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International audience ; Nowadays, continuous monitoring is a mandatory issue for almost all industries worldwide. For example, as a part of the quality control process, a large amount of samples is tested in food and beverage industries. Also, as a result of public concern about environmental pollution an accurate and faster monitoring is demanded by current legislations (Rodriguez-Mozaz, Marco et al. 2004). Traditional monitoring has been carried out by chromatographic techniques, which offer high accuracy, sensitivity and selectivity even in complex samples. But, even the outstanding characteristics of chromatographic techniques a faster, cheaper and reliable monitoring is highly desirable for applications where chromatographic techniques are not well suited (i.e. field monitoring, testing large amount of samples) (Rodriguez-Mozaz, Lopez de Alda et al. 2007) (Salvador, Adrian et al. 2007)Some years ago, biosensors emerged as alternative tools for several monitoring applications involving the determination of a single analyte (i.e. toxin, biocide, metals) (Thevenot, Toth et al. 2001). However, as the number of analytes to monitor increase a multianalyte approach is now required. Usually, biosensors are designed to expose a high selectivity to a single analyte which makes difficult a multianalyte determination with a single device. Sensor arrays (i.e. sensors with different sensitivities and selectivities) have been proposed as an alternative to determinate several analytes with a single step (del Valle 2010). In the case of biosensors, arrays with different bioreceptors are integrated to achieve different selectivity and sensitivity to several analytes. But, since the higher order information provided by the biosensor array cannot be processed with the classical univariate approach a robust mathematical model is needed (Hierlemann and Gutierrez-Osuna 2008). In this sense, artificial neural networks have been successfully applied as multivariate calibration tool for such high order data to achieve a multianalyte determination(Bachmann, Leca et al. 2000) (Covaci, Sassolas et al. 2012) (Alonso, Istamboulie et al. 2012). In addition, artificial neural networks are able to model the nonlinearities found in sensor array providing a wider range of operation, even if the single devices do not provide conclusive information by themselves. For faster training, some authors have incorporated automatic flow injection systems to handle liquid samples(Gutes, Cespedes et al. 2007). The incorporation of flow systems, biosensor array and artificial neural networks to provide information has lead to new dedicated devices for automatic monitoring of pollutants (Valdes-Ramirez, Gutierrez et al. 2009, Crew, Lonsdale et al. 2011). These devices can be potentially used as monitoring tools in field applications providing continuous information of the analyzed samples.This chapter attention is focus on the use of biosensor array for pollutant detection, emphasizing the use of artificial neural network as a multivariate calibration tool for multianalyte determination. In the first part, a brief description of biosensors as a single analytical tool is presented. Then, a complete review of monitoring of pollutants with biosensor arrays and the corresponding neural network modeling is covered. Finally, some fully integrated devices are presented and their potential applications as monitoring tools are discussed.

В статье рассматривается «финансиализация» ‒ процесс трансформации финансового капитала в фиктивный и виртуальный капитал и его отделение от реальной, производственной сферы. Показан громадный рост финансового сектора в течение последних декад XX-го и в начале нового столетия и всё большая расчлененность финансовых инструментов как последствие финансовых нововведений, направленных, между прочим, к уклонению от регулятивных мероприятий государства – мероприятий, усиливающих его влияние на тенденции в реальной и финансовой сфере, что ведёт к созданию условий для возникновения финансовых кризисов. У современных рецессий мало общего со стандартными циклическими колебаниями, описанными Шумпетером как созидательное разрушение. Они возникли не под влиянием колебаний инвестиций в реальной сфере, но являются результатом описанных процессов отделения финансовой от реальной сферы, оказавшейся совершенно немощной для столь большой финансовой надстройки. Сплетение финансового капитала с корпорациями и государством сделало возможным укрепление мощного олигархического капитала, олицетворённого в триаде «Уолл Стрит – Министерство финансов – МВФ», в руках коей находятся фактическая финансовая, экономическая и политическая власть и в США, и в мире в целом. В связи с этим вопрос о регулировании и дерегулировании становится уже малозначимым, что и показал актуальный кризис: процессы «финансиализации» подготовили возникновение кризиса, а регулятивные и другие мероприятия государства в состоянии лишь (пере)направлять огромные финансовые потоки и определять время и мощь возникновения и проявления кризиса. ; The paper deals with financialization as a process of converting financial capital into fictive and virtual capital, and its separation from the real, productive sphere. It points to the enormous growth of the financial sector during the last decades of the 20 th and the beginning of the 21 st century, and the increasing dispersal of financial instruments as a consequence of financial innovations whose purpose, among other things, is to avoid the effects of state regulatory measures, resulting in their growing influence on movements in the real and the financial sphere and on the creation of conditions for the appearance of financial crises. Contemporary recessions, such as the one that broke out in 2007, have very little in common with standard cyclical fluctuations to which Schumpeter referred as «creative destruction». They are not influenced by fluctuations in the real sphere but are, rather, a product of the above-described processes of separation of the financial and the real sphere, which has grown too weak to sustain the huge financial superstructure that has been erected over it. The convergence of financial capital with corporations and the state has resulted in the consolidation of a powerful mass of oligarchic capital, embodied in the Wall Street – U. S. Department of Finance – IMF triad, which de facto holds the financial, economic and political power in the U.S. and the world. In that sense, all talk about regulation and deregulation becomes irrelevant, as the current crisis has shown: the processes of financialization prepared the way for the onset of the crisis, while regulative and other state measures can only (re)direct huge financial flows and control the timing and dosage of the strength of the crisis.

