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In the last decade there have been radical changes in information technology. Progress in the development of modern means of communication spurred globalization in the world, speeded up the process of communication. It has become more technological and acquires new qualities such as «feedback» By lexicon added concepts such as «e-government», «communication Democracy», «e-citizenship».It is worth mentioning luminaries study communication processes in politics, which include H. Lassuel (mass communication, propaganda), H. Blumer, D. Rismen (theory of mass communication), K. Doych and D. Easton (founders of cybernetic approach and system analysis in political communications) L. Pye and W. Schramm (modernization theory).Direct impact on the study of contemporary political communication were the founders of the theory of the information society, including D. Bell, J. Galbraith, H.-M. McLuhan, A. Toffler, A. Touraine and others.The basis for the analysis of functional characteristics and values of political and communication processes are known H. Lassuell's paradigm under which the act of communication is seen as a structure of five components: who transmits, whom the transferor, what transmitting, on which channel, with what result.By definition, giving H.-J. Schwarzenberg, political communication – the process of transferring political information, which information circulates between the various elements of the political system, and between political and social systems. Based on the research perspective, we can distinguish two main ways of political communication: horizontal and vertical.The horizontal political communication, especially considering the exchange of information at the level of «individual – individual» «social group – social group», «the state – the state» and so on; while the vertical political communication involves the exchange of information between actors at various levels of «the state – the individual», «the social group – the state» and so on. Should pay attention to dramatic transformation taking place in all spheres of life (economic, social, cultural, informationalIt is about the globalization of the world who have shown themselves revolution in the technical field, the formation of new modes of communication, the use of Internet technologies. These transformations led to the formation of an information society.The concept of «information society» has gained relevance in the late 1980s in the West and seen as a new period in the development of civilization, due to the electron-technological revolution. The most complete concept of the information society is represented in the works of D. Bell, A. Touraine, Toffler, H. McLuhan, Zb. Brzezinski and others. The information society is characterized by defining the role and high levels of information technology. The main factors of social change are the production and use of information; theoretical knowledge as the highest value becomes the leader of a new social structure, new management models. The dominant role is played by the scope of information services.One way of determining the development of the information space at the present stage, both within the worldwide community, and at the level of national political communities, is Internet, which is a global planetary information system, a means of unification of various information networks for the transfer and exchange of information between countries, regions, organizations and individuals.Scientists are concerned that the Internet has developed spontaneously only at the initial stage. Gradually the situation changed, and government agencies in several countries were trying to control the Internet communication (China, North Korea).M. Hrachov which summarized according to researchers, uses terms such as «media imperialism», «cultural imperialism» and even «financialy-information totalitarianism». In his view, the internationalization of the information space to a greater extent contributed not a process of national liberation and development, but rather the weakening of cultural sovereignty and autonomy, strengthening economic and political dependence of States «third world», and recently also the former socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe.However, according to most scholars, the Internet radically increase the effectiveness of the government machinery, both in speed of service, and in its price. One example may be the introduction of e-government. The idea of e-government is the idea of the state as an institution designed to efficiently meet the actual needs of society. The essence of e-government is the use of virtual space to improve service delivery models and improve the efficiency of government and public institutions. ; В статье исследуется понятие политической коммуникации и ее современные особенности. Определяются основные черты современного информационного общества, а также ключевая роль Интернета как средства связи. Сформулированы положительные и отрицательные проявления политической коммуникации в информационном обществе. ; У статті досліджується поняття політичної комунікації та її сучасні особливості. Визначаються основні риси сучасного інформаційного суспільства, а також ключова роль Інтернету як засобу зв'язку. Сформульовано позитивні та негативні прояви політичної комунікації в інформаційному суспільстві.

