Suchergebnisse

Since the adoption of the World Health Organization (WHO) Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) in 2003, public health professionals have debated similar conventions covering other health risks, including potentially a Framework Convention on Alcohol Control. Much of this debate has focused on the merits of binding versus non-binding instruments in terms of commitments at the international level. In this paper, I draw on lessons from the WHO FCTC to discuss instead what the difference between binding and non-binding international legal instruments might mean for domestic legal frameworks for implementing regulatory measures for alcohol control. The paper looks at possible impacts on the authority of various national authorities to implement new measures, the ability of civil society to bring cases compelling more comprehensive regulatory measures and the defence of litigation brought by commercial-sector actors to prevent, delay or weaken the implementation of laws and regulations. It reflects on what lessons these might have for alcohol control governance.

A broad and continuously growing range of situations have been determined by the United Nations Security Council as threatening or breaching international peace and security, thereby favouring the use of sanctions. The Security Council, while occasionally authorizing the use of military force has changed its strategy to employ non-military measures in order to enforce compliance with its decisions. The rationale often cited for imposing sanctions is the hope to resolve a conflict without mass suffering and other negative consequences associated with war. This study puts this assumption into context by using Zimbabwe and Iran as case studies to examine whether the use of sanctions is a plausible way to achieve international peace and security or if it is actually problematic to resolving the issues that lead to sanctions. It concludes that our present world system requires an overhaul, where violent mechanisms will be substituted with selfless diplomacy and the moral imagination of peace. ; Programa de Doctorat en Estudis Internacionals de Pau, Conflictes i Desenvolupament

For many years, the ECJ has postulated the autonomy of the EU legal order. At the same time, it has also stressed the importance of noting that the UN and the EU are distinct legal orders. In light of this situation, we have one and the same international organization applying two diametrically opposed theoretical doctrines. Regarding the inner relationship with its Member States, the ECJ proclaims a unified legal order based on the monistic doctrine. Dualistic arguments, in contrast, serve to separate the EU legal order from international law. This paper intends to clarify whether this obvious contradiction is due to a simple misinterpretation by the ECJ or is grounded in flaws within the almost 100 year old theories of monism and dualism which can no longer serve to explain the relationship between legal orders satisfactorily. The paper concludes that the situation cannot be characterized as black and white. However, in order to establish fundamental foundations, a clear theoretical line is essential.

'Canada plays little part in Europe's Atlantic policy. Yet European and German policy makers should be aware of an emerging debate in the Northern part of North America that could affect Canada's link to Europe and with it European interests. Europeans as yet are not very conscious of the fact that reliable, like-minded, multilateralist partners with enough resources and political will to make a contribution, do not come in such numbers that Canada can be largely ignored. Because of real and acknowledged similarities between Canada and Europe on many foreign and domestic policy issues, Canada has sometimes been referred to as 'a North American country with European instincts.' But that does not mean that, in comparison to the US, the transatlantic cooperation between Canada and Europe is less problematic and goes on unnurtured. Years of very significant Canadian involvement in the Balkans and major contributions in Afghanistan alongside European troops have not been enough to make Europeans aware of the need to address the unique situation of Canada, for instance in NATO. The question therefore is why should either side do what it does not seem naturally inclined to do, i.e. promote a special relationship. The most obvious first step would be a better inclusion of Canada in the transatlantic dialogue. For that to happen, Canada would have to define convincingly the nature of its added value. It would also have to find within Europe a champion. As a new government in Germany is beginning to define its international role in terms of security, energy and transatlantic relations, this is an aspect that it could do well to consider.' (author's abstract)|

