Suchergebnisse

In der Volksrepublik China kontrastiert die dynamische Entwicklung der Staatstätigkeit und ein entsprechender sozioökonomischer Wandel deutlich mit dem Ausbleiben einer demokratischen Transition, wie sie die meisten kommunistischen Staaten während der vergangenen beiden Jahrzehnte erlebt haben. Gleichwohl zieht die Reformpolitik der chinesischen Regierung einige rechtliche und administrative Entwicklungen nach sich, wozu auch eine Reihe von Verfassungsänderungen zählen. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht, ob und inwiefern diese Verfassungsreformen als Teil des chinesischen Modernisierungsprozesses zu interpretieren sind. Es wird gezeigt, dass die bisherigen Verfassungsänderungen nicht von dem traditionellen kommunistischen Ansatz abwichen, sondern dazu dienten, die substanziellen Veränderungen der Staatstätigkeit zu legitimieren, die von der Chinesischen Kommunistischen Partei initiiert wurden. Zugleich jedoch hat diese Anpassung des Grundgesetzes einen genuinen Konstitutionalisierungsprozess ausgelöst, der zwar deutlich begrenzt blieb, aber bedeutsame Veränderungen in der politischen Kultur widerspiegelt und erhebliche Spannungen im gesamten politischen System bewirkt. Von daher gehen die neueren Verfassungsentwicklungen in China eindeutig über rein symbolische Maßnahmen hinaus, die häufig mit der Rechtspraxis in kommunistischen Regimen assoziiert werden ; In the People's Republic of China (PRC), dynamic policy evolution and related socioeconomic changes strikingly contrast with the absence of any democratic transition similar to those most communist countries have undergone during the last two decades. Nevertheless, policy reforms of the Chinese government entail a number of important administrative and legal developments, among them a series of amendments to the Constitution. This contribution analyses whether and how constitutional reforms are to be interpreted as part of the PRC's modernisation process. It is shown that the constitutional changes so far have not departed from a traditional communist approach but have been used to legitimise fundamental policy changes initiated by the Chinese Communist Party. At the same time, however, this accommodation of the fundamental law triggered a genuine constitutionalisation process that has been subject to severe limitations, while also signalling important changes in political culture and imposing significant tensions on the whole political system. Therefore, recent constitutional developments in China go far beyond the mere window-dressing that is frequently associated with legal practices in communist regimes.

Under the administrations of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995–2002) and especially President Lula (2003–), conditional cash transfer (CCT) programmes have become adopted as mainstream social policy in Brazil. This follows a marked trend since the 1990s in Latin America towards the setting up of targeted safety nets to alleviate poverty. Lula consolidated and expanded CCTs, firstly under Fome Zero and later Bolsa Família, now the largest such scheme in the world. Its four sub-programmes (educational stipends to boost school attendance, maternal nutrition, food supplements and a domestic gas subsidy) benefit some 30 million of Brazil's poorest people, with a target of 44 million by 2006. Since 2003, spending on Bolsa Família has risen significantly to consume over one-third of the social assistance budget for the poorest sectors and it remained a flagship policy in the run-up to the presidential elections of October 2006. Although coverage of Bolsa Família is impressive, however, systematic evaluation of its social and economic impacts is still lacking. Evidence from other CCT programmes in Latin America suggests that positive results may be achieved in terms of meeting some immediate needs of the poor. However, there have been many implementation problems. These include poor beneficiary targeting, lack of inter-ministerial coordination, inadequate monitoring, clientelism, weak accountability and alleged political bias. Given the heightened profile of cash transfers in Brazil's social policy agenda, key questions need to be asked. These concern, firstly, the extent to which Bolsa Família does indeed contribute to poverty alleviation; and secondly, whether it creates greater dependence of the poor on government hand-outs and political patronage at the expense of long-term social investment for development.