Includes bibliographical references. ; The purpose of this study is to develop a systematic account of how the learner is imagined in current education policy discourse and to describe how key policy discourses are translated and interpreted in two case study schools. The thesis focuses on the analysis of discourse at three levels: policy, the school, and learner subjectivity. The study offers insight into how the learner has been imagined in key education policies, how this imaginary has infiltrated the discursive framework of the school, how schools are implicated in shaping learner subjectivities and the extent to which learners are able to draw on other discourses to resist interpolation. Using Foucauldian discourse analysis supplemented by aspects of Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, particular policy discourses regarding the imagined learner are examined. A description is presented of how these discourses are translated in two secondary schools in the Western Cape. Ways in which learners in their final year of schooling interpret these discourses and position themselves against dominant constructs are described. The policy texts that are analysed are the South African White Paper on Education and Training (DoE: 1995) and the Whole - school Evaluation Policy (DoE: 2001). The two schools in which the research was conducted were purposively selected for their differences in demographic profile and academic performance. The research found that the schools also differed with regard to how the policy discourses were taken up, how they shaped learner subjectivity and the extent to which learners were able to resist normative constructs. The study draws on Foucault's notion of governmentality to describe how policy shapes the internalisation of the values and culture of the school by the teachers and students as they actively engage in their own self - government. In both instances governmentality functions not only to control, discipline and normalise, but, simultaneously, to form subjects who are self - constituting in relation to available discourses. The thesis argues that dominant discourses within the school reflect those in the policies, even though there was no evidence to suggest direct movement from one discursive framework to another. The policy text analysis described the predominant purpose of education as relating to economic efficiency, quality and productivity, which was served by the efficiency, and productivity of the schooling system. At the level of policy, the imagined learner was framed as one who would take his/her place within that economic order. Within the school context discourses pertained largely to the development of young people for the world of work. However, this was differently translated in each school, suggesting that young people were prepared differently for the labour market through the assemblage of discourses that the school made available and desirable. This was illustrated through the themes of race and class, mimesis and emulation, and individualism versus collectivism. Developing an understanding of the imagined learner as projected through policy and practice can contribute to the de bate about the effects of market discourses in education with regard to the South African learning subject . More broadly, it can contribute to an understanding of how dominant discourses may be worked with and against in specific contexts of schooling.

Closing keynote to the Scribani International Conference in Madrid, and European premiere of the documentary "Harvest of Loneliness," a critical reexamination of the bilateral US-Mexico contract labor program instituted in 1942 ostensibly to meet temporary labor shortages in the U.S. during World War II. But the program did not end when the war ended in 1945; at the behest of the corporate growers, it kept being extended by the U.S. Congress until 1964, becoming the largest such "guest worker" program of its kind to date — and one of the largest mass movements of workers in history. The program was presented to the public via newscasts, newspapers, journals and government publications as an ideal program that uplifted the economy of Mexico and satisfied the need for workers in the United States. The reality was much different. The Bracero Program was implemented to ensure accessible, cheap, controlled and disposable labor with little regard for the adverse and irreversible impact it had on Mexican families. During its 22 years no agricultural labor union succeeded in organizing or carrying out a strike — it was not until the end of the Bracero Program, which cut off of the supply of Mexican workers, that saw the emergence of the United Farm Workers. Still, after the Bracero Program ended formally in 1964 it was de facto maintained informally by growing streams of undocumented immigrant labor, leading to the present moment. Practically all of Mexico has been affected: fewer than 4% of Mexico's 2,443 municipalities have no migrants living and working in the U.S. Mexican-born immigrants in the U.S. today number nearly 12 million; over half of them are undocumented. In the U.S. the political vacuum left by the failure of the federal government to pass "comprehensive immigration reform" — given the irreconcilable conflict between those who sought "enforcement" solutions to the presence of millions of migrant workers (from their criminalization and deportation to fencing the southern border) to those who sought to forge paths to their eventual legalization and integration (denigrated as "amnesty" by opponents) — has been filled by hundreds of attempts by state and local governments to assume federal immigration control functions in a growing climate of fear and enforced opprobrium. Yet it is not an American problem but a worldwide issue of vast consequence that will grow in magnitude in the years to come. In looking to the future it is wise to reexamine the experience and lessons of the past — especially given Europe's parallel needs for manual laborers. These new braceros have been dubbed "outcasts of modernity," "irregular" labor migrants, "illegal aliens" — terms which describe an unequal master status affecting every aspect of the life of a subclass of people without rights. They are products of a globalized political and economic system that creates illegality by displacing people and then denying them equal rights to do what they have to do to survive: move to find work. As migration pressures continue to mount as a result of global inequality, so will fear of the foreigner — the xenophobia of what has been called a "society of contempt."

Closing keynote to the Scribani International Conference in Madrid, and European premiere of the documentary "Harvest of Loneliness," a critical reexamination of the bilateral US-Mexico contract labor program instituted in 1942 ostensibly to meet temporary labor shortages in the U.S. during World War II. But the program did not end when the war ended in 1945; at the behest of the corporate growers, it kept being extended by the U.S. Congress until 1964, becoming the largest such "guest worker" program of its kind to date — and one of the largest mass movements of workers in history. The program was presented to the public via newscasts, newspapers, journals and government publications as an ideal program that uplifted the economy of Mexico and satisfied the need for workers in the United States. The reality was much different. The Bracero Program was implemented to ensure accessible, cheap, controlled and disposable labor with little regard for the adverse and irreversible impact it had on Mexican families. During its 22 years no agricultural labor union succeeded in organizing or carrying out a strike — it was not until the end of the Bracero Program, which cut off of the supply of Mexican workers, that saw the emergence of the United Farm Workers. Still, after the Bracero Program ended formally in 1964 it was de facto maintained informally by growing streams of undocumented immigrant labor, leading to the present moment. Practically all of Mexico has been affected: fewer than 4% of Mexico's 2,443 municipalities have no migrants living and working in the U.S. Mexican-born immigrants in the U.S. today number nearly 12 million; over half of them are undocumented. In the U.S. the political vacuum left by the failure of the federal government to pass "comprehensive immigration reform" — given the irreconcilable conflict between those who sought "enforcement" solutions to the presence of millions of migrant workers (from their criminalization and deportation to fencing the southern border) to those who sought to forge paths to their eventual legalization and integration (denigrated as "amnesty" by opponents) — has been filled by hundreds of attempts by state and local governments to assume federal immigration control functions in a growing climate of fear and enforced opprobrium. Yet it is not an American problem but a worldwide issue of vast consequence that will grow in magnitude in the years to come. In looking to the future it is wise to reexamine the experience and lessons of the past — especially given Europe's parallel needs for manual laborers. These new braceros have been dubbed "outcasts of modernity," "irregular" labor migrants, "illegal aliens" — terms which describe an unequal master status affecting every aspect of the life of a subclass of people without rights. They are products of a globalized political and economic system that creates illegality by displacing people and then denying them equal rights to do what they have to do to survive: move to find work. As migration pressures continue to mount as a result of global inequality, so will fear of the foreigner — the xenophobia of what has been called a "society of contempt."

