Suchergebnisse

This book examines the impact of EU membership on the foreign policies of the 12 new member states that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. Among scholars of European politics there is a general consensus that membership in the European Union changes the countries that join. Yet considerable debate remains over what exactly changes, to what extent, how or why these changes happen, and why some countries, policies, and institutions change more than others. Expert contributors examine the impact of EU integration and membership, with chapters on the 12 new EU entrants since 2004: Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Cyprus, Malta, Bulgaria, and Romania. Utilizing a common analytical framework, each of the country case studies examines the impact of EU membership on the foreign policies of the new member states in three key areas: foreign policy making institutions and procedures, interests and preferences, and strategies and actions. The New Member States and the European Union will be of interest to students and scholars of European Studies and European Union Politics.

Those critics who warn of a new German unilateralism have read too much into the Iraq crisis. The core components of Germany's traditional foreign policy conception include a general strategic preference for embedding German foreign policy into multilateral frameworks; the goal of a civilised international order; and a preference for non-military means and strong aversion to the use of military force. German policies regarding the Iraq war may have been at odds with one or more of these core components; however, there were cross-cutting pressures that made it very difficult to be entirely faithful to those traditions. Neither the foreign-policy discourse in Germany with respect to the transatlantic relationship nor actual policies in the wake of the Iraq crisis indicate a profound change in the orientation of German foreign policy. But we can expect the strains of further adjustment and non-adjustment to a changing transatlantic framework.(Survival / SWP)

Front Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. Identity and Myth -- 2. Iranian Political Identity -- 3. American Political Identity -- 4. Myths and Foreign Policy Challenges -- 5. Foreign Policy Challenge: Iran's Nuclear Programme -- 6. Intersection of Interest and Identity in Regional Issues -- 7. Communication and Prospects for Change -- Notes -- Bibliography

In this study, the competition between the U.S. and U.S.S.R. for influence in the Horn of Africa is investigated by identifying and evaluating the foreign policy objectives of the superpowers in the Horn region. From these objectives general conclusions regarding the superpowers' overall foreign policy objectives and their competition for influence in the Third World are reached. Two regional case studies are utilized. The first, Ethiopia-Somalia, focuses on superpower involvement in the Horn during the 1977-1978 Ogaden War. The second focuses on their involvement during the 1979 Yemeni War

1. Western Failure to Predict the 2011 Uprisings/ 19. - 2. The Arab Spring: First Waves/ 35. - 3. Egypt's First Revolution/ 45. - 4. The Arab Spring's Civil Wars/ 55. - 5. The Winds of Uprisings in Arabia/ 71. - 6. US and European Attitudes Toward the Spring/ 81. - 7. Break Down of the Spring/ 97. - 8. Democracy and Secularism can Win/ 115. - 9. The Islamist Lobby War on Middle East Democracy/ 129. - 10. The Weapons of Lawfare and Islamophobia/ 145. - 11. US Policy in the Middle East: General Retreat?/ 163. - 12. Abandoning Middle East Democrats/ 177. - 13. Romney's Alternative View/ 187. - 14. Altnerative Policies Regarding the Middle East/ 195. - Epilogue: The Hot Summer of the Arab Spring/ 213

'Statebuilding ist eine zentrale Aufgabe der internationalen Gemeinschaft am Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts. Die umfangreichsten Statebuilding-Operationen führt die internationale Staatengemeinschaft im Kosovo und in Bosnien, Afghanistan, Liberia, Sierra Leone, der DR Kongo, Timor-Leste und Haiti durch. In den genannten Beispielen greifen die externen Akteure weit in staatliche Souveränitätsrechte ein und erfüllen (zeitweise) staatliche Aufgaben. Sie substituieren die fehlende Staatlichkeit vor Ort mit eigenem Militär-, Polizei- und/ oder Zivilpersonal und übernehmen wichtige Funktionen in den lokalen Institutionen. Diese protektoratsähnlichen Arrangements bergen nicht nur erhebliche Risiken für die externen Akteure, sondern erfordern auch die verlässliche Bereitstellung umfangreicher personeller und finanzieller Ressourcen. Die strategische Herausforderung besteht jedoch darin, vorbeugend zu handeln und den drohenden Zerfall fragiler Staaten zu stoppen. Notwendig ist daher eine breiter angelegte Debatte über internationales Statebuilding. Was unterscheidet Statebuilding von anderen Konzepten? Vor welchen typischen Dilemmata und Schwierigkeiten stehen internationale Statebuilder? Welche Strategien und Ansätze werden international diskutiert und in der Praxis verfolgt? Welche Anforderungen ergeben sich daraus für die deutsche Außenpolitik und insbesondere für den Regierungsapparat, um die eigene Handlungsfähigkeit und Politikformulierung gegenüber fragilen Staaten zu verbessern?' (Autorenreferat)