What is culture? Does culture necessitate protection? If so, can communications regulation offer the security needed to maintain a distinctive cultural identity? These are all significant questions that are facing a great number of states around the world. Within Australia, broadcasting regulatory policy takes the position that culture does require protection in order to preserve unique societal ideals. Under this philosophy, the Broadcasting Services Act 1992 seeks to provide a defence by imposing foreign and cross-media ownership restrictions. But as a new age of technology approaches, can the regulatory system of the past remain effective? The United Kingdom, Germany, and Canada are three countries in which this same issue is pertinent. Each of these states has taken on the task of regulating broadcasting in dissimilar fashions. Canada has imposed a series of Canadian produced content quotas with the intention of maintaining a prevalence of domestic viewpoints within terrestrial broadcasting. This system is analogous to the Australian model and has proven to be rather effective. Germany is a state in which foreigners are freely admitted into broadcasting ownership, and there are very few content quota requirements. Instead the use of market share restrictions has been implemented with a good deal of efficacy. German culture remains just as unique as any other. The United Kingdom offers yet another approach. In the UK, foreign ownership restriction applies only to terrestrial broadcasting, but not to persons from within the European Union. Co-production of content is encouraged as to benefit both foreign and domestic producers. In spite of the fact that the UK has a thriving satellite broadcasting industry which imports large quantities of foreign-made programming, uniqueness in culture perseveres. Globalization has been a major issue facing the world for many years. There have been an array of conceptual frameworks as to what effects globalization might yield, but none have been fully validated. The cultural/media imperialism framework has been accepted by a large number of people. The fears addressed by the Broadcasting Services Act 1992 correlate closely with this model. The cultural/media imperialism thesis assumes that a given culture has the capacity to dilute and eradicate other cultures through media channels. This argument has not been sufficiently proven. To the contrary there has been no indication that any one culture would have more of a tendency to adopt the ideals of another than the opposite. The cultural flows model of globalization takes a different stance. It asserts that a decrease in production costs caused by advancing technology has the capability of increasing the amount of active global communications participants. Furthermore, by the cultural flows model, this increase in participants would diversify what can be referred to as the emerging global culture. Regional identities would still flourish within a separate sphere of influence, but global culture would also thrive as a true melting pot. Technological advances, including the introduction of the World Wide Web have presented a serious problem to regulators around the world. This medium has yet to be effectively regulated. Foreign produced content has to this point avoided regulatory restrictions, and remains easily accessible. Convergence of technologies has made it possible for the Internet to be accessible through an array of devices. Digital television receivers, cellular telephones, and even refrigerators and other household appliances now have the capability to become Internet ports. Moreover, broadband Internet service has made it possible for newspapers, and television as well as radio broadcasters to post most of their productions online. This enables Internet users to access the content at their leisure. These technological realities have the potential to destabili ze regulatory bodies. Legitimate regulation must be fair and consistent. The Broadcasting Services Act 1992 places limitations on television broadcasting that are being undermined by the laxity of regulation in the Internet. If left unaddressed, this transparent inequality has the potential to render areas of government regulation inefficient and illegitimate. Since legitimacy is widely believed to be essential for stable governing, this would not be an a cceptable occurrence. In order to retain legitimacy in regulation, Australia must consider deregulating some areas of communications policy. As Canada, the UK, and Germany have demonstrated, retention of cultural identity is not contingent on communications regulation. Government and non-profit organizations could produce public broadcasting strongly oriented toward Australian culture. In the same tum, supplementary investment in Australian infrastructure by foreigners has the potential to benefit the Australian entertainment industry. Enhanced production capabilities would allow Australia to assert an active presence in the global arena without compromising traditional values. In this way, both domestic and international persons could benefit from a truly interdependent world.