Статья посвящена одной из актуальных проблем политической науки исследованию роли и значения институтов гражданского общества в обеспечении политической безопасности как одной из базовых сфер национальной безопасности. Автором, в частности, аргументирован тезис о том, что непосредственно связанная с политической безопасностью стабильность (устойчивость) общества и его политической системы должна гармонизировать с прогрессивными процессами общественного развития и своевременно влечь соответствующие изменения политического курса. Гражданское общество может всемерно поддерживать проводимый в стране политический курс, относиться к нему индифферентно, выражать по отношению к нему протест в той или иной форме и, наконец, ставить целью радикальное изменение действующего политического курса с одновременной ломкой тех публично-властных институтов, которые его проводят. Форма реакции гражданского общества на политический курс во многом обусловлена степенью его развитости, а также желанием и умением публичной власти «слушать», «слышать» и адекватно реагировать на «сигналы», которые посылает ему гражданское общество. Применительно к Российской Федерации принципиальная авторская позиция заключается в том, что нынешняя ситуация, когда тот или иной публично-властный институт начинает продуктивно работать, только если попадает под «ручное управление» Президента или Премьер-министра России, когда значимые политические решения де-факто принимаются сравнительно узким кругом представителей политической и экономической элит страны, когда политический курс по-прежнему направлен на сохранение и упрочение статус-кво административно-управленческого аппарата и олигархата, интересы которых по многим позициям не совпадают с интересами гражданского общества, такая ситуация не повышает, а значительно снижает степень политической безопасности России. ; article focuses on one of the actual problems of political science the study of the role and importance of civil society in ensuring political security as one of the key areas of national security. The author, in particular, arguing the thesis that is directly related to the political stability of the society and its political system to a harmonic synthesized with the progressive processes of social development and timely manner entail corresponding changes in policy. Civil society can fully support held in the country's political course, to treat it with indifference, to express in relation to him in protest of one form or another, and finally put to a radical change in the existing policy with the simultaneous breaking of the public authority institutions that it is done. The shape of the reaction of civil society on policies largely driven by the degree of its development, as well as the desire and ability of public authorities to «listen», to «hear» and respond to «signals», that sends the civil society. For the Russian Federation fundamentally the author's position is that the current situation, when one or the other public institutions of power begins to be productive only, if falls under the «manual control» of the President or the Prime Minister of Russia, when significant political decisions de-facto decision-mousy relatively narrow range of representatives of political and economically elite of the country, when policymakers are still aimed at preserving and strengthening the status-quo of administrative apparatus and the oligarchy, whose interests in many positions do not coincide with the interests of civil society such a situation does not improve and significantly reduces the degree of political security of Russia.

Injurious pecking is a general term used to describe feather pecking, vent pecking, cannibalism and toe-pecking in laying hens. The severity of injurious pecking varies enormously, ranging from limited feather removal to cannibalism and death. Alternative housing systems for laying hens such as barn, free-range and aviary systems show much higher incidences of injurious pecking than with those birds housed in conventional caged system. From a welfare perspective injurious pecking can cause pain, stress, injuries, increased susceptibility to diseases, fear and death. Any major outbreak of injurious feather pecking can result in serious economic loss for the industry through decrease in egg production and feed efficiency. At present the egg industry uses both beak trimming of the birds and dim lighting methods to help reduce injurious pecking. However, both of these are being cricitised from a welfare point of view. In fact a general ban on beak trimming already exists in some European Union countries, with other countries considering a ban by 2011. Moreover, The EU ban on conventional laying cages (2012), when combined with a ban on beak-trimming, will increase the risk of injurious feather pecking and cannibalism. It is therefore important for future to consider other ways of controlling injurious pecking. Injurious pecking is a multi-factorial problem, which can be caused by environmental, genetic or nutritional factors and can be largely prevented by the use of a combination of environmental and husbandry management programs. This paper is intended to give a general overview of the potential risk factors and possible control measures associated with injurious pecking in laying hens, and in particular those flocks housed in non-cage systems. ; Yumurtacı tavuklarda tüyler, kloaka ve kanibalistik gagalama ile kuyruk tüyü çekme davranışlarını tanımlamak için kullanılan yaralayıcı gagalamaların şiddeti çok hafif birkaç tüy çekiminden kanibalizm ve ölüme yol açacak kadar önemli olabilir. Kafeste yetiştirilen tavuklarda görülse de, kanibalizm ve buna bağlı ölümler derin altlık, ızgara altlık gibi kapalı sistemler ile kuşluklu ve serbest dolaşımlı-free range gibi alternatif sistemlerde daha fazla karşılaşılmaktadır. Kötü huylu yaralayıcı gagalama davranışları acı, ağrı, stres ve yaralanmalara yol açıp hastalıklara yakalanma riskini artırmaktadır. Aynı zamanda yumurta verimi ve yemden yararlanma yeteneğini düşürdüğünden yaralayıcı gagalamalar hayvan refahı ve üretim ekonomisini olumsuz yönde etkilemektedir. Günümüz yumurta üretiminde tavuklarda tüy çekme ve gagalamayı önlemek için gaga kesimi ve düşük aydınlatma yoğunluğu yaygın olarak kullanılsa da her iki yöntemde hayvan refahına uygun olmadıkları için eleştirilmektedir. Gaga kesimi bazı Avrupa ülkelerinde hali hazırda yasak olup, diğerlerinde ise 2011 yılında yasaklanması beklenmektedir. Gaga kesimi yasağı ve 2012 yılında başlayacak kafeste yumurta üretimi yasağı ile birlikte tavukçulukta yaralayıcı tüy çekme ve kanibalizm vakalarında önemli bir artış beklenmektedir. Bundan dolayı tavuklarda yaralayıcı gagalama vakalarını önlemek acilen alternatif yöntemlerin geliştirilmesi gerekmektedir. Genetik yapı, çevre, besleme gibi çok sayıda risk faktörünün etkilediği bu kötü huylu davranış, çok sayıda faktörün kombine olarak bir arada yer aldığı bakım-yönetim programları ile önlenebilir. Bu derleme makale özellikle kafese alternatif sistemlerde yetiştirilen yumurtacı tavuklarda kötü huylu yaralayıcı gagalamalara yol açan muhtemel risk faktörleri ve kontrolü konusunda genel bir bilgi vermek amacıyla hazırlanmıştır.

