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In this article, I examine how a select group of English-Canadian social science, humanities, and law academics made significant contributions to Canadian foreign policy and diplomacy during the Second World War. Leaving the confines of their universities to work in wartime Ottawa through a formal secondment process, an influential and yet heretofore unrecognized group of seconded academics became key administrators and diplomats working on behalf of the Canadian state in the sphere of external affairs. Aiding a federal civil service short on administrative talent, seconded academics staffed crucially important posts in the Department of External Affairs, Department of Finance, Wartime Prices and Trade Board, and Wartime Information Board. Although permanent officials handled most issues regarded as first rank, the academics analyzed in this article did the heavy lifting in the committees and preparatory deskwork, making strong contributions to those issues of second rank, including the formulation and refinement of Canadian foreign policy. Academics also became both official and unofficial diplomats representing the nation in diverse international fora. During the Second World War, the federal civil service did not have enough personnel to handle all the representational duties, and academics stepped in to fill an important void. Through their work in the international sphere, academics actively sought to forge a new Canadian identity and facilitate a process whereby Canada became less overtly British and more sovereign and independent.

This paper explores the history of the position of neutrality in Turkey's foreign policy. Recently Turkey has engaged in considerable diplomatic bargaining with regard to the Cyprus issue & its accession to the European Union. It is no doubt because of the latter that Turkey has insisted on neutrality in relation to the war in Iraq, ignoring its long-term alliance with the US. A look at history shows that this is not Turkey's first experience with "active neutrality." Soon after WWII broke out, Turkey, which had been meeting 60% of Germany's chrome needs (for military purposes), signed the Chrome Agreement, under which France & Britain between them would buy all Turkey's chrome exports. Soon after, France was defeated, so Britain assumed France's portion to keep the chrome out Germany's hands. This resulted in somewhat less money, but Turkey agreed to stand by its commitment until the agreement expired in 1943. Then, in light of increasing German influence in the Balkans, Turkey signed a non-aggression pact with Germany & later agreed to resume chrome sales in 1943. Allied knowledge of the agreement led to considerable diplomatic difficulties in the context of Allied-Axis-Turkish relations, not only between Britain & Turkey, but between Britain & its allies, eventually including the US. Despite its "active neutrality," Turkey was accepted into the post-WWII new world order, but, it is suggested, Turkish-American relations have never fully recovered. J. Stanton

This book examines the response of British policy-makers to the collapse of belief in racial superiority, and with it the ideological basis of empire, following the fall of Singapore in 1942. The book studies the Anglo-American debate in which British officials led by Lord Hailey, countered American criticisms of imperial rule by emphasizing economic development and peace-keeping as new, non-racial justifications for western authority. These are themes that have retained a powerful resonance in the post-war world.