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Aguirre Rojas, C. A. (2015). La nueva etapa del neozapatismo mexicano. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, segunda época 28, 187-195. Bernal, Argentina : Universidad Nacional de Quilmes. ; Después de más de veinte años de vida pública, y más de treinta de existencia, el neozapatismo mexicano continúa más vivo, activo y creativo que nunca. Y esto a pesar del constante y recientemente incrementado hostigamiento militar y paramilitar del Estado mexicano en contra de las dignas comunidades indígenas neozapatistas, y más allá también de la evidente y sistemática campaña de invisibilización y marginación montada por los medios de comunicación masiva, oficiales y privados, de prácticamente todo el espectro de la sociedad mexicana

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE NEWS CONTENT OF AN ETHIOPIAN GOVERNMENT-RUN NEWSPAPER OVER A PERIOD OF 20 YEARS TO DETERMINE HOW CLOSELY THE PRESENT GOVERNMENT IS ALIGNED WITH THE SOVIET UNION. THERE ARE TWO SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT AMONG FOREIGN POLICY SCHOLARS. REGIONALISTS BELIEVE ETHIOPIA IS NONALIGNED. THEY ARGUE THAT SINCE THE COUNTRY FOLLOWS THE TENANTS OF AFRICAN SOCIALISM, ITS INTERNATIONAL POLITICS ARE SHAPED BY INDIGENOUS FACTORS SUCH AS NATIONALISM AND LOCAL ECONOMIC AND SECURITY NEEDS. RATHER THAN BY SOVIET OR U.S. INFLUENCE. GLOBALISTS, ON THE OTHER HAND, BELIEVE ETHIOPIA BELONGS TO THE SOVIET CAMP AND IS DEPENDENT ON THE SOVIET UNION. A REVIEW OF A GOVERNMENT-RUN NEWSPAPER IN TWO TEN-YEAR PERIODS BEFORE AND AFTER THE TAKEOVER BY MENGISTU HAILE MARIAM FOUND A DRAMATIC SHIFT IN THE NATURE OF COVERAGE. UNDER EMPEROR HAILE SELASSIE BEFORE THE OVETHROW, THE PAPER PRINTED PREDOMINANTLY PROUNITED STATES AND ANTI-SOVIET NEWS. BUT UNDER MENGISTU, THE SAME PAPER PRINTED VASTLY PRO-SOVIET AND ANTI-UNITED STATES NEWS, AND ABSOLUTELY NO ANTI-SOVIET NEWS. THESE FINDINGS SUPPORT THE GLOBALIST VIEW.

There is growing recognition that radical ontological difference underlies Indigenous communities' opposition to extractivist development within their territories. Scholars writing from a political ontology (PO) framework excitedly posit the possibility of the pluriverse emerging from the 'ontological openings' (de la Cadena 2015a) that these struggles are forming in the project of modernity. While such accounts are useful in elucidating how such struggles are more than 'mere resource conflicts' (Coombes et al. 2012a), they also risk reifying ontological difference and losing sight of the power asymmetries which shape its pragmatic and strategic articulation. More than just a matter of academic debate, overstating the ontological difference of Indigenous opposition to extractivism is a 'cosmopolitical risk' (Cepek 2016) that has the potential to limit Indigenous communities' particular aspirations for self-determination. As a consequence, this article suggests a way forward can be found in 'ontologizing political economy' (Burman 2016) whilst also paying closer attention to the contingent nature of worlding, as well as ontological ambiguities and 'partial connections' (de la Cadena 2015a). This article fleshes out these theoretical concerns through drawing upon my ethnographic research about an ongoing 'resource' conflict in Guatemala. Over the last few years, the Maya Tz'utujil community of San Pedro la Laguna has been strongly opposing the 'megacolector' – a wastewater megaproject being advanced as a solution to Lake Atitlan's contamination by the environmental NGO 'Asociación de Amigos del Lago de Atitlán' (Association of Friends of Lake Atitlán). Through engaging with a range of Pedrano community members, I reflect upon the usefulness of a PO framework for understanding the megacolector conflict's ontological dimensions and the motivations of San Pedro's opposition movement.