В рамках данной статьи систематизированы и обобщены закономерности формирования зарубежного опыта и тенденций освоения арктических территорий. Изложены важные моменты, предопределяющие ориентацию и специфику проявления национальных интересов государств потенциальных участников недропользования в Арктической зоне. В статье были получены следующие выводы: значительный интерес к Арктике проявляют сегодня не только пять стран (Россия, США, Канада, Норвегия, Дания), которые владеют арктическими территориями, но и приполярные государства (Исландии, Швеции, Финляндии), Европейский Союз и страны Азии. Вследствие чего, ожидается, что в XXI веке Арктический регион будет находиться в фокусе пристального внимания как официальных приарктических 45, так и множества государств, чьи территории весьма удалены от нее; для России, учитывая сегодняшние, острые внешнеполитические условия (санкции, противостояние с Западом, украинский кризис и война на Ближнем Востоке) освоение арктических территорий, несколько отодвигается, переносясь на завтрашнюю, а то и на послезавтрашнюю повестку дня. Подобный подход является в корне ошибочным и таит в себе ряд угроз, поскольку другие страны не снижают, а лишь увеличивают свою заинтересованность в этом вопросе; территориальное противостояние всех причастных к этой теме стран приводит к нестабильности в арктическом регионе, однако не представляет реальной угрозы для возникновения масштабного конфликта. Поэтому, делая выбор между жестким прессингом национальных интересов и гармонизацией интересов приарктических государств, Российская Федерация должна базироваться на международном сотрудничестве и взаимном учете интересов при разработки своей арктической стратегии; рассматривая кооперацию стран в Арктическом Совете и их сотрудничество в рамках глобального экономического форума G8, возникают предпосылки к решению арктического противостояния путем переговоров и компромиссов. В данном контексте чрезвычайно важна разработка нормативно-правовой институциональной базы по арктическому вопросу. Научная новизна данного исследования состоит в том, что, основываясь на передовом зарубежном опыте и тенденциях в сфере освоения и разработки арктических территорий, рекомендованы меры относительно развития и реализации российской арктической политики, а именно: повышение технологической оснащенности и эффективности поиска и добычи природных ресурсов Арктики; достижение надежной логистической инфраструктуры для обеспечения будущих поставок энергоресурсов; трансформация операционных рисков освоения и добычи природных ископаемых Арктики в финансовые риски через механизмы государственно-частного партнерства и венчурного финансирования; гармонизация внутреннего законодательства в сфере освоения арктических территорий с международным; либерализация производства и продажи энергетических ресурсов, лоббирование национальных арктических интересов на глобальном уровне через различные наднациональные структуры и организации. ; In this article and summarized the regularities of formation of foreign experience and trends of development of Arctic territories. Set out the important points predetermine orientation and specifi city of manifestations of national interests potential participants of the subsoil in the Arctic zone. On the basis of the illuminated materials were obtained the following conclusions: Significant interest in the Arctic show today, not only the five countries (Russia, USA, Canada, Norway, Denmark), who own Arctic territories, but also polar state (Iceland, Sweden, Finland), the European Union and Asia. As a consequence of that, it is expected that in the XXI century the Arctic region will be the focus of attention as an official Arctic 45, and a number of states whose territory is quite removed from it; For Russia, given the current, acute political conditions (sanctions, confrontation with the West, Ukrainian crisis and war in the Middle East) development of Arctic territories, some moved away, moved on tomorrow and the day after tomorrow on the agenda. This approach is fundamentally flawed and fraught with a number of threats, because other countries do not decrease, but only increase their interest in this issue; Territorial opposition to all those involved in the topic of causing instability in the Arctic region, but does not represent a real threat for the emergence of large-scale conflict. Therefore, making the choice between the hard pressure of national interests and the interests of harmonization of the Arctic states, Russia must be based on international cooperation and mutual consideration of interests in the development of its Arctic strategy; Considering the cooperation of the countries of the Arctic Council and their cooperation in the framework of a global economic forum G8, there are prerequisites for the decision of the Arctic confl ict through negotiation and compromise. In this context it is very important to develop the legal and regulatory institutional frameworks on Arctic issues. The scientific novelty of this study lies in the fact that, based on best international practices and trends in the field of exploration and development of Arctic territories, recommend measures regarding the development and implementation of the Russian Arctic policy, namely: Increase the efficiency of technological equipment and exploration and production of natural resources in the Arctic; The achievement of a reliable logistical infrastructure to secure future energy supplies; Transformation of the operational risks of development and extraction of natural resources in the Arctic financial risks through the mechanisms of public-private partnerships and venture financing; Harmonization of domestic legislation in the sphere of development of Arctic territories with international; Liberalization of the production and sale of energy resources, lobbying national Arctic interests at the global level through the various national structures and institutions.

