утім, мовна політика України тісно пов'язана з мовною політикою таких сусідніх з нею держав як Росія, Угорщина, Румунія і Польща, кожній з яких не всеодно, яка мова в Україні є державною і яку мовну політику проводить українська влада по відношенню до національних меншин та корінних народів, які компактно мешкають на її території. У цьому сенсі дослідник намагається довести, що мовно-політична модель Бельгії не підходить Україні, яка, у порівнянні з цією державою, не складається з окремих регіонів, які історично заселені іншими націями, мають власну історію розвитку, мову і культуру, звичаї і традиції, які не мають нічого спільного з іншими регіонами. Національно-демократичні політичні сили України, на які посилається дослідник, запевняють, що мовно-політичний досвід цієї держави не може бути гарним прикладом для України, яка не складається з чужих земель, окремих територій, які, за винятком АРК, заселені у переважній більшості українцями.
The political context of the language policy model of Belgium, which, in connection with the languagepolitical problems that split it from the middle, was forced to conclude an alliance treaty and thus to transform from a unitary state to a federal one. The article states that this step did not add to the Belgian community either peace or peace, a lesson for Ukrainian prorussian politicians who, referring to the language and political experience of this state, are trying to introduce in Ukraine a policy that seems to be completely" "Decentralization, regionalization and federalization, which, in their conviction, will strengthen inter-political and inter-governmental relations in the state and will solve in Ukraine all the language-political problems that also split the country from the inside and outside. The author emphasizes that the constituent part of the political context of the language policy model of Belgium, as well as Ukraine, is the language-political problems that are associated with a third party that interferes in the internal affairs of these states. The author tries to show that the language policy of Belgium, which is an important state of the European Union, is closely linked to the linguistic policies of France and the Netherlands, each of which, unlike the Ukrainian authorities, cares about the development of the native state language not only in its own country, and not only on the eve or during the elections to add a few thousand more votes to victory, but also beyond its borders. However, Ukraine's linguistic policy is closely linked to the language policy of neighboring states such as Russia, Hungary, Romania and Poland, each of which is not at all the language in Ukraine, and which language policy is conducted by the Ukrainian authorities in relation to national minorities and indigenous peoples who live compactly on its territory. In this sense, the researcher tries to prove that the language-political model of Belgium is not suitable for Ukraine, which, in comparison with this state, does not consist of separate regions historically populated by other nations, have their own history of development, language and culture, customs and traditions, which have nothing to do with other regions. The national-democratic political forces of Ukraine, referred to by the researcher, claim that the language and political experience of this state can not be a good example for Ukraine, which does not consist of foreign lands, separate territories, which, with the exception of the Crimea, are populated by the overwhelming majority of Ukrainians. ; Досліджується політологічний контекст моделі мовної політики Бельгії, яка, у зв'язку з мовнополітичними проблемами, що розколювали її з середини, змушена була укласти союзний договір і таким чином перетворитися з унітарної держави на федеративну. У статті констатується, що і такий її крок не додав бельгійській спільноті ні спокою, ні миру, що є уроком для українських проросійськи налаштованих політиків, які, посилаючись на мовно-політичний досвід цієї держави, намагаються запровадити в Україні політику, начебто, зовсім «безобідної» децентралізації, регіоналізації і федералізації, яка, на їх переконання, зміцнить міжполітичні і міжвладні стосунки у державі та вирішить в Україні усі мовно-політичні проблеми, які також розколюють країну з середини і зовні. Автор наголошує, що складовою політологічного контексту моделі мовної політики Бельгії як і України є мовно-політичні проблеми, які пов'язані з третьою стороною, яка втручається у внутрішні справи цих держав. Автор намагається показати, що мовна політика Бельгії, яка є важливою державою Єврососоюзу, тісно пов'язана з мовної політикою Франції і Нідерландів, кожна з яких, на відміну від української влади, піклується про розвиток рідної державної мови не лише у своїй країні і не лише напередодні або під час виборів, щоб додати собі ще кілька тисяч голосів виборців для перемоги, а й за її межами. Утім, мовна політика України тісно пов'язана з мовною політикою таких сусідніх з нею держав як Росія, Угорщина, Румунія і Польща, кожній з яких не всеодно, яка мова в Україні є державною і яку мовну політику проводить українська влада по відношенню до національних меншин та корінних народів, які компактно мешкають на її території. У цьому сенсі дослідник намагається довести, що мовно-політична модель Бельгії не підходить Україні, яка, у порівнянні з цією державою, не складається з окремих регіонів, які історично заселені іншими націями, мають власну історію розвитку, мову і культуру, звичаї і традиції, які не мають нічого спільного з іншими регіонами. Національно-демократичні політичні сили України, на які посилається дослідник, запевняють, що мовно-політичний досвід цієї держави не може бути гарним прикладом для України, яка не складається з чужих земель, окремих територій, які, за винятком АРК, заселені у переважній більшості українцями.