Mit der Unterzeichnung der gemeinsamen Erklärung zur Entwicklungspolitik der Europäischen Union "Der Europäische Konsens" durch Vertreter aller drei EU-Institutionen, d.h. der Europäischen Kommission, des Rates der EU und des Europaparlaments im Dezember 2005 wurde ein intensiver Diskussions- und Verhandlungsprozess abgeschlossen, der mit der Vorlage eines Erstentwurfes durch die Generaldirektion Entwicklung der Kommission im Juni begonnen hatte. Die Erklärung ist der erstmalige Versuch, eine umfassende Entwicklungspolitik mit ihren übergeordneten Zielsetzungen und Implementierungsmodalitäten politisch verbindlich festzuschreiben und damit nicht nur die EU-Institutionen, sondern auch die Mitgliedsstaaten als bilaterale Geber und Nichtregierungsorganisationen als Partner einer kohärenten Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (EZA) zu koordinieren. Dieses Working Paper unternimmt eine Auswertung der Inhalte des Konsenses vor dem Hintergrund der internationalen und europäischen Entwicklungen seit dem Jahr 2000, als die Kommission und der Rat eine gemeinsame Stellungnahme zur Entwicklungspolitik der Europäischen Gemeinschaft formulierten, und fragt nach seinen zukunftsweisenden Schwerpunkten bzw. entwicklungspolitischen Strategien. . ; The Joint Statement on European Union Development Policy, "The European Consensus", signed by all three main EU-institutions, i.e. the Commission, the Council of the EU and the Parliament, is the first attempt to formulate a common EU-development policy politically mandatory for the EU as well as for its Member States as bilateral donors. This working paper analyses its content on the background of the international and European developments in the field of development cooperation between 2000, when the Commission and the Council published their first statement on development policy, and 2005. The details of the consensus on issues such as the Millennium Development Goals, aid effectiveness, financing development, development and (in-)security, trade, sustainability and Africa indicate that the document contains merely repetitions of well know EU-positions without major political as well as strategic innovations. Thus, the main quality of the statement lies in its political character as an overlapping consensus. Internal European changes since 2000, including structural reforms, the failure of the constitution, enlargement or the review of the Cotonouagreement are reflected as well in the consensus and help to explain its deficits and possible benefits.

Ausgehend von der Prämisse, dass die wichtigen Geldgeber internationaler humanitärer Hilfe einen nicht unerheblichen Einfluss auf die Ausgestaltung humanitärer Hilfe haben, stellt sich sowohl die Frage nach den humanitären und politischen Zielen der Geberstaaten als auch danach, ob eine kohärente internationale humanitäre Politik auf der Basis der nationalen Konzeptionen und Ziele möglich ist. Eine Analyse der verschiedenen nationalen humanitären Konzeptionen der Mitgliedsstaaten des Entwicklungshilfeausschusses (DAC) der OECD, die jene Gruppe der internationalen Geberstaaten ausmachen, zeigt, dass staatliche humanitäre Hilfe der Geber stark durch nationale Interessen geprägt wird. Darüber hinaus ist die Verknüpfung von humanitärer Hilfe und Entwicklungszusammenarbeit gang und gäbe. Dies sind Konstellationen, bei denen eine Bilateralisierung staatlicher humanitärer Hilfe naheliegend ist und auch die Unterordnung der Prinzipien humanitärer Hilfe unter andere politische Ziele – etwa entwicklungs-, außen- oder sicherheitspolitische – nicht ausgeschlossen wird. Trotz grundsätzlicher basaler Übereinstimmungen sind die nationalen Konzepte und Ziele staatlicher humanitärer Hilfe zu individuell, um hieraus eine umfassende und international kohärente Politik humanitärer Hilfe der Geber zu extrahieren. ; The assumption that the main donors of international humanitarian assistance have a substantial influence on the design of humanitarian assistance poses the question of what are the donor's humanitarian and political goals. Moreover, is it possible to draw a coherent interna-tional humanitarian policy from the various national concepts. An analysis of the different national humanitarian concepts of the member states of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the OECD, which form the group of those main international humanitarian donors, shows that the official humanitarian assistance of the donors is strongly marked by national interests. Moreover, the linkage between humanitarian assistance and development cooperation is quite common. These are constellations where the bilateralization of official humanitarian assistance is self-evident and the submission of the principles of humanitarian assistance under other political goals – such as developmental, foreign or security policy ones – is not excluded. Despite some prevailing fundamental consistencies, the various national concepts and goals of official humanitarian assistance are too individualistic to extract a comprehensive and internationally coherent donor's policy of humanitarian assistance from them.