The transition towards a more sustainable economic system is increasingly seen as an urgency to respond to the social, environmental and economic challenges of our times. Mirroring this increased attention, the scholarly literature on transition and transition management, "degrowth" and sustainable development (e.g., Loorbach, 2007, Boulanger, 2008) has considerably developed across a set of disciplines (sociology, geography, economics, engineering, etc.). The solutions put forth by the different literature streams vary to a large extent and rely on distinct if not opposed ideological foundations, from the radical, anti-consumerist vision of "degrowth" to the much softer and vaguer, reformist trend of "sustainable development". Common to the different literature streams, however, is to mainly focus on two levels of analysis. First, the systemic level receives most attention when it comes to diagnoses of limitations in the extant system and exploration of what alternative – non-growth, post-transition or at least sustainable – systems or economies would look like. This focus on systems is logical given the scope of the expected (r)evolutions to undertake. It is also coherent with the main disciplines involved in this "macro-level" research effort: economics, sociology, political science, philosophy, etc. A second and subsequent level of analysis that has been considered lies at the other extreme of the continuum: the individual. Indeed, as the failures of the extant economic system have been linked to the unrealistic and ideologically oriented vision of the individual as an ever-calculating, utility-maximizing "homo oeconomicus" (Stiglitz, 2009), questions have arisen about the human behavior required to generate or at least participate in the alternative systems conceived at the macro level. Put another way, to what extent and in what sense do we need to change our individual behaviors, in terms of purchasing, working, voting, investing, moving, and acting in general, in order to liberate ourselves from the homo oeconomicus patterns and consider alternative behaviours that, put together, may contribute to alternative systems? This "micro-level" perspective has relied on work in psychology and anthropology in order to (re)discover new avenues for increased reflexivity and conscious action. Between the macro and micro perspectives lie a diversity of "meso" actors consisting of more or less formalized groups of individuals, organizations and institutions such as: public authorities (from local to global), businesses, civil society, educational institutions, etc. Much work has been undertaken on the role of these different types of "meso-actor" in the transition towards alternative economies, but in view of the author of this chapter this has been developed either in a superficial way, mentioning the different actors to engage in these processes, or using "black boxes" that suppose homogeneous sets of actors such as "companies" or "civil society actors". In other words, although several case studies enter into the complexity of one or several of these black boxes, there is lack of clarity and depth in the study of how different types of actors, especially economic actors, may engage in and inspire societal change. In particular, little work makes the connection between how economic organizations function internally, and how they (may) act towards society (e.g., Moore et al., 2009). This chapter does not aim, of course, to fill this knowledge gap on its own. It intends to bring a modest contribution to understanding the role of meso actors and in particular economic organizations by focusing on one specific, under-researched but important actor that is social enterprise. As will be described further, social enterprises are still weakly defined and heterogeneous (Dart, 2004, Defourny and Nyssens, 2010, Huybrechts and Nicholls, 2012). Yet, they share two features that seem of particular interest in the debate mentioned here. First, they do not correspond to a neatly defined organizational category as they precisely lie at the intersection of two spheres that are commonly clearly separated and often opposed to each other: the market and the civil society. Such a "hybrid" nature offers the potential for a specific and original contribution to the debate on alternative economies and systems, insofar as hybridity is synonym for innovation and unconventional thinking, as this chapter aims to show. A second feature of social enterprises is their supposed coherence, at least theoretically, between internal functioning and external contribution. In other words, the new societal solutions that social enterprises offer through their products and services are supposed to be coherent with the solutions experimented within their very organizational structures. Despite their diversity and their obvious limitations, it is thus suggested here that examining social enterprises may offer at least two contributions to the discussion on alternative economies. First, by understanding the potential of hybridity, i.e. combination of distinct institutional patterns, to the reconfiguration of economic systems. Second, by highlighting the link between intra-organizational functioning and societal behavior, in order to show how engaging actors in building alternative economies must involve in one way or another these two dimensions. ; Peer reviewed