The political upheavals of the 2000s caused by the post-authoritarian landslide pushed to fore the problem of nations and nationalism and the question of further development routes. In 2003, President Shevardnadze lost his post: this marked a turning point in Georgia's history, which has since been grossly hyperbolized within Georgia's nationalist discourse. T. Avaliani, for example, has the following to say on this score: "In November 2003, after two civil wars and 12 years of post-Soviet turmoil and suspense, Georgia was the first among the Soviet-successor states to tear down the Iron Curtain of the Russian Empire. The Rose Revolution, which liberated the Georgian people from imperial dictatorship and communist legacy, began building a new, civilized, and democratic state." Today, the revolution is seen as a key event in Georgia's current political history. G. Areshidze, a prominent political scientist, commented on the post-revolutionary situation as follows: the new elites inherited a country with a "quasi-balanced constitutional foundation, legislative power … a business community that the state could not control … and several semi-democratic political parties." In the latter half of the 2000s, therefore, Georgian nationalism remained exposed to pressure from various actors. The Rose Revolution of November 2003 brought to power new political leaders headed by Mikhail Saakashvili who were even more open about their political nationalism than their predecessors and more confirmed Westerners. They believed that the country's future was associated with the European Union and NATO. Scared of Russian nationalism (the revival of which became obvious in the 2000s) the Georgian political elite was determined to move out of the post-Soviet political expanse. It seems that President Saakashvili is a political leader who, having come to power amid political turmoil with democratic slogans, is very much susceptible to radicalization. Such leaders tend to rely not only on slogans, but also on principles stemming from ethnic, rather than civilian, nationalism. Georgian journalist G. Vekua argues that Mikhail Saakashvili, armed with the "policy of Westernization," tried to de-Sovietize Georgian statehood in the most radical way: he was determined to "speed up, harshly and even by force, the emergence of a purely bourgeois state known as a 'nation-state' in political science and sociology." On the other hand, Saakashvili insisted on radical reforms, while the gap between the real situation and the Georgian elite's political plans and ambitions created a crisis and fanned ethnic nationalism. In the 2000s, Georgia was faced with a conflict between two, still half-baked, political institutions—the national (nationalizing) state and civil society; Georgia's fairly shallow democratic potential was exhausted, which pushed the regime closer to authoritarianism amid crisis trends. Belarusian political scientist V. Chernov has offered the following comment on the 2003 political changes: "In Georgia one authoritarian leader replaced another through yet another, this time bloodless, coup they called the Rose Revolution. It turned out to be a coup 'from below' realized by the counter-elite under democratic slogans."

The emergence of Community Economic Development (CED) as a distinct field of cause lawyering highlights the complexities of community mobilization in the post-regulatory state. Defined by a set of social policies and grassroots practices that promote neighborhood revitalization, CED is associated with a transactional model of cause lawyering focused on negotiating deals between community-based nonprofit organizations, public funders, and private investors. Whereas cause lawyers have traditionally sought to mobilize claims of legal rights to advance systemic reform, CED lawyers attempt to mobilize community participation to change local economic circumstances through the creation of innovative institutional structures. However, CED does not neatly remove barriers to mobilization; rather it presents a different set of opportunities and constraints. For instance, CED is not connected with broad-based social movements. Instead, it is parochial, seeking to preserve community boundaries and increase community control of resources. Moreover, while CED establishes legal mechanisms for ongoing community participation in local governance, it does so through the design of partnerships with government and business elites that create disincentives for political confrontation seeking reforms in state practice or increased resources from private sector institutions. For this reason, the modus operandi of CED practice is not one of protest and disruption. Nor is CED designed to challenge the existing rules of the game; rather, it seeks to build partnerships and distribute resources within the framework of the law as constituted. As a technique of institutional design that extends contractual relationships between the community, the market, and the state, CED therefore fosters a version of mobilization that tends to de-emphasize adversarial organizing in favor of collaboration with business and governmental partners. At the grassroots level, however, there are important recent examples of community mobilization within CED that depart from the collaborative model. In particular, the emergence of an "accountable development" movement in Los Angeles—where community-labor coalitions have pressured publicly subsidized developers into a series of agreements to provide benefits to low-income communities—has focused attention on more confrontational forms of collective action, flowing out of the traditions of community organizing and social movement activism. This essay uses the advent of accountable development to re-examine the relationship between cause lawyering and community mobilization. It begins by describing the emergence of CED as a nonadversarial cause lawyering model, situating it within the context of the reaction against the social movements and legal rights strategies of the 1960s and 1970s. Drawing upon insights from social movement theory, it then analyzes the constraints that collaborative CED can impose on collective action by low-income communities. A case study of accountable development in Los Angeles follows, revealing an alternative approach to CED that mobilizes adversarial organizing to extract developer concessions and governmental reforms. It concludes with an analysis of cause lawyering in the accountable development context, suggesting continuities with conventional CED practice, while highlighting the ways in which the more confrontational approach of accountable development reshapes the lawyering role.