The article scrutinizes the history of creation and activity of a joint military unit - the Lithuanian-Polish-Ukrainian brigade named after Prince Kostiantyn Ivanovych Ostrozkyi (LitPolUkrbrig). The causes of LitPolUkrbrig's emergence are analyzed; the main one was the threat of the Russian Federation's aggression. The attack of Ukraine by the Russian armed forces at the end of February 2014, the annexation of the Crimea and the occupation of part of the Donbass significantly worsened the security situation in Eastern Europe. In the face of the Russian expansion's threat, two NATO members Lithuania and Poland, together with Ukraine, set up a capable joint military brigade as an example of interaction of military powers of the three neighboring states. The purpose of the brigade is an increase of the level of mutual trust and cooperation between the countries, as well as the security situation improvement in the region, a spread and implementation of modern approaches (standards) for the planning, a provision and use of troops (forces) in the overall system of the armed forces' training, a maintenance of a high level of combat readiness of national formations. The state of combat training of LitPolUkrbrig is analyzed, with special attention paid to conducting international military exercises. It is emphasized that in the course of international military exercises, Ukrainian soldiers study and adapt NATO standards of readiness for their own needs. For officers and soldiers of Poland and Lithuania, the experience of war with the Russian aggressor, which is shared by Ukrainian soldiers with their counterparts in arms, is invaluable. The conclusion infers the prospects for the unification of the military efforts of Ukraine and Eastern European countries in the face of the aggression threat from Putin's Russia. ; Вивчається історія створення і діяльності спільного міжнародного військового з'єднання – Литовсько-польсько-української бригади імені князя Костянтина Івановича Острозького (ЛитПолУкрбриг). Аналізуються причини виникнення ЛитПолУкрбриг, серед яких вказується основна – загроза агресії з боку Російської Федерації. Напад збройних сил Росії наприкінці лютого 2014 р. на Україну, анексія Криму та окупація частини Донбасу значно погіршили безпекову ситуацію держав Східної Європи. Перед загрозою російської експансії дві країни члени НАТО – Литва та Польща разом з Україною створили боє­здатну спільну військову бригаду, яка є прикладом взаємодії військових потуг трьох сусідніх держав. Аналізується стан бойової підготовки бригади, особлива увага звернена на проведення міжнародних військових навчань. Підкреслює­ться, що у ході міжнародних військових навчань українські військовики вив­чають та адаптують для власних потреб стандарти боєготовності НАТО. Робиться висновок про перспективи об'єднання військових зусиль України та східно­європейських держав перед загрозою агресії з боку путінської Росії.

The article scrutinizes the history of creation and activity of a joint military unit - the Lithuanian-Polish-Ukrainian brigade named after Prince Kostiantyn Ivanovych Ostrozkyi (LitPolUkrbrig). The causes of LitPolUkrbrig's emergence are analyzed; the main one was the threat of the Russian Federation's aggression. The attack of Ukraine by the Russian armed forces at the end of February 2014, the annexation of the Crimea and the occupation of part of the Donbass significantly worsened the security situation in Eastern Europe. In the face of the Russian expansion's threat, two NATO members Lithuania and Poland, together with Ukraine, set up a capable joint military brigade as an example of interaction of military powers of the three neighboring states. The purpose of the brigade is an increase of the level of mutual trust and cooperation between the countries, as well as the security situation improvement in the region, a spread and implementation of modern approaches (standards) for the planning, a provision and use of troops (forces) in the overall system of the armed forces' training, a maintenance of a high level of combat readiness of national formations. The state of combat training of LitPolUkrbrig is analyzed, with special attention paid to conducting international military exercises. It is emphasized that in the course of international military exercises, Ukrainian soldiers study and adapt NATO standards of readiness for their own needs. For officers and soldiers of Poland and Lithuania, the experience of war with the Russian aggressor, which is shared by Ukrainian soldiers with their counterparts in arms, is invaluable. The conclusion infers the prospects for the unification of the military efforts of Ukraine and Eastern European countries in the face of the aggression threat from Putin's Russia. ; Вивчається історія створення і діяльності спільного міжнародного військового з'єднання – Литовсько-польсько-української бригади імені князя Костянтина Івановича Острозького (ЛитПолУкрбриг). Аналізуються причини виникнення ЛитПолУкрбриг, серед яких вказується основна – загроза агресії з боку Російської Федерації. Напад збройних сил Росії наприкінці лютого 2014 р. на Україну, анексія Криму та окупація частини Донбасу значно погіршили безпекову ситуацію держав Східної Європи. Перед загрозою російської експансії дві країни члени НАТО – Литва та Польща разом з Україною створили боє­здатну спільну військову бригаду, яка є прикладом взаємодії військових потуг трьох сусідніх держав. Аналізується стан бойової підготовки бригади, особлива увага звернена на проведення міжнародних військових навчань. Підкреслює­ться, що у ході міжнародних військових навчань українські військовики вив­чають та адаптують для власних потреб стандарти боєготовності НАТО. Робиться висновок про перспективи об'єднання військових зусиль України та східно­європейських держав перед загрозою агресії з боку путінської Росії.