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 국제학과(국제협력전공), 2012. 2. Lee, Geun. ; 3DPrinting will be the next major disruptive innovation, yet the size and scope of the disruption is unknown. The objectives o f this thesis were to give the reader a quick introduction into 3D Printing, place contours around the magnitude of the disruption and suggest ways in which we can shape future development of this technology in a manner that would enhance the greater society. Specifically, this analysis focuses on the Business and Political Economy implications of Industrial 3D Printing (I-3DP) on the US economy over the coming decade. The concept of the Flexiplex (Flexible Production Complex) is introduced as the most likely form that this radical innovation will take. A unique methodology is developed to approximate the size of the I-3DP market by cross-referencing US Trade Data with technology intensity indicators. The study suggests that with a total investment of $5.5 billion spread across 11 years to create 5 Flexiplexes in the U.S. would create the 9th largest manufacturing industry after 11 years, with annual revenue of $187 billion. Next, using Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) literature developed by Peter Hall and David Sockice, an analysis was conducted to ascertain how I-3DP reindustrialization would interact with the Political Economy institutional framework of Liberal and Coordinated Market Economies. VoC literature strongly suggests that LME like the US are better placed for resolving coordination dilemmas created by implementing I-3DP cross the 5 spheres then their CME counterparts. LME advantage in implementing Radical Innovation should stimulate the implementation of the Flexiplex Ecosystem. LME growth has been achieved through higher inequalities, which are at levels last seen during the Great Depression. In order to resolve this distributive dilemma, this paper advocates that the US government fund the Flexiplex Project in exchange for a majority equity position. A consortium of private sector companies can use the funds to conduct R&D, construction and operations of the whole ecosystem in exchange for a minority equity stake or a predetermined percentage of the revenue. Since the Flexiplex plays a facilitating role rather than a traditional manufacturing one, such ownership structure would resemble state owned ports and highway. Using revenue earned, the US can redistribute the surplus created by the Felxiplex Ecosystem towards active labor market policies and public education would, along the line suggested by Pontusson. Although it would not solve all the redistributive problems faced by the US Liberal Market Economy Institutions, this approach can provide well needed programs to varied segments if the labor market, shortening unemployment spells and up-skilling the US workforce to more adequately compete in the global economy. ; 3D 인쇄는 가까운 미래에 중대한 혁신이 될 것임이 분명함에도 그 영향의 규모와 범위는 아직 알려지지 않았다. 이 논문은 3D 인쇄에 대한 간략한 소개, 그 영향의 윤곽에 대한 정의, 및 사회 발전을 위해 이 새로운 기술을 형성할 수 있는 추후의 방법 제안에 목적을 두고 있다. 이 논문의 분석은 더 구체적으로 추후 10년 간 공업용 3D 인쇄가 (I-3DP) 미국 경제에 지닐 사업적 및 정치경제적 영향에 초점을 두고 있다. 이 급진적인 혁신이 가져다 줄 변화는 이하 플렉시플렉스 (Flexible Production Complex – 융통성 있는 생산 콤플랙스)라는 개념으로 이해된다. I-3DP 시장의 규모를 가늠하기 위해 저자는 미국 무역 데이터와 기술 강도 지표를 상호 참조하는 방법을 사용하였다. 이 연구는 미국이 11년 동안 총 55억 달러의 투자를 통해 미국 내 5개의 flexiplex를 구축할 경우, 미국은 같은 기간 내에 1,870억 달러에 다다르는 연간 수입을 지닌 세계 제 9위의 제조국가가 될 수 있음을 암시한다. 다음으로, "Varieties of Capitalism (VoC)" ("자본주의의 다양성") (Peter Hall, David Sockice 저자)의 논리에 바탕을 둔 분석을 통해 이 논문은 I-3DP 의 재공업화가 어떻게 Liberal and Coordinated Market Economies의 ("자유주의적 및 협조된 시장 경제") 정치경제의 제도적 체제와 상호 작용을 하는지 알아내고자 한다. VoC의 논리에 의하면, 미국과 같은 LME (자유주의적 시장 경제)의 경우, 5개 차원 내에 형성되는 조직 딜레마를 해결하는 데에 있어서 I-3DP의 역할이 CME (협조된 시장 경제) 보다 더 긍정적인 효과를 낼 가능성이 크다. 급진적 혁신을 시행하는 데 있어 LME가 지니는 유리함은 Flexiplex Ecosystem의 시행을 활성화시킬 수 있을 것이다. LME의 성장은 심한 불균등을 통해 달성 되었으며, 이 불균등은 현재 대공황 이후 제일 심각한 시점에 다다른 상태다. 이러한 분배 딜레마를 해결하기 위해 본 논문은 미국 정부가 과반수 지분을 지닐 수 있는 Flexiplex 프로젝트를 위한 기금을 마련하기를 지지하는 바이다. 민간 부문 기업들로 형성된 협력단은 소수 주주권, 또는 미리 결정된 수익의 일부를 교환하는 조건 하에, 위 기금을 연구 개발 및 ecosystem의 구성 및 가동을 위해 사용할 수 있을 것이다. Flexiplex 는 전통적인 제조의 역할 보다 편의를 도모하는 역할을 맡기 때문에 이런 소유권은 정부가 소유하는 항구 또는 고속도로의 형식을 띨 것이 예상된다. 미국 정부는 Flexiplex Ecosystem이 창출할 흑자를 Pontusson이 암시하는 방향을 따라 왕성한 노동 시장 정책과 공공 교육을 위해 사용할 수 있을 것이다. 비록 현재 미국의 자유주의 시장 경제 체제가 처해 있는 재분배 문제를 ; Master