O texto tem como finalidade analisar o sistema de proteção ambiental internacional. A abordagem compara três visões sobre o tema: a) a criada por Estados no âmbito da ONU, calcada no conceito de desenvolvimento sustentável; b) uma visão crítica pós-estruturalista que desconstrói tal conceito; e c) a cosmovisão indígena brasileira sobre o meio ambiente. A intenção deste estudo é contrapor diferentes modos de concepção da natureza e suas implicações para a proteção ambiental. Portanto, pretende-se analisar a presença da visão indígena na Rio-92, a maior conferência sobre o tema. Para isso, lança-se mão de pesquisa bibliográfica e analisa-se a Carta da Terra - declaração de princípios éticos publicada na ocasião da Conferência Mundial dos Povos Indígenas sobre Território, Meio Ambiente e Desenvolvimento da Rio-92.Palavras-chave: Proteção ambiental; Cosmovisões ameríndias; DIP.ABSTRACTThis text aims to analyze the topic of environmental protection by comparing three visions about the theme. a) the one crafted by States within the UN system, based on the concept of "sustainable development"; b) a post-structuralist critical vision, which deconstructs that concept; and c) the Brazilian Amerindian cosmovisions over nature. This movement intends to contrast the different manners of conceiving nature and its consequences for environmental protection. So, the text seeks to assess the presence of the indigenous cosmovisions during the Earth Summit (1992), the most important summit on the topic. The research uses bibliographical research and a documental analysis of the Earth Charter of the Indigenous Peoples (a declaration of ethical principles published during the World Conference of Indigenous Peoples on Territory, Environment and Development, during the Earth Summit).Keywords: Environmental protection; Amerindian cosmovision; International law. Recebido em: 29/03/2021 | Aceito em: 05/08/2021.

This article assesses how recent literary depictions of Indigenous futurity coincide with grassroots activism that has been ongoing for generations and that is finding new iterations in current movements for climate justice and against settler colonial resource extraction. Such actions espouse interdependent, reciprocal relationships between humans and the more-than-human world. Stories illuminate and reinforce these relationships; one recent novel to exemplify this role of narrative is Louise Erdrich's Future Home of the Living God. Despite what seems a harrowing dismantling of biological reproduction and species evolution in the novel, Ojibwe characters find renewed purpose as adapting to the situation revivifies traditional practices. Although rampant environmental devastation threatens lifeways and bonds of reciprocity, Erdrich demonstrates how those responsibilities were never predicated upon fixed, unchanging environments but instead dynamically respond to them as characters seek right relationships with other beings. Future Home can be read alongside other postapocalyptic Indigenous novels (e.g., Cherie Dimaline's Marrow Thieves) as "oblique cli-fi": novels whose catastrophes are not figured as climate change, but whose readers cannot help but consider them in its light, given the pervasive framing of climate change as catastrophe. However, in the drive to read Future Home as cli-fi, readers should not lose sight of its singular nature as a departure from Erdrich's "standard" literary fiction, not to mention the novel's political message as a response to the 2016 U.S. election and its calls for reproductive justice and land restoration. Future Home received mixed critical reviews, but as one of the most experimental and speculative works in Erdrich's oeuvre, it should be celebrated as an example of transmotion that flouts American literary expectations while imagining Indigenous futurity.

The 21st century has seen growing attention to settler colonialism among academic researchers in Canada and internationally. In the Canadian context, interest has been fuelled above all by an ongoing resurgence of Indigenous activism and intellectual work, of which the most visible expression to most non-Indigenous people was the Idle No More movement of 2012–13. To date, however, little attention has been paid to settler colonialism within labour studies, broadly understood. As a modest contribution to remedying this deficiency, this article argues for the importance of understanding Canada as a settler-colonial society, proposes a conceptualization of settler colonialism from the perspective of a historical materialism reconstructed through engagement with Indigenous anticolonial thought, and offers some preliminary reflections on integrating analysis of settler colonialism into historical and contemporary research on labour.