Since the 1880s neurasthenia - a term popularised by New York-physician George Beard - was discussed an a phenomenon of modernity, but over a long period of debate, psychiatry were not able to define what this "modern malady" exactly meant nor was it able to find any discernible causes for the epidemic disease. Neurasthenia was not simply a diagnostic term, which was often applied by fin de siècle-physicians to their workaday routine, but a kind of lifestyle, a sign of a certain emotional sensitivity in modern times. In the last decade historical research on neurasthenia has focused on Britain, Germany and the Netherlands. But what happened in Austria-Hungary, especially in Vienna? Focusing on Viennese psychiatry, part one of the book analyses the "invention" of Neurasthenia and the adoption of Beards thesis in Austrian medicine, bringing out various figures and alternative methods of explanations of the disease that was identified as a central, yet unwanted feature of modern manliness. Based on this the outcome of war could be seen as an instance of 'nerve-corrections'. Like many medical professionals in Austria-Hungary, psychiatrists had reacted to the war with nearly unanimous support: patriotic habits went hand in hand with high psychiatric expectations of the powerful mental effects of war. These hopes were badly disappointed. In the more recent literature on the medical and cultural history of the Great War, the phenomenon of the epidemic mental breakdowns of soldiers has been given a prominent place. 'Shellshock' and 'war neurosis' are now key words and frequent metaphors for the shattering effects of an industrialized war. In a sense these psychiatric labels symbolically represent the destructive impact of mechanized weapons on body and soul, the loss of narrative structures and the traumatic after-effects of modern warfare. How can Viennese-centred Austrian psychiatry in the First World War be characterized? With regard to new studies on the history of trauma, war and psychiatry I intend to emphasize two interpretations. Firstly, as in German and other European psychiatric war communities, models of rationalisation and modernisation are of significance when focusing on this topic. Viennese psychiatrists were neither particularly brutal nor especially tolerant in the way they dealt with the situation. Instead, as in other European countries in the Great War, they acted in keeping with military requirements and standards. Secondly, the specific political and cultural context of the Austro-Hungarian situation is of utmost importance as well. Shell-shock was a phenomenon that affected all nations, but reactions differed according to different national traditions and different medical ways of understanding, representing and acting. In a comparative cultural history of World War One, Austria-Hungary is a model of a shattered society, paralysed by ethnic conflicts and cultural differences. In this context, the therapeutic response to war neurosis was affected by language confusion, national stereotypes and malingering. The German-Austrian psychiatrists not only emerged as a group of experts who had taken responsibility for the efficient treatment of war neurosis, but also as a pressure group that intended to keep centrifugal forces of the multinational empire under control.

Günümüzde uluslararası ekonomik birleşme hareketleri önem kazanmaya başlamıştır. Uluslararası ekonomik birleşmeler üye ülkeler arasındaki tüm ticaret engellerinin kaldırılması ve belirli alanlardaki işbirliğinin kurulması ile ilgilenir. Başlıca ekonomik entegrasyon türlerini şöyle sıralayabiliriz: Serbest ticaret bölgeleri, gümrük birlikleri, ortak pazar, parasal birlik, ekonomik birlik, ve tam entegrasyondur.Cumhuriyetin ilanından sonra tüm alanlarda yönünü batıya çeviren Türkiye, özellikle ekonomik alanda AB ülkelerinin önemli partneri olmuş ve bu ülkelerin oluşturdukları organizasyonlar içinde yer almak istemiştir. Türkiye'nin 1963 yılında başlayan birlik macerası 1996 yılında GB'nin kabul edilmesiyle yeni bir boyut kazanmıştır.Tam üyelik esasına göre kurulmuş olan AB sisteminde, ülkeler önce tam üye statüsüne sahip olurlar ve daha sonra siyasal, ticari, mali ortak yükümlülükler altına girerler. 6 Mart 1995'de Türkiye-AB Ortaklık Konseyi Kararı olarak kabul edilen ve 1 Ocak 1996'da yürürlüğe giren Gümrük Birliği ile Türkiye'nin AB'ne tam üye olmadan, tam üye ülkelerin altına girdiği yükümlülükleri üstlenmiştir.Gümrük Birliği ile birlikte Türkiye , AB mallarının sıfır gümrükle ithaline ve AB'nin belirlediği üçüncü ülkelere karşı uygulanacak Ortak Gümrük Tarifesine uyma yükümlülüğüne girerek; AB lehine Türkiye aleyhine ticaretin gelişmesine olanak tanımış ve aynı zamanda sıfırlanan gümrük vergileri ile birlikte, kamu gelirleri içerisinde önemli yeri olan gümrük vergi gelirleri kaybına uğramıştır.Türkiye, dış ticareti yönünden önemli partneri olan AB ile oluşturduğu GB sürecini tekrar gözden geçirecek mekanizmalar geliştirilmelidir. Tam üye yapılmadan gümrük birliğini sürdürerek ticari, siyasi kayıplarının uzun vadede daha da ciddi zararları doğurmasına meydan vermemek için; AB ile karşılıklı menfaatleri gözeten bir serbest ticaret bölgesi antlaşması yapılmalı ve ekonomik, siyasi ve ticari işbirliği bu doğrultuda geliştirilmelidir. SUMMER OF THESİSNowadays, international economical union movement become more important. International economic union is interested in to cancel all commercial handicap between the countries which are member of union and to establish cooperation in certain area. Main economical entegrations are; free commercial zone, customs union, shared market, financial union, economical union and exact entegration.After declaration of republic, Turkey rotateol the direction to the west in all fields. Especially, Turkey become a partner in economical field to EU countries. Turkey wanted to be in all organization in EU. Union advanture started in 1963 for Turkey and it changed in 1996 to end with accepted.In EU system, which is established according to exact membership, first countries have exact member statute and then they shared obligation of political, commercial, financial. In 6 March 1995, Turkey - EU assouote council accepted and in 1996, 1sh january Turkey accepted the all obligation without membership to EU called custom associations.One of the obligation of custom association for Turkey was zero custom to all EU proper ties and to fit shared custom price list that applicated to third countries. These obligations have benefits for EU. However, they affected Turkey economically. Commercial developed against to Turkey. At the same time custom tax which was get zero, and public in come decreased slowly.Turkey should control foreing commercial, which shared with EU. and developed mechanism to check custom union process. Turkey should make a new deal with EU. this should be about free commercial zone. Then, economy, politics and commercial union should developed in this direction. Otherwise, Turkey gets serious harm to the economy.

