Suchergebnisse

This book discusses the relationship between religion and politics in the Middle East and the future of political Christianity. The emergence of political Islam and the recent changes in political Christianity in the region have both contributed to a new perception of the role of Arab Christians

Nigerian society is bedevilled by myriads of problems. Some of these problems are political, economic, and cultural and leadership failures in nature, while others have to do with the various relationships in the society and other societal processes, and the by-products of such dynamism of the modern society. This paper focuses on the problems and impact of systemic and institutional oppression in Nigerian society. The paper x-rays the nature, structure, dimension and spread of the various forms of oppressive forces and manifestations in Nigeria. The paper examines the overt and covert practices, policies and other sociocultural heritage of Nigerian people that enhances the domination and exploitations of some members of the Nigerian society by other privileged groups. These overt and covert practices are maximised by the three major ethnic nationalities and religious bigots amongst others who dominates other groups in all facets of human endeavours. The paper concludes by analysing the impact of systemic oppression on the people especially oppressed groups like the women, the aged, physically impaired and minorities and the implication of this unfortunate but avoidable social phenomenon on social policy development and Social Work practice in Nigeria. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n4p516

Abstract'Welfare chauvinism' (or 'welfare ethnocentrism,' when directed against native‐born ethnic minorities) is a declination of nativism within the social policy domain and a common element of populist radical right discourse. Previous studies have shown that this rhetoric can influence how people perceive the deservingness and entitlement of certain groups to welfare rights. In this study, we propose it has additional effects by evoking a purported lack of reciprocity in what concerns benefits from, and contributions to, the welfare system, such rhetoric can also justify and legitimize discrimination against out‐groups in other domains that are unrelated to welfare. We use a pre‐registered experiment embedded in a survey of a nationally representative sample of the Portuguese population to examine whether individuals who are exposed to the issue of illegitimate 'takers' of the welfare system become more likely to express discriminatory intentions regarding an out‐group's freedom of movement and establishment. We find that in the Portuguese context, where the populist radical right frequently portrays the Roma minority as welfare abusers, highlighting the issue of reciprocity can trigger a sizeable increase in discriminatory intentions against the Romani even in domains unrelated to welfare rights.

AbstractThe COVID‐19 pandemic disproportionately affects already‐vulnerable minorities, highlighting the need for strong, trusting relationships between governments and minority nonprofits for everyone's benefit. The current scholarship suggests minority members often lack trust in government. This study contributes to the field by examining trust levels Muslim‐American nonprofits have for federal, state, and local government. Nearly two‐thirds (65%) of Muslim nonprofit leaders believe that they may be discriminated against in the award of CARES Act funding, but on racial rather than religious ones. Moreover, partisanship affects trust levels. Muslim nonprofits in Republican "red" states show less trust in government compared with those in Democratic "blue" states. This study finds evidence that past relationships with the government strengthen trust. Past awards of government grants correlated positively with higher trust at both federal and local levels.

This article discusses the role that politics and governance have played in the current state of affairs in Nepal, citing a lack of vision among political leadership and their inability to understand the consequences of socioeconomic exclusion as the roots of the current political crisis in Nepal. It outlines the resultant problems of the centralisation of power, corruption, a bias towards urban development and especially the historical exclusion of minority and underprivileged classes from participation in governance and mainstream politics. It is argued that there is a need to introduce bold reforms in economic policy, politics and the institutional setup to sustain growth and increase the collective voice and bargaining power for all disadvantaged groups. Adapted from the source document.

Recent scholars have broadened the study of transnational relations, once limited to political economy, to include contentious international politics. This is a refreshing trend, but most of them leap directly from globalization or some other such process to transnational social movements and thence to a global civil society. In addition, they have so far failed to distinguish among movements, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and transnational networks and do not adequately specify their relations with states and international institutions. In particular, few mechanisms are proposed to link domestic actors to transnational ones and to states and international institutions. This paper argues that mass-based transnational social movements are hard to construct, are difficult to maintain, and have very different relations to states and international institutions than more routinized international NGOs or activist networks. These latter forms may be encouraged both by states and international institutions and by the growth of a cosmopolitan class of transnational activists. Rather than being the antipodes of transnational contention, international institutions offer resources, opportunities, and incentives for the formation of actors in transnational politics. If transnational social movements form, it will be through a second-stage process of domestication of international conflict.

Chapter 1. Place Making, Migration and the Built Environment: An Introduction -- Chapter 2. Immigrants and the built environment in New South Wales -- Chapter 3. Immigrants and the built environment in Queensland -- Chapter 4. Immigrants and the built environment in Western Australia -- Chapter 5. Minority immigrants and the Australian built environment.

Based on an analysis of 150 documents collected between 2012 and 2015 from bookstores, websites and YouTube channels operated by Salafi mosques and organisations in Britain and Germany, this article discusses the different strategies adopted in European Salafi discourse in an effort to disassociate salafiyya from al-Qaeda, ISIS and other Jihadi-Salafi movements. The article suggests that the target audience of these rebuttals are Western governments and publics, who suspect salafiyya to be a breeding-ground for terror, as well as mosque attendees, who are exposed to jihadi-salafi denunciations of Salafi anti-politics and anti-violence agendas. It introduces the diverse set of arguments invoked by Salafis to defend their opposition to violent attacks on Western soil, including the religious duties to abide by contracts, respect Islamic rules of warfare and the regulations on initiating jihad, avoid harming the interests of Muslims and of Islam in Europe, and oppose modern-day Khawarij of whom the Prophet Muḥammad warned.Key words: Islam in Europe, salafiyya, jihadi-salafiyya, al-Qaeda, ISIS

It is an honour to join you today in celebrating Professor Jerome Hall. Professor Hall's work was ahead of its time. I did not know him, but his independence of mind and his spirited devotion to scholarship were striking in all I heard and read. Professor Hall's fame was at its height when I was beginning my research into the philosophy of law. And his name stood out as among the most distinguished American jurisprudential scholars. It stood out for his good sense, balanced judgment, and strong-minded convictions. His Foundations of Jurisprudence is thoroughly resistant to fashion. It is an open-minded, undogmatic, and sympathetic exploration of a variety of intellectual trends and tendencies. His work on criminal law was an outstanding attempt at a thorough examination of a major branch of the law from a systematic and theoretical perspective. It set a standard for legal scholarship way above anything else accomplished in America at the time.