Recent Doctoral Dissertations in Church and State
In: Journal of church and state: JCS, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 472-474
ISSN: 0021-969X
6450155 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Journal of church and state: JCS, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 472-474
ISSN: 0021-969X
In: Journal of church and state: JCS, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 234-235
ISSN: 0021-969X
In: Journal of church and state: JCS, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 693-695
ISSN: 0021-969X
In: Journal of church and state: JCS, Band 36, Heft 4, S. 915-917
ISSN: 0021-969X
In: Journal of church and state: JCS, Band 36, Heft 2, S. 454-455
ISSN: 0021-969X
In: Renewable energy law and policy review: RELP, Band 9, Heft 4, S. 5-8
ISSN: 2190-8265
In: Sojuz Kriminalistov i Kriminologov: Union of Criminalists and Criminologists, Band 2, S. 165-178
ISSN: 2310-8681
In: Ethics & international affairs, Band 20, Heft 3, S. [np]
ISSN: 0892-6794
Popular opposition to immigration is rooted in many factors. In this essay, we focus on one specific issue that has become prominent in recent debates-namely, the fear that the welfare state is being undermined by the impact of increasing ethnic and racial diversity. There are actually two concerns here: first, that ethnic and racial diversity as such makes it more difficult to sustain redistributive social policies because it is difficult to generate feelings of national solidarity and trust across ethnic and racial lines, and second, that the 'multiculturalism' policies adopted to recognize or accommodate immigrant groups tend to further undermine national solidarity and trust. If either of these hypotheses were true, the very idea of a 'multicultural welfare state,' a welfare state that respects and accommodates diversity, would be almost a contradiction in terms. We review the existing evidence and suggest that both hypotheses are overstated. The evidence to date suggests that there is no inherent tendency for either immigrant ethnic diversity or multiculturalism policies to erode the welfare state. We conclude with some speculation about the implications of this evidence for debates about the rights of noncitizens. Adapted from the source document.
In: Allemagne d'aujourd'hui: revue d'information et de recherche sur l'Allemagne, Band 239, Heft 1, S. 183-193
Dans cet article, je m'intéresse à la relation qu'une recherche interdisciplinaire sur les conséquences du changement climatique (ou « impacts climatiques ») entretient avec la politique du climat, en particulier en Allemagne. J'esquisserai d'abord le style de pensée dominant dans ce champ de recherche et montrerai comment l'accent mis sur la modélisation rend invisibles certaines différences (sociales) significatives. Sur cette base, et en prenant l'exemple allemand des comités d'experts, j'examinerai la manière dont l'action politique en contexte d'incertitude fait naître entre la science et la politique une relation qui conduit à un rétrécissement – toujours aussi d'ordre disciplinaire – de la pratique scientifique et à une dépolitisation du discours politique. J'opposerai à cette évolution une recherche sur les impacts climatiques qui soit publique, assume sa dimension politique, et s'engage avec tous ses modèles dans un processus de problématisation, dont l'objectif est la recherche d'un nouvel ordre moral qui respecte les limites planétaires.
Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Preface -- Abbreviations -- Table of Conventions -- Table of Cases -- List of Tables -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. The Regime and Access of Vessels to Foreign Ports - A Definitional Controversy -- 1. The Right of Access to Internal Waters -- 2. Sources of Law Concerning the Right of Entry into Ports -- 2.1. International Maritime Committee -- 2.2. United Nations Conference on Trade and Development -- 2.3. International Maritime Organization -- 2.4. Bilateral Treaties -- 2.5. Decisions in International Adjudication -- 2.6. Other Multinational Conventions -- 3. Right of Innocent Passage in Internal Waters -- 4. Conclusions -- 5. Regulatory and Enforcement Authority of the Port State -- 5.1. Jurisdiction to Regulate Vessels in Internal Waters -- 5.2. Jurisdiction over Activities with External or Internal Effects -- 5.3. Arrest of Vessels in Foreign Ports -- 5.3.1. The IMC Draft Convention for Revision of the 1952 Arrest Convention -- 5.4. Jurisdiction over Activities Preceding the Entry into Internal Waters of the Foreign Vessel -- Chapter 2. International Legal Standards and Regulation of Vessel - Source Pollution -- 1. The Legal Nature of the International Legal Standards -- 1.1. International Legal Standards in Regional Conventions -- 1.2. International Legal Standards in the 1986 United Nations Convention on Conditions for Registration of Ships -- 1.3. Conclusions -- 2. The Role of the IMO Conventions -- 2.1. International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution of the Sea by Oil, 1954 (OILPOL) -- 2.2. International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution from Ships, 1973, as incorporated in the Protocol of 1978 (MARPOL 73/78) -- 2.3. International Convention on Load Lines, 1966.
In: Nato's fifteen nations: independent review of economic, political and military power, including "Vigilance", Band 24, Heft 5, S. 181-186
ISSN: 0027-6065
World Affairs Online
In: Ocean development & international law, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 187-202
ISSN: 1521-0642
In: Man: the journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Band 4, Heft 1, S. 158
In: Population and development review, Band 22, Heft 4, S. 791
ISSN: 1728-4457
In: Europe Asia studies, Band 60, Heft 3, S. 483-509
ISSN: 1465-3427
The dissolution of the Soviet Union led to the establishment of several non-recognised statelets, three of which -- Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh -- are located in the South Caucasus. This article sets aside the question of whether these quasi-states ought to be internationally recognised, and focuses on whether they exist as functioning state entities. To what extent are the authorities in these would-be states able to provide the populace with the services expected of contemporary states -- like internal and external security, basic infrastructure and welfare? All three insist that they are not only functioning states, but also nation-states that command the allegiance of their population. We thus also discuss their claim to embody real nationhood. Adapted from the source document.