The main objective of this study is to investigate the relation and interaction between terrorism (as one face of politically motivated violence) and the international political system, as well as the causative link between these two. For this end, after investigating how terrorism and the international system generally are related to each other, the impact of system level long-term transformations in the post-Cold War era on the nature of terrorism will be assessed.Every academic/scientific study covering the issues of terror and terrorism, first of all, has to deal with the problem(s) of definition, and has to formulate its own definition of terrorism. Although this process is not an easy one-due to some theoretical and practical difficulties-definition of terrorism can be formulated as "a kind of mechanism for political control".In order to adequately and accurately assess the impact of terror and terrorism on the international system, determining the relative positioning of terror and terrorism within the system, and exhibiting its interaction with the international system seem to be a necessity.This circumstance is clearly manifest in the post-Cold War era. When carefully analyzed, the changes that have been witnessed in the nature of terrorism, and those have been attributed to actor level transformations strengthened by conjectural military-political changes, turns out to be a reflection of an adaptation process to a series of gradual and long-term transformations within the "structure" of the international system.The military, political, economic, and diplomatic developments in the aftermath of terror attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon on September 11, 2001, constitutes an integral part of this transformation and adaptation process and consequently they should be evaluated within the context of theses transformations.Bu çalışmanın temel amacı, politik amaçlı şiddet olgusunun bir görünümü olan terörizmin uluslararası siyasi sistemle olan ilişkisini, etkileşimini ve ikisi arasındaki nedensellik bağlarını incelemektir. Bu amaçla öncelikle terörizmin uluslararası sistemle olan ilişkisi genel olarak incelendikten sonra Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde, sistemsel düzeyde uzun dönemli dönüşümlerin terörizmin doğası üzerindeki etkisi ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır.Terör ve terörizm olguları ile ilgilenen her akademik/bilimsel çalışma öncelikle terörizmin tanımı sorunu ile ilgilenmek ve kendi terörizm tanımını ortaya koymak zorundadır. Bu işlem teorik ve pratik bazı sorunlar nedeniyle kolay bir süreç olmasa da, terörizmin tanımı bir çeşit siyasi kontrol mekanizması olarak yapılabilir.Terörün ve terörizmin sistem üzerindeki etkisinin doğru ve yeterli bir değerlendirmesinin yapılabilmesi için, terörün ve terörizmin sistem içindeki konumlarının belirlenmesi, ve de uluslararası sistemle olan etkileşimlerinin ortaya konulması gereklidir.Bu durum Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde, kendisini açıkça ortaya koymaktadır. 90'lı yıllarda terörizmin doğasında görülen ve terörizm çalışmaları literatüründe, genel olarak, dönemsel askeri-politik değişimlerce desteklenen aktör seviyesindeki dönüşümlere atfedilen değişimin, daha derinlemesine analiz edildiğinde, uluslararası sistemin "yapısında" meydana gelen uzun dönemli ve tedrici bir dizi dönüşüme uyum sağlama sürecinin bir yansıması olduğu görülmektedir.11 Eylül 2001 tarihinde Dünya Ticaret Merkezi ve Pentagona yönelik terör saldırıları sonrasındaki askeri, siyasi, ekonomik, ve diplomatik gelişmeler bu dönüşüm ve uyum sürecinin bir parçasını oluşturmaktadır ve dolayısıyla sonuçları yine bu dönüşüm süreci çerçevesinde değerlendirilmelidir.

Argy, Victor and Leslie Stein (1997). The Japanese Economy. Basingsto‐ke/London: Macmillan. 379 pp. £47.50. ISBN 0‐333‐6756‐5. £17.50. ISBN 0‐333‐67566‐5.Balasubramanyam, V. N. and D. Greenaway (eds.) (1996). Trade and Development. Essays in Honour of Jagdish Bhagwati. Basingstoke/London: Macmillan. 217 pp. £45.00. ISBN 0‐333‐65616‐4.Blejer, Mario I. and Teresa Ter‐Minassian (eds.) (1997). Macroeconomic Dimensions of Public Finance. Essays in Honour of Vito Tanzi. London/New York: Routledge. 506 pp. £65.00. ISBN 0‐415‐14111‐7.Blejer, Mario I. and Teresa Ter‐Minassian (eds.) (1997). Fiscal Policy and Economic Reform. Essays in Honour of Vito Tanzi. London/New York: Rout‐ledge. 305 pp. £60.00. ISBN 0‐415‐13739‐X.Brömmelhörster, Jörn and John Frankenstein (eds.) (1997). Mixed Motives, Uncertain Outcomes. Defense Conversion in China. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. 275 pp. $ 55.00. ISBN 1‐555‐87710‐9.Constanza, Robert, Charles Perrings and Cutler J. Cleveland (eds.) (1997). The Development of Ecological Economics. Cheltenham, UK/Brookfield, USA: Edward Elgar. 777 pp. £160.00. ISBN 1‐85898‐386‐X.Craig, Lee A. and Douglas Fisher (1997). The Integration of the European Economy, 1850‐1913. Basingstoke/London: MacMillan Press. 327 pp. ISBN 0‐333‐58036‐2.Davies, Stephen and Bruce Lyons (1996). Industrial Organization in the European Union. Structure, Strategy and the Competitive Mechanism. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 287 pp. £40.00. ISBN 0‐19‐828973‐1.Fratianni, Michele and Franco Spinelli (1997). A Monetary History of Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 305 pp. £40.00. ISBN 0‐521 ‐44315‐6.Gandolfo, Giancarlo (1996). Economic Dynamics, 3rd ed. Berlin/Heidelberg/New York/London: Springer. 