Au 21e siècle, le colonialisme des colons a attiré de plus en plus l'attention des chercheurs universitaires canadiens et internationaux. Dans le contexte canadien, l'intérêt a été alimenté principalement par une résurgence continue du travail intellectuel et du militantisme autochtones, dont l'expression la plus visible pour la plupart des peuples non autochtones était le mouvement Idle No More de 2012–2013. À ce jour, toutefois, peu d'attention a été accordée au colonialisme des colons dans le cadre d'études sur le travail, au sens large. Cet article, qui contribue modestement à remédier à cette lacune, souligne l'importance de comprendre le Canada comme société de colonisation, propose une conceptualisation du colonialisme sous l'angle du matérialisme historique reconstruit à travers la confrontation avec la pensée anticoloniale offre des réflexions préliminaires sur l'intégration de l'analyse du colonialisme des colons dans la recherche historique et contemporaine sur le travail.

Acknowledgements -- Notes on Contributors -- Chapter 1. Introduction: (Ad)dressing Citizens / Wendy Parkins -- Chapter 2. The Formation and Currency of a Vestimentary Stereotype: The Sans-culotte in Revolutionary France / Richard Wrigley -- Chapter 3. Subjects into Citizens: The Politics of Clothing in Imperial Russia / Christine Ruane -- Chapter 4. Tailoring the Nation: Fashion Writing in Nineteenth-Century Argentina / Regina A. Root -- Chapter 5. 'The Epidemic of Purple, White and Green': Fashion and the Suffragette Movement in Britain 1908-14 / Wendy Parkins -- Chapter 6. Scouts, Guides, and the Fashioning of Empire, 1919-39 / Tammy M. Proctor -- Chapter 7. Peeking Under the Black Shirt: Italian Fascism's Disembodied Bodies / Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi -- Chapter 8. Camisas Nuevas: Style and Uniformity in the Falange Española 1933-43 / Mary Vincent -- Chapter 9. Blankets: The Visible Politics of Indigenous Clothing / Margaret Maynard -- Chapter 10. Children's Day: The Fashionable Performance of Modern Citizenship in China / Stephanie Hemelryk Donald -- Chapter 11. Afterthought: Redressing the Balance in Historiography / Roger Griffin -- Bibliography -- Index.Acknowledgements -- Notes on Contributors -- Chapter 1. Introduction: (Ad)dressing Citizens / Wendy Parkins -- Chapter 2. The Formation and Currency of a Vestimentary Stereotype: The Sans-culotte in Revolutionary France / Richard Wrigley -- Chapter 3. Subjects into Citizens: The Politics of Clothing in Imperial Russia / Christine Ruane -- Chapter 4. Tailoring the Nation: Fashion Writing in Nineteenth-Century Argentina / Regina A. Root -- Chapter 5. 'The Epidemic of Purple, White and Green': Fashion and the Suffragette Movement in Britain 1908-14 / Wendy Parkins -- Chapter 6. Scouts, Guides, and the Fashioning of Empire, 1919-39 / Tammy M. Proctor -- Chapter 7. Peeking Under the Black Shirt: Italian Fascism's Disembodied Bodies / Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi -- Chapter 8. Camisas Nuevas: Style and Uniformity in the Falange Española 1933-43 / Mary Vincent -- Chapter 9. Blankets: The Visible Politics of Indigenous Clothing / Margaret Maynard -- Chapter 10. Children's Day: The Fashionable Performance of Modern Citizenship in China / Stephanie Hemelryk Donald -- Chapter 11. Afterthought: Redressing the Balance in Historiography / Roger Griffin -- Bibliography -- Index.