Testing and estimating formal models of political behavior has not advanced as far as theoretical applications. One of the major literatures in formal theory is the spatial model of electoral competition which has its origins in the work of Black (1948) and Downs (1957). These models are used to make predictions about the policy positions candidates take in order to win elections. A lack of data on these candidate positions, especially challengers who never serve in Congress, has made direct testing of these models on congressional elections difficult.Recently, researchers have begun to incorporate campaign finance into the standard Downsian model. These models of position-induced contributions examine the tradeoff that candidates make between choosing positions favorable to interest group contributors and positions favorable to voters. A major premise of these models is that interest group contributions are based on the policy positions of candidates. This has been borne out empirically in the case of incumbents, but not challengers.To test key hypotheses of these models, we develop a simple spatial model of position-induced campaign contributions where the PAC's decision to contribute or abstain from each race is a function of the policy distance between the PAC and the candidates. We use data from political action committee contributions in order to estimate the locations of incumbents, challengers and PACs. Our model reliably estimates the spatial positions as well as correctly predicts nearly 74 percent of the contribution and abstention decisions of the PACs. Conditional upon making a contribution, we correctly predict the contribution in 94 percent of the cases. These results are strong evidence for position-induced campaign contributions. Furthermore, our estimates of candidate positions allow us to address issues of platform convergence between candidates.

This past April the Army War College's Strategic Studies Institute held its Seventh Annual Strategy Conference. The theme, "China Into the 21st Century: Strategic Partner and . . . or Peer Competitor," was especially timely. Dr. David Shambaugh and Senior Colonel Wang Zhongchun look at China from two very different perspectives. Professor Shambaugh contends that those who succeed Deng Xiaoping, fearful of any further erosion of Communist Party hegemony and determined to return China to a purer form of neo-Maoist Marxism, will become even more conservative as China's economic and social problems intensify. Despite considerable political and economic challenges, his best estimate is that China will, from inherent inertia, "muddle through" well into the 21st century. Indeed, it is in the interests of the United States for China to hold together as a territorial nation-state and political unit because disintegration would foster socio-economic dislocations that could destabilize Asia. At the same time, U.S. policy must maintain pressure on China to improve human and civil rights performance. Senior Colonel Wang Zhongchun provides a tour d'horizon of nearly a half-century of Chinese defense policy, from a distinctly PRC perspective. He then argues that China has attained a position of security and, even though the world presents many uncertainties, Beijing is committed to playing a positive role for peace and stability in Asia. The central principle in today's security analysis is that defense policy must support economic development so that China can grow into an economically progressive, democratic, and modern socialist country. Colonel Wang portrays China's military posture as one that seeks, above all, to protect China's territorial sovereignty, while focusing in this relatively peaceful era on modernizing in step with national economic development. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1207/thumbnail.jpg

Державне управління є сферою діяльності, яка заслуговує уважного розгляду з огляду на її важливість для загальної освіти студента, а також як однієї із спеціальних дисциплін підготовки бакалавра в галузі державного адміністрування та управління. В Україні за роки незалежності структура та функціонування органів державної влади на всіх рівнях постійно змінювалися. Вирішальним критерієм таких змін є впровадження європейських стандартів обслуговування громадян та професійне обслуговування політичного лідерства в роботі працівників державної служби України. Глибоке розуміння проблем, що виникають у процесі формування сучасної доктрини державної служби, самого поняття державної служби, а також відповідної установи, сприятимуть розвитку більш раціонального підходу до формування кадрової політики відповідно до нових завдань та функцій держави, а також подолання відчуження суспільства від державної влади, підвищення професійності та компетенції державних службовців. Для успішного вирішення цих завдань належним чином навчені фахівці з державного управління повинні застосовувати новітні підходи та методи управління державними системами та процесами на основі теорії державного управління. Вивчення дисципліни "Вступ до державного управління" допоможе підвищити рівень підготовки студентів, розвивати їхні навички в аналізі проблем, що виникають у сфері державного управління. Public administration is an area of activity that deserves close consideration in view of its importance for general education of the student as well as one of the special subjects of the bachelor's degree in Public Administration and dministration. In Ukraine, over the years of independence, the structure and functioning of public authorities at all levels has changed constantly. The decisive criterion for such changes is the introduction of European standards of service of citizens and professional servicing of political leadership in the work of Ukraine's employees. A deep understanding of the problems that arise in the process of shaping the modern doctrine of public service, the very concept of public service, as well as the relevant institution, will contribute to the development of a more rational approach to the formation of personnel policy in accordance with new tasks and functions of the state, as well as to overcome the alienation of society from public authority, to increase the professionalism and competence of public servants. To successfully address these challenges, appropriately trained public administration professionals are required to apply the latest approaches and methods of managing public systems and processes based on the theory of public administration. Study of the discipline "Introduction to public administration" will help to increase the level of students' training, developing their skills in analyzing and analyzing problems arising in the field of public administration.

