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2016 Summer. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; This dissertation investigates the provision of local public education from both theoretical and empirical aspects. In the theoretical sections, the existence of Pareto-improving reform (to redistribute education resources away from the rich community and toward the poor community) is examined under the current public education financing system. In the empirical section, the state financing system on public education in the state of Colorado is tested. Chapter 1 introduces the importance and motivation of my research topic. Chapter 2 directly follows the theoretical framework in Fernandez and Rogerson (1996). As far as I know, they are the first to examine the provision of public education under a multi-community and multi-income-group model and discuss reforms which might be Pareto-improving. By adding additional assumptions on population distribution and individuals' preferences, I analytically show that under a two-community and three-income-group model, when local public education is financed by an income tax, the reform "to redistribute a fraction of education expenditures away from the rich community toward the poor community" is Pareto-improving. Since public education is mainly financed by a property tax, a general housing market with an upward sloping supply curve is introduced in Chapter 3. Simulations show that when local public education is funded by a housing property tax, the reform posed in Chapter 2 may still work. The redistributive fraction chosen by the state government determines whether the reform is Pareto-improving or not. In the empirical section, Chapter 4, I develop four regression models to examine the effects of the state financing policy on public education in Colorado. The results show that the Colorado state government is reducing disparity in per student spending across school districts. However, the current policy is not potentially Pareto-improving according to the theory developed in Chapter 2. Thus, policy suggestions are made. Chapter 5 summarizes and concludes my dissertation.

Despite the many reports describing the benefits of inclusive education, there is a lack of information on the instructional strategies and behavior change procedures that general educators use to facilitate skills development. Also, there is not much information on the procedures used to analyze student performance data. Additionally, limited information has been reported on the curricular domains and skills that educators value for instructing students with severe and other disabilities. With this information, better implementation of effective instructional practices in general education may be achieved. To address this issue, survey input from samples of general and special educators across two states was obtained. The findings suggested that general education teachers reported using many, but not all, behavior analytic instructional strategies considered to be best practice. In addition, special educators regarded social interactions and friendships and self-determination skills the most important skills for successful inclusion.

This paper concerns the relationship between teaching and political action both within and outside formal educational institutions. Its setting is the recent period following the 2010 Browne Review on the funding of higher education in England. Rather than speaking directly to debates around scholar-activism, about which much has already been written, I want to stretch the meanings of both teaching and activism to contextualise the contemporary politics of higher learning in relation to diverse histories and geographies of progressive education more generally. Taking this wider view suggests that some of the forms of knowledge which have characterised the university as a progressive institution are presently being produced in more politicised educational environments. Being receptive to these other modes of learning can not only expand scholarly thinking about how to reclaim intellectual life from the economy within universities, but stimulate the kind of imagination that we need for dreaming big about higher education as and for a practice of democratic life.

127Jurisdiction — In general — Territorial jurisdiction — Territorial limits of jurisdiction — Whether a court has Jurisdiction to try offences committed outside territorial limits of the State — Transkei — Whether court can obtain jurisdiction through submission by offender — Criminal Procedure Act 56 of 1955 — The law of South Africa ("Transkei")

The article reflects the main processes of building during the development of the Ukrainian state of Hetman P. Skoropadsky. P. Skoropadsky's views on the Ukrainian nation, the Ukrainian state and its form, the relationship of the then political and national forces, the place of Ukraine in the geopolitical space of that time, the main directions and content of the state process, its achievements and miscalculations are analyzed. The views of P. Skoropadsky on the content of the state process in Ukraine in 1918 are analyzed. First of all, on the form of the Ukrainian state - independent or federal. We are talking about the form of government of the Ukrainian state and its political regime. Internal and external factors that influenced this are analyzed. The content of the main directions of activity of the hetman government is investigated both inside the state (central and local government, judicial system, armed forces, agrarian policy, social and cultural construction) and outside (international recognition, establishment of diplomatic relations). It is concluded that the emergence of the Ukrainian state of Hetman P. Skoropadsky was a continuation of the process of creation during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. This process took place in difficult conditions of the First World War and this circumstance determined the peculiar form of the Ukrainian state and its activities, sometimes they were contradictory and had disagreements with the ideals of the state, which ultimately led to the decline of the Ukrainian state.

The institutional framework of agriculture defines the context in which the relationship between the peasant and the state is enacted. In China from the mid-1950s until 1979 that framework was characterized by a collectivist and interventionist ethos. The state–peasant relationship weighed heavily in favour of the state. The three tiers of agricultural organization–commune, brigade and production team – facilitated control of the economic activities of individual peasants by the government, whether at central or local level. Individual initiative was largely limited to those activities which could be carried out in spare time or on private plots. The relationship between effort and reward was frequently tenuous and distribution was guided by egalitarian principles.