This article focuses on the different actors involved in the food sovereignty movement in the Navajo Nation. By first looking at the historical roots of colonization and western dominance over Indigenous lands and their food systems, I try to give some perspective on the actual movement to end colonization and capitalism. Both are seen as linked and are considered obstacles for the self-determination of the Navajos and Indigenous Peoples in general. The different actors involved (farmers, grassroots activists, intellectuals and academics) put forth food sovereignty as a key tool for decolonization. This might include a structural change in their political and economical lives, with interpersonal conflicts and frictions with the tribal government and the federal one. The tensions between the extractive economy, environmentalists and food sovereignty are present in the Navajo nation and impact their communities and the quality of their lives. ; Este artículo se centra en los diferentes actores involucrados en el movimiento de soberanía alimentaria en la Nación Navajo, Estados Unidos. Al observar primero las raíces históricas de la colonización y el dominio occidental sobre las tierras indígenas y sus sistemas alimentarios, trato de dar una perspectiva sobre el movimiento para terminar con la colonización y el capitalismo. Ambos se consideran vinculados y se consideran obstáculos para la autodeter- 41 minación de los Diné y los pueblos Indígenas en general. Los diferentes actores involucrados (agricultores, activistas, intelectuales y académicos) presentan la soberanía alimentaria como una herramienta clave para la descolonización. Esto podría incluir un cambio estructural en sus vidas políticas y económicas, fricciones con el gobierno tribal y el federal. Las tensiones entre la economía extractiva, los ambientalistas y la soberanía alimentaria están presentes en la nación Navajo e impactan a sus comunidades y la calidad de sus vidas.

This article focuses on the different actors involved in the food sovereignty movement in the Navajo Nation. By first looking at the historical roots of colonization and western dominance over Indigenous lands and their food systems, I try to give some perspective on the actual movement to end colonization and capitalism. Both are seen as linked and are considered obstacles for the self-determination of the Navajos and Indigenous Peoples in general. The different actors involved (farmers, grassroots activists, intellectuals and academics) put forth food sovereignty as a key tool for decolonization. This might include a structural change in their political and economical lives, with interpersonal conflicts and frictions with the tribal government and the federal one. The tensions between the extractive economy, environmentalists and food sovereignty are present in the Navajo nation and impact their communities and the quality of their lives ; Este artículo se centra en los diferentes actores involucrados en el movimiento de soberanía alimentaria en la Nación Navajo, Estados Unidos. Al observar primero las raíces históricas de la colonización y el dominio occidental sobre las tierras indígenas y sus sistemas alimentarios, trato de dar una perspectiva sobre el movimiento para terminar con la colonización y el capitalismo. Ambos se consideran vinculados y se consideran obstáculos para la autodeterminación de los Diné y los pueblos Indígenas en general. Los diferentes actores involucrados (agricultores, activistas, intelectuales y académicos) presentan la soberanía alimentaria como una herramienta clave para la descolonización. Esto podría incluir un cambio estructural en sus vidas políticas y económicas, fricciones con el gobierno tribal y el federal. Las tensiones entre la economía extractiva, los ambientalistas y la soberanía alimentaria están presentes en la nación Navajo e impactan a sus comunidades y la calidad de sus vidas

This work focuses on the contemporary religious revival among the indigenous people of the Altay Republic (Russian Federation). The Altaians reconnect with practices considered as traditional (Shamanism, Burkhanism), while exploring a more or less exogenous religious plurality (Buddhism, different branches of Orthodox and Evangelical Christianity, New Age movements). The choice of a national religion that could serve as a basis for the construction of a distinctive Altaian identity is a fundamental concern for the local intelligentsia. Political dimensions indeed do intersect with these different rearticulations of belief, and the competitive relationship between these movements especially takes shape in each particular understanding of the territory that each of them conveys. It is especially obvious within the seasonal rituals organized by the followers of neo-Shamanism and neo-Burkhanism. Additionally, the analysis of the festival of the Altaian cultures points out how the Administration tries to unite all the indigenous peoples under the banner of a "national spirit". This attempt nevertheless makes the event a typical legacy of the soviet celebrations of unity. A new way of using epic poetry emerges in this identity construction process. The Altaian epic is indeed part of ritual practices in many religious trends. Its revitalization, followed by a deep reshaping, can be instrumental in turning it into a "revealing" of Altaian identity that overcomes religious divisions and transcends aspirations of unity that emanates from the central government. It can also be perceived as a catalyst in distinguishing the Altay within the Siberian post-soviet space. ; Ce travail porte sur le renouveau religieux actuel des autochtones de la République de l'Altaï (Fédération de Russie). Les Altaïens renouent avec les pratiques considérées comme traditionnelles (chamanisme, bourkhanisme), mais se tournent également vers quantité de courants religieux plus ou moins exogènes (bouddhisme, christianismes orthodoxe et évangélique, ...