Infrastructure services are significant determinants of economic development, social welfare, trade, and public health. As such, they typically feature strongly in national development plans. While governments may receive many infrastructure project proposals, however, resources are often insufficient to finance the full set of proposals in the short term. Leading up to 2020, an estimated US$836 billion - 1 trillion will be required each year to meet growth targets worldwide (Ruiz-Nunez and Wei, 2014; World Bank). Global estimates of infrastructure investments required to support economic growth and human development lie in the range of US$65-70 trillion by 2030 (OECD, 2006), while the estimated pool of available funds is limited to approximately US$45 trillion (B20, 2014). The past twenty years have also seen a shift towards decentralized infrastructure planning. Many subnational governments, regional entities, and sector agencies have been delegated responsibility for infrastructure planning promote local responsiveness, but responsibility for allocating funds often remains with a centralized finance agency (CFA). While constituencies may propose numerous projects, governments often have insufficient financial resources to implement the full suite of proposals. This report presents the IPF methodology and results of the pilot application to a select set of transport and water and sanitation projects in Panama. The report first gives background information on infrastructure prioritization in Panama, then follows with a description of the IPF in technical and implementation terms. Next, we present the results of the pilot and close with recommendations for implementing IPF to a wider set of projects.

Climate change is increasingly characterized as a security issue. Yet we see nothing approaching consensus about the nature of the climate change–security relationship. Indeed existing depictions in policy statements and academic debate illustrate radically different conceptions of the nature of the threat posed, to whom and what constitute appropriate policy responses. These different climate security discourses encourage practices as varied as national adaptation and globally oriented mitigation action. Given the increasing prominence of climate security representations and the different implications of these discourses, it is important to consider whether we can identify progressive discourses of climate security: approaches to this relationship underpinned by defensible ethical assumptions and encouraging effective responses to climate change. Here I make a case for an ecological security discourse. Such a discourse orients towards ecosystem resilience and the rights and needs of the most vulnerable across space (populations of developing worlds), time (future generations), and species (other living beings). This paper points to the limits of existing accounts of climate security before outlining the contours of an 'ecological security discourse' regarding climate change. It concludes by reflecting on the challenges and opportunities for such discourse in genuinely informing how political communities approach the climate change–security relationship.