610 pp. DM 178.‐. ISBN 3‐540‐60988‐1.Garfinkel, Michelle R. and Stergios Skaperdas (eds.) (1996). The Political Economy of Conflict and Appropriation. Cambridge/New York/Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. 182 pp. $ 49.95. ISBN 0‐521‐56063‐2.Kemp, René (1997). Environmental Policy and Technical Change. A Comparison of the Technological Impact of Policy Instruments. Cheltenham, UK/Brookfield, USA: Edward Elgar. 360 pp. £55.00. ISBN 1‐85898‐506‐4.Klamer, Arjo (ed.) (1996). The Value of Culture. On the Relationship between Economics and Arts. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. 243 pp. £21.95. ISBN 90‐5356‐218‐4.Llau, Pierre (1996). Economie financeère publique. Paris: Presses Universitai‐res de France. 546 pp. 168 FF. ISBN 2‐13‐047774‐7.Mueller, Dennis C. (ed.) (1997). Perspectives on Public Choice. A Handbook. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 672 pp. $79.95. ISBN 0‐521‐55377‐6 (he.). $ 29.95. ISBN 0‐521‐55654‐6 (pbk.).Pritzl, Rupert F.J. (1997). Korruption und Rent‐Seeking in Lateinamerika. Zur Politischen Ökonomie autoritärer politischer Systeme. Baden‐Baden: Nomos. 318 S. ISBN 3‐7890‐4692‐2.Schmidt‐Trenz, Hans‐Jörg (1996). Die Logikkollektiven Handelns bei Delegation. Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck). 293 S. ISBN 3‐16‐146607‐1.Xepapadeas, Anastasios (ed.) (1996). Economic Policy for the Environment and Natural Resources. Techniques for the management and Control of Pollution. Cheltenham, UK/Brookfield, USA: Edward Elgar. 245 pp. £59.95. ISBN 1‐85898‐413‐0.

Aluminum (Al)-based salts are widely used adjuvants in ruminants and other species to strengthen the immune response elicited against vaccine antigen(s). However, they can lead to the formation of long-lasting granulomas composed of abundant activated macrophages. Small ruminant lentiviruses (SRLV) are widely distributed macrophage-tropic retroviruses that cause persistent infections in sheep and goats. Infected monocytes/macrophages and dendritic cells establish an inflammatory microenvironment that eventually leads to clinical manifestations. The aim of this work was to study the effect of Al-induced granulomas in the replication and pathogenesis of SRLV. Eleven adult, naturally SRLV-infected sheep showing clinical arthritis were distributed in vaccine (n = 6), adjuvant-only (n = 3), and control (n = 2) groups and inoculated with commercial Al-based vaccines, Al hydroxide adjuvant alone, or phosphate-buffered saline, respectively. In vitro studies demonstrated viral replication in Al-induced granulomas in 5 out of 10 sheep. Immunohistochemistry (IHC) evinced granular, intracytoplasmic SRLV presence in macrophages within granulomas. Viral sequences obtained from granulomas, blood monocytes, and other tissues were highly similar in most animals, suggesting virus circulation among body compartments. However, notable differences between isolated strains in granulomas and other tissues in specific animals were also noted. Interestingly, the B2 subtype was the most commonly found SRLV genotype, reaching a wider body distribution than previously described. Recombination events between genotypes B2 and A3 along the gag region were identified in two sheep. Our results indicate that Al-hydroxide-derived granulomas may represent an ideal compartment for SRLV replication, perhaps altering natural SRLV infection by providing a new, suitable target tissue. IMPORTANCE Granulomas are inflammation-derived structures elicited by foreign bodies or certain infections. Aluminum adjuvants included in vaccines induce granulomas in many species. In sheep, these are persistent and consist of activated macrophages. Small ruminant lentiviruses (SRLV), which are macrophage-tropic lentiviruses, cause a chronic wasting disease affecting animal welfare and production. Here, we studied the occurrence of SRLV in postvaccination granulomas retrieved from naturally infected ewes after vaccination or inoculation with aluminum only. SRLV infection was confirmed in granulomas by identification of viral proteins, genomic fragments, and enzymatic activity. The infecting SRLV strain, previously found exclusively in carpal joints, reached the central nervous system, suggesting that occurrence of SRLV in postvaccination granulomas may broaden tissue tropism. SRLV recombination was detected in inoculated animals, a rare event in sheep lentiviruses. Potentially, virus-host interactions within granulomas may modify viral pathogenesis and lead to more widespread infection. ; This work was funded by grants from the Spanish Ministry of Economy, Industry and Competitiveness (AGL2013-49137-C3-1-R and AGL2013-49137-C3-2-R), the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities (RTI2018-096172-B-C31 and RTI2018-096172-BC33), and the Recognized Research Groups of Government of Aragón (A17_17R, Animal Health and Reproduction). I.E. was a PhD student funded by the Universidad Pública de Navarra. R.d.M. was a PhD student funded by the Department of Innovation, Research and University of Aragón. J.A. and A.R.-L. were PhD students funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities (formerly Spanish Ministry of Education).