In the past, Western Canada was a place of new directions in human thought and action, migrations of the mind and body, and personal journeys. This book anthology brings together studies exploring the way the west served as a place of constant movement between places of spiritual, subsistence and aesthetic importance. The region, it would seem, gained its very life in the movement of its people. Finding Directions West: Readings that Locate and Dislocate Western Canada's Past, showcases new Western Canadian research on the places found and inhabited by indigenous people and newcomers, as well as their strategies to situate themselves, move on to new homes or change their environments to recreate the West in profoundly different ways. These studies range from the way indigenous people found representation in museum displays, to the archival home newcomers found for themselves: how, for instance, the LGBT community found a place, or not, in the historical record itself. Other studies examine the means by which Métis communities, finding the west transforming around them, turned to grassroots narratives and historical preservation in order to produce what is now appreciated as vernacular histories of inestimable value. In another study, the issues confronted by the Stoney Nakoda who found their home territory rapidly changing in the treaty and reserve era is examined: how Stoney connections to Indian agents and missionaries allowed them to pursue long-distance subsistence strategies into the pioneer era. The anthology includes an analysis of a lengthy travel diary of an English visitor to Depression-era Alberta, revealing how she perceived the region in a short government-sponsored inquiry. Other studies examine the ways women, themselves newcomers in pioneering society, evaluated new immigrants to the region and sought to extend, or not, the vote to them; and the ways early suffrage activists in Alberta and England by World War I developed key ideas when they cooperated in publicity work in Western Canada. Finding ...

[Resumen] El activismo iberoamericano contemporáneo será el tema central de este artículo. Lo analizaremos históricamente, desde los años noventa, y sirviéndonos de la metodología del trabajo de campo etnográfico y de una investigación desarrollada de 2008 a 2013. Este contexto temporal será examinado desde el contexto espacial iberoamericano, analizando movimientos sociales como el zapatismo indígena, el 15M español o el #YoSoy132 mexicano. Nos serviremos para ello de un trabajo de campo multisituado y de corte cualitativo, acompañado de un análisis del activismo en red o activismo digital. El principal objetivo será comprender cómo funcionan los nuevos movimientos en red, así como su contexto de globalización y las dinámicas de movilidad y circulación que los recorren. Finalmente, atenderemos al valor político del cuerpo y del espacio, y veremos cómo surgen culturas políticas viajeras que replantean los límites modernos de la cultura, la política y el territorio, produciendo un continuum cultural y simbólico. ; [Abstract] Contemporary Ibero-American activism will be the central matter of this article. It will be analysed historically, since the nineties, and using the methodology of ethnographic fieldwork developed from 2008 to 2013. We will examine this timeframe along with the Ibero-American spatial frame, analysing social movements such as indigenous zapatism, Spanish 15M or Mexican #YoSoy132. We will use a qualitative and multisited fieldwork, as well as an analysis of network or digital activism. The main objective will be to understand how network movements work, their context of globalization and their mobility and circulation dynamics. Finally, we will pay attention to the political value of body and space, to conclude that new traveling political cultures redraw the modern limits of culture, politics and territory, and they produce a cultural and symbolic continuum.

Contemporary Ibero-American activism will be the central matter of this article. It will be analysed historically, since the nineties, and using the methodology of ethnographic fieldwork developed from 2008 to 2013. We will examine this timeframe along with the Ibero-American spatial frame, analysing social movements such as indigenous zapatism, Spanish 15M or Mexican #YoSoy132. We will use a qualitative and multisited fieldwork, as well as an analysis of network or digital activism. The main objective will be to understand how network movements work, their context of globalization and their mobility and circulation dynamics. Finally, we will pay attention to the political value of body and space, to conclude that new traveling political cultures redraw the modern limits of culture, politics and territory, and they produce a cultural and symbolic continuum. ; El activismo iberoamericano contemporáneo será el tema central de este artículo. Lo analizaremos históricamente, desde los años noventa, y sirviéndonos de la metodología del trabajo de campo etnográfico y de una investigación desarrollada de 2008 a 2013. Este contexto temporal será examinado desde el contexto espacial iberoamericano, analizando movimientos sociales como el zapatismo indígena, el 15M español o el #YoSoy132 mexicano. Nos serviremos para ello de un trabajo de campo multisituado y de corte cualitativo, acompañado de un análisis del activismo en red o activismo digital. El principal objetivo será comprender cómo funcionan los nuevos movimientos en red, así como su contexto de globalización y las dinámicas de movilidad y circulación que los recorren. Finalmente, atenderemos al valor político del cuerpo y del espacio, y veremos cómo surgen culturas políticas viajeras que replantean los límites modernos de la cultura, la política y el territorio, produciendo un continuum cultural y simbólico.