El objeto de esta investigación es analizar desde la historia ambiental, las implicaciones de un modelo de desarrollo basado en la explotación de la naturaleza, vigente en Colombia desde el siglo XIX, a través del estudio de los conflictos por el agua en la Zona Bananera durante la primera mitad del siglo XX y su incidencia en la expedición de normas jurídicas para su regulación. En esta región, caracterizada por su abundancia hídrica, la llegada de las plantaciones bananeras a principios del siglo XX generó un incremento en la demanda de agua para el riego y una situación de escasez que enmarcó las controversias entre la United Fruit Company, los campesinos, el Estado colombiano y los productores agrícolas locales, atribuibles al monopolio de esa Compañía para limitar el acceso al agua del resto de habitantes; las actuaciones del Gobierno para su distribución; y los perjuicios a algunos campesinos por el declive de la economía del banano. La compleja situación del agua fue el catalizador de una normativa jurídica para la Zona Bananera, que centralizó su gobierno en las autoridades administrativas, la cual si bien fue insuficiente, incoherente y desarticulada, al mismo tiempo fue uno de los primeros intentos del Estado para intervenir en el aprovechamiento de la naturaleza y uno de los antecedentes históricos de actuales instrumentos de manejo y control ambiental. ; Abstract. The purpose of this research is to analyze the environmental consequences of a development model based on the exploitation of nature, which applies in Colombia since XIX century, through the study the conflicts for water in Zona Bananera during the first half of the 20th century and its incidence in law's expedition. This region, characterized by abundance of water, was affected by the bananas plantation because of the increasing of the demand for it, which generated a hydric scarcity and conflicts among United Fruit Company, peasants, the Colombian Nation and local planters. The causes of these conflicts could be classified in 3 categories: the United's monopoly on water and irrigation; the Government's intervention for regulate the access to water; and the damages caused by the crisis of the bananas economy. This complex hydric situation was the catalyst of the expedition of several laws, which centralize the water's governance in public authorities and could be considered the historical antecedent of the currents environmental authorizations, despite of its deficiency and inconsistency. ; Maestría

This study aims to critically examine the content of Law Number 25/2009 concerning Public Service and contribute to highlight four main points of amendment. A decade of law implementation achieved some advancement to public. One of them is the development of various service breakthroughs that fulfilled demand and needs of users. However, public service implementation still faces compliance problems with service standards at all levels of government. Furthermore, public service has to deal with the integrity problem. This study applies a textual/documentary analysis method and is operationally carried out through qualitative content analysis of the text of Law 25/2009. The study also reveals four other problems that must be responded to the amendment to the law, namely ideology, publicness, leadership, and ethics. The principan of spirituality is an important part of ideology to meet the religious rights of users and providers and encourage to run the integrated public services. In order to assure dynamics and adaptability to change, it is necessary to shift the public service leadership approach towards political entrepreneurship. Finally, to minimize the ethical risk of leaders' policy behavior, the revision must include regulation of public service leaderships ethics. Keywords: ideology, publicness, political entrepreneurship, ethics, public service. Abstrak Studi ini bertujuan mengkaji secara kritis konten Undang-Undang Nomor 25 Tahun 2009 Tentang Pelayanan Publik (UU 25/2009) dan berkontribusi menuangkan pokok-pokok pikiran perubahannya. Satu dekade pelaksanaan UU 25/2009 mencapai sejumlah kemajuan pelayanan yang bermanfaat bagi publik. Salah satunya melalui lahirnya berbagai terobosan pelayanan publik yang merespon kebutuhan dan permintaan pengguna. Namun, penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik masih menghadapi masalah pemenuhan kepatuhan standar pelayanan publik pada seluruh tingkatan pemerintahan. Selain itu, terdapat problem integritas dalam penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik. Studi ini menggunakan metode analisis tekstual/dokumenter dan secara operasional dilaksanakan melalui analisis isi kualitatif teks UU 25/2009. Studi ini menemukan empat masalah yang harus direspon dalam perubahan UU 25/2009 di luar persoalan kepatuhan terhadap standar dan integritas, yaitu terkait ideologi, derajat/kualitas publik (publicness), kepemimpinan pelayanan publik, dan etika kepemimpinan pelayanan publik. Asas spiritualitas penting agar pelayanan publik memenuhi hak-hak spiritual pengguna dan penyelenggara dan mendorong bekerjanya pelayanan publik yang berintegritas. Demi menjamin publicness, dibutuhkan reorientasi prinsip-prinsip publik dalam penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik yang terikat dengan nilai-nilai Pancasila. Dalam merespon dinamika dan kemampuan adaptasi terhadap perubahan, maka perlu perubahan kepemimpinan pelayanan publik menuju paradigma kewirausahaan politik. Terakhir, guna meminimalisir risiko etis perilaku kebijakan pemimpin, maka revisi harus mencakup pengaturan etika kepemimpinan pelayanan publik. Kata Kunci: ideologi, publicness, kewirausahaan politik, etika, pelayanan publik.