Earthworms are an important soil taxon as ecosystem engineers, providing a variety of crucial ecosystem functions and services. Little is known about their diversity and distribution at large spatial scales, despite the availability of considerable amounts of local-scale data. Earthworm diversity data, obtained from the primary literature or provided directly by authors, were collated with information on site locations, including coordinates, habitat cover, and soil properties. Datasets were required, at a minimum, to include abundance or biomass of earthworms at a site. Where possible, site-level species lists were included, as well as the abundance and biomass of individual species and ecological groups. This global dataset contains 10,840 sites, with 184 species, from 60 countries and all continents except Antarctica. The data were obtained from 182 published articles, published between 1973 and 2017, and 17 unpublished datasets. Amalgamating data into a single global database will assist researchers in investigating and answering a wide variety of pressing questions, for example, jointly assessing aboveground and belowground biodiversity distributions and drivers of biodiversity change. ; H.R.P.P., B.K-R., and the sWorm workshops were supported by the sDiv [Synthesis Centre of the German Centre for Integrative Biodiversity Research (iDiv) Halle-Jena-Leipzig (DFG FZT 118)]. H.R.P.P., O.F. and N.E. acknowledge funding by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement no. 677232 to NE). K.S.R. and W.H.v.d.P. were supported by ERC-ADV grant 323020 to W.H.v.d.P. Also supported by iDiv (DFG FZT118) Flexpool proposal 34600850 (C.A.G. and N.E.); the Academy of Finland (285882) and the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (postdoctoral fellowship and RGPIN-2019-05758) (E.K.C.); German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (01LO0901A) (D.J.R.); ERC-AdG 694368 (M.R.); the TULIP Laboratory of Excellence (ANR-10-LABX-41) (M.L); and the BBSRC David Phillips Fellowship to F.T.d.V. (BB/L02456X/1). In addition, data collection was funded by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (12-04-01538-а, 12-04-01734-a, 14-44-03666-r_center_a, 15-29-02724-ofi_m, 16-04-01878-a 19-05-00245, 19-04-00-609-a); Tarbiat Modares University; Aurora Organic Dairy; UGC(NERO) (F. 1-6/Acctt./NERO/2007-08/1485); Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (RGPIN-2017-05391); Slovak Research and Development Agency (APVV-0098-12); Science for Global Development through Wageningen University; Norman Borlaug LEAP Programme and International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA); São Paulo Research Foundation - FAPESP (12/22510-8); Oklahoma Agricultural Experiment Station; INIA - Spanish Agency (SUM 2006-00012-00-0); Royal Canadian Geographical Society; Environmental Protection Agency (Ireland) (2005-S-LS-8); University of Hawai'i at Mānoa (HAW01127H; HAW01123M); European Union FP7 (FunDivEurope, 265171; ROUTES 265156); U.S. Department of the Navy, Commander Pacific Fleet (W9126G-13-2-0047); Science and Engineering Research Board (SB/SO/AS-030/2013) Department of Science and Technology, New Delhi, India; Strategic Environmental Research and Development Program (SERDP) of the U.S. Department of Defense (RC-1542); Maranhão State Research Foundation (FAPEMA 03135/13, 02471/17); Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES 3281/2013); Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports of the Czech Republic (LTT17033); Colorado Wheat Research Foundation; Zone Atelier Alpes, French National Research Agency (ANR-11-BSV7-020-01, ANR-09-STRA-02-01, ANR 06 BIODIV 009-01); Austrian Science Fund (P16027, T441); Landwirtschaftliche Rentenbank Frankfurt am Main; Welsh Government and the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (Project Ref. A AAB 62 03 qA731606); SÉPAQ, Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry of Finland; Science Foundation Ireland (EEB0061); University of Toronto (Faculty of Forestry); National Science and Engineering Research Council of Canada; Haliburton Forest & Wildlife Reserve; NKU College of Arts & Sciences Grant; Österreichische Forschungsförderungsgesellschaft (837393 and 837426); Mountain Agriculture Research Unit of the University of Innsbruck; Higher Education Commission of Pakistan; Kerala Forest Research Institute, Peechi, Kerala; UNEP/GEF/TSBF-CIAT Project on Conservation and Sustainable Management of Belowground Biodiversity; Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry of Finland; Complutense University of Madrid/European Union FP7 project BioBio (FPU UCM 613520); GRDC; AWI; LWRRDC; DRDC; CONICET (National Scientific and Technical Research Council) and FONCyT (National Agency of Scientific and Technological Promotion) (PICT, PAE, PIP), Universidad Nacional de Luján y FONCyT (PICT 2293 (2006)); Fonds de recherche sur la nature et les technologies du Québec (131894); Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (SCHR1000/3-1, SCHR1000/6-1, 6-2 (FOR 1598), WO 670/7-1, WO 670/7-2, & SCHA 1719/1-2), CONACYT (FONDOS MIXTOS TABASCO/PROYECTO11316); NSF (DGE-0549245, DGE-0549245, DEB-BE-0909452, NSF1241932, LTER Program DEB-97–14835); Institute for Environmental Science and Policy at the University of Illinois at Chicago; Dean's Scholar Program at UIC; Garden Club of America Zone VI Fellowship in Urban Forestry from the Casey Tree Endowment Fund; J.E. Weaver Competitive Grant from the Nebraska Chapter of The Nature Conservancy; The College of Liberal Arts and Sciences at Depaul University; Elmore Hadley Award for Research in Ecology and Evolution from the UIC Dept. of Biological Sciences, Spanish CICYT (AMB96-1161; REN2000-0783/GLO; REN2003-05553/GLO; REN2003-03989/GLO; CGL2007-60661/BOS); Yokohama National University; MEXT KAKENHI (25220104); Japan Society for the Promotion of Science KAKENHI (25281053, 17KT0074, 25252026); ADEME (0775C0035); Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities of Spain (CGL2017-86926-P); Syngenta Philippines; UPSTREAM; LTSER (Val Mazia/Matschertal); Marie Sklodowska Curie Postdoctoral Fellowship (747607); National Science & Technology Base Resource Survey Project of China (2018FY100306); McKnight Foundation (14–168); Program of Fundamental Researches of Presidium of Russian Academy of Sciences (AААА-A18–118021490070–5); Brazilian National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq 310690/2017–0, 404191/2019–3, 307486/2013–3); French Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs; Bavarian Ministry for Food, Agriculture and Forestry (Project No B62); INRA AIDY project; MIUR PRIN 2008; Idaho Agricultural Experiment Station; Estonian Science Foundation; Ontario Ministry of the Environment, Canada; Russian Science Foundation (16-17-10284); National Natural Science Foundation of China (41371270); Australian Research Council (FT120100463); USDA Forest Service-IITF. ; Peer reviewed