В статье представлены итоги работы экспертной группы №5 «Переход от стимулирования инноваций к росту на их основе» по корректировке «Стратегии социально-экономического развития России на период до 2020 г.». Участниками группы проведен детальный анализ ситуации в российской инновационной сфере и сформулированы рекомендации по выбору стратегических приоритетов государственной политики, а также конкретных инструментов регулирования, которые могут быть реализованы в самом ближайшем будущем. В отношении текущей ситуации среди ключевых вызовов выделены: усиливающаяся зависимость России от внешней конъюнктуры, растущие социально-экономические риски, сложности с адекватным реагированием на быстроменяющиеся глобальные тренды, серьезные разрывы между основными субъектами инновационной системы, неравный доступ различных социальных групп к новым технологиям и инновациям. К наиболее существенным позитивным трендам отнесены: введение новых инструментов регулирования, постепенное расширение круга игроков в инновационной сфере, рост бюджетного финансирования исследований и разработок. Предложены три возможных сценария развития событий: инерционный, предполагающий низкие темпы экономического роста при сохранении сырьевой ориентации экономики; прогрессорский, предусматривающий форсированное встраивание в глобальные процессы, и переход к постиндустриальной модели; а также умеренный, обладающий наибольшей вероятностью реализации. Реализация того или иного сценария зависит от политического выбора на ключевых развилках в таких областях, как законодательство, регулирование, наука, и ряд других. Например, в сфере образования предстоит сделать выбор между «мягкой» адаптацией существующих образовательных программ в соответствии с меняющимися потребностями экономики и усилением акцента на развитии специальных профессиональных компетенций. Сформулированы базовые направления перспективной инновационной политики: переход от фокусирования на поддержке отдельных инновационных проектов, соответствующих жестко установленным технологическим приоритетам, к стимулированию массовых инноваций во всех секторах экономики, включая низкотехнологичные; секторальная дифференциация приоритетов, критериев, инструментов политики; сбалансированная поддержка инноваций в высокои низкотехнологичных секторах; отказ от жесткой иерархии в управлении в пользу децентрализации, наделения регионов, институтов развития, бизнес-ассоциаций и других субъектов более широкими полномочиями; поддержка сетевой кооперации на всех уровнях; усиление ориентации на результат при принятии решений; обеспечение баланса тематических и функциональных приоритетов политики в целях ликвидации возможных провалов в инновационном цикле. Подчеркнута важность акцентов на социальных эффектах инновационной политики, поддержке креативного класса, подготовке предпринимателей, менеджеров и профессионалов для инновационной сферы и экономики в целом. ; The paper presents the outcomes of the expert group "The transition from fostering innovation to innovation-based growth" on adjusting the Strategy for socio-economic development of Russia up to 2020. Panel experts have undertaken a detailed analysis of the state of art of the Russian innovation sphere and proposed recommendations on the choice of strategic priorities for state policy, as well as specific regulatory tools that can be implemented in the near future. Among the key challenges identified are: the increasing Russian dependence on foreign markets, the growing socio-economic risks, difficulties with adequate responding to the rapidly changing global trends, significant gaps between the main actors of the innovation system, sufficient lack of access to new technologies and innovations for different social groups. The most significant positive trends include: the introduction of new regulatory tools, the gradual expansion of the actors players in the innovation sector and, the growth of public R&D funding. The experts propose three possible scenarios: the inertial scenario implies low rates of economic growth while preserving the dependence of the economy on extractive industries; the progressive scenario presumes the accelerated integration into global processes and transition to post-industrial model and the moderate scenario which has the highest probability of realization. The implementation of a scenario depends on political choices made in the context of bifurcation in areas such as legislation, regulation, science, and many others. For example, in education there is a need to choose between "soft" adaptation of existing educational programs to meet the changing needs of the economy