The survival of Indigenous peoples is directly associated with their sustainable interaction with the land and the beliefs and practices tied to that place. However, as a consequence of colonial conquest and state expansion, Indigenous peoples have been systematically marginalised and excluded from planning, decision-making and management processes. Since the 1980s, however, there has been a resurgence to transform planning systems towards self-determination for Indigenous people. This resurgence includes re-shaping environmental governance to support the inalienable connections between Indigenous peoples and their ancestral places, resources, and environments. Over the last four years, the decision to grant legal personhood status to natural entities has gathered global momentum, with examples of national parks and rivers receiving legal rights in the USA, India and Australia. However, it was here in Aotearoa, New Zealand, that first initiated this movement, with the granting of legal personhood to the forest of Te Urewera in 2014. New Zealand then became a world-first when parliament established the Te Awa Tupua (Whanganui River Claims Settlement) Act 2017, which granted a river (the Whanganui River) with "all the rights, powers, duties and liabilities of a legal person" (s 14, TATA 2017). This action was part of a Treaty of Waitangi claim settlement between the Crown and Whanganui Iwi, which recognised the special relationship between the Whanganui Iwi and the Whanganui River through cultural and financial redress. Since the enactment of Te Awa Tupua, many researchers have commented on the significance of legal personhood, with some stating that Te Awa Tupua is a way to achieve an eco-centric framework while still using anthropocentric tools (legal rights). Ngā Tāngata Tiaki o Whanganui, the post-settlement governance entity for Te Awa Tupua, hold that the Act is a way to bring together multiple and competing values in the management of the Whanganui Awa for the purpose of protecting and enhancing the health and wellbeing of the Awa. It has now been over four years since the enactment of Te Awa Tupua; however, there has been no research on the implications this legislation is having on the ground. This dissertation seeks to determine whether the Te Awa Tupua Act 2017 has a tangible difference in how planning is being carried out. Specifically, this dissertation investigates the influence of the Te Awa Tupua Act 2017 on the decision-making process of business owners, private planning consultants, public sector planners and Crown entities in regard to activities that affect the Whanganui River.

In Brazil, the 2016 coup against Dilma Rousseff and the Worker's Party (PT), and the subsequent jailing of former PT President Luis Ignacio da Silva (Lula), laid the groundwork for the 2018 election of ultra-conservative Jair Bolsonaro. In the perfect storm leading up to the coup, the conservative elite drew on deep-seated misogynist discourses to oust Dilma Rousseff, Brazil's progressive first woman president, and the Worker's Party she represented. Imprisoning Lula and preventing him from running solidified the effects of the coup and opened the field to the right wing. In this article, we track the roots of the elite's 2016 power grab back to colonization and through various stages of Brazil's political history. Tracing the contours of women's movements alongside this history of domination reveals both the configurations of feminist agendas in Brazil and transformations of power. We draw on our experiences as scholars and activists to argue that Brazil's current crisis has created an opportunity for solidarity that has drawn academic and activist feminists closer. Namely, amidst this crisis, we see a coming together of various women's movements including Afro-Brazilian women, peasant women, indigenous women, and student groups. The unity among movements is made evident through the 2017 Women's Worlds March for Rights, which the authors of this paper organized and attended, as well as #EleNão and 8M. In post-coup Brazil and throughout Latin America, women have been the face of the resistance to an encroaching fascism; this battle will require sustained opposition and continued deepening of solidarities.