and greater emphasis on the development of specific professional skills. The paper formulates the basic directions of a prospective innovation policy: shifting from focusing on support for individual innovative projects that meet tight technology priorities to fostering mass innovation in all sectors of the economy, including low-tech ones; sectoral differentiation of the priorities, criteria, policy instruments, balanced support for innovation in highand low-tech sectors, the rejection of a rigid hierarchy in the governance in favor of decentralization, empowerment of regions, development institutions, business associations and other entities with more power; support for network cooperation at all levels, focusing on an output-oriented approach to decision making, ensuring the balance of thematic and functional priority policies in order to eliminate possible failures in the innovation cycle. The authors put emphasis on the social effects of innovation policy, the need for supporting the creative class as well as the training of entrepreneurs, managers and professionals for the innovation sector and the economy as a whole.

Tutkimuksen aiheena on vanhempainvapaan käyttö sukupuolen mukaan. Tulokset perustuvat Stakesin vuosina 2001-2002 toteuttaman perhevapaatutkimuksen kyselyaineistoon, jossa vastaajina oli 3 232 pienten lasten äitiä ja 1 413 isää. Isät saivat ensimmäisen kerran oikeuden perhevapaaseen jo 1970-luvulla, ja kuluneen vuosikymmenen ajan isät ovat olleet vanhempainvapaajärjestelmän kehittämisen keskiössä. Vanhempainvapaata ovat kuitenkin käyttäneet pääasiassa naiset. Vanhempainvapaata koskeva lainsäädäntö ilmentää periaatteessa sukupuolineutraalia vanhemmuuskäsitystä, jossa sekä äidin että isän nähdään pystyvän lapsen hoitoon. Käytännössä äidin asemaa lasten ensisijaisena hoitajana ei kuitenkaan kyseenalaisteta, vaikka isän osallistumista lastenhoitoon pidetäänkin tärkeänä. Vanhempainvapaan jakamista isän ja äidin kesken määrittää paitsi isän, myös äidin asema työelämässä. Jos sekä äiti että isä ovat korkeasti koulutettuja, on todennäköisempää, että molemmat käyttävät vanhempainvapaata. Julkisen sektorin naisvaltaisissa organisaatioissa työskentelevät isät pitävät vanhempainvapaata jonkin verran enemmän kuin muut miehet. Työelämän vaatimusten ja stressaavuuden vuoksi monet pienten lasten isät haluavat pitää taukoa töistään. Kyseessä on vanhempainvapaan pitämiseen merkittävästi vaikuttava asia, josta vanhemmat eivät usein kuitenkaan puhu keskenään. Monet isät kertovat perheen taloustilanteen estävän heitä ottamasta vapaata, mutta valinnat perustuvat pikemminkin olettamuksiin kuin laskelmiin. Taustalla on usein sukupuoleen kohdistuvia asenteita sekä käsitys vanhempien erillisistä vastuista. Vanhempainvapaan jakamisella on seurauksia paitsi asemaan työelämässä, myös palkattomien kotitöiden jakautumiseen. Jos perheessä äiti käyttää koko vanhempainvapaan, vanhemmille muodostuu erilliset kokemusmaailmat ja kotityöt eriytyvät sukupuolen mukaan enemmän kuin sellaisissa perheissä, joissa isä pitää ainakin osan vapaasta. Yksittäisten äitien ja isien valinnat tapahtuvat politiikan suomien mahdollisuuksien puitteissa, mutta niihin vaikuttavat myös aineelliset olosuhteet sekä ideologiset käsitykset. Nämä seikat voivat muuttua, mutta kehitys kohti molempien sukupuolten symmetrisempää vanhemmuutta edellyttää aktiivisia toimenpiteitä monella tasolla. Perhepolitiikassa tarvitaan isien yksilöllisiä oikeuksia vapaaseen. Jotta isän vastuu lastenhoidosta toteutuisi, tarvitaan työnantajien ja työtovereiden tukea. Myös perheiden arjessa on välttämätöntä pohtia sukupuolten välisiä suhteita ja kyseenalaistaa niitä. ; This study explores the gendered actualisation of statutory parental leave rights in Finland. Women's participation in the labour market is high, they work mainly full time and have a high education level. Since the 1960's, welfare state institutions have been developed to support the reconciliation of paid work and family life. Leave rights for fathers were first introduced in the 1970's, and during the past decade, fathercare has been in the focus of leave policy development. However, parental leave has been taken mainly by mothers, the division of childcare and housework in families has remained unequal, and women's position in the labour market is not equal to that of men. In the study, gender is a key concept for understanding parental practices in paid and unpaid work. The gendered actualisation of parental leave possibilities is explored on four levels following R.W.Connell's structural model of gender relations (1987; 2000): cultural conceptions and gender ideology; practical division of labour; individual desires and emotional motivations; and power relations. The empirical analysis is based on survey data with 3232 mothers and 1413 fathers of young children, collected in 2001-2002 as part of the Parental leave study by Stakes. In principle, the parental leave legislation reflects a gender neutral conception of parenthood where both the mother and the father are seen as capable carer for the child. Although fathers' involvement in childcare is widely understood as important, in practice the mother's primacy in childcare is not challenged. Naturalised assumptions of mothercare reflect the principles of difference and hierarchy of the prevailing gender order (Hirdman 1990): fathers are supposed to be different from mothers, and their activity in paid employment is valued more than their activity in childcare. Among parents of young children, gendered parental responsibilities are emphasized in relation to one's own choices, but not expected from the partner. Thus, mothers think breadwinning is a shared responsibility, and fathers think childcare is a shared responsibility. The sharing of parental leave between mothers and fathers is to some extent related to the socio-economic position of each parent. When both the mother and the father have a high education level, they are more likely to share parental leave. Fathers employed in female-dominated public sector organisations take somewhat more often parental leave than other men. However, the gender ideology i.e. attitudes towards fathers' take-up of leave, and conceptions of separate parental responsibilities is quite significant for the actualisation of leave rights in families. The ideologies and practices of sharing parental leave between mothers and fathers are related also to the division of labour in unpaid housework. In families where the mother takes the whole leave period, parents develop separate spheres of experience and housework tasks are more differentiated than in families where at least part of parental leave is taken by the father. In a demanding and stressful working life, many fathers of young children desire a break from work. This is an important source of motivation for parental leave, but it is often not communicated between parents. Although many fathers report family economy as an obstacle for their take-up of leave, their choices are based more on assumptions than calculations.

Portugal's historical past strongly influences the composition of the country's immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled "permanence" authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants' civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants' access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants' civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants' access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants' associative movement, research on local authorities' policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants' associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups. ; Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe

Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe ; Portugal's historical past strongly influences the composition of the country's immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled "permanence" authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants' civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants' access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants' civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants' access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants' associative movement, research on local authorities' policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants' associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups.

Learning pluralism and shaping religious identity in the context of cultural and ideological differences – between traditional diversification and contemporary pluralism
In the public and academic discourse, pluralism is recognized as one of the main features of the contemporary Western world, which is culturally, religiously and ideologically diversified. According to its supporters and promotors, pluralism is a significant value which constitutes a virtue of the modern world. However, pluralism is also associated with various problems, dilemmas and difficulties. Contemporary cultural pluralism has a substantial impact on shaping the religious identity and causes significant changes within it. In the 1970s and 1980s, sociologists indicated some pluralization processes which modified religious identity. In 1983, while examining the determinants of the Church activities in the industrial society, Janusz Mariański – a sociologist of religion, agreed with the observation that "what is eliminated in the pluralistic society is the situation of the monopoly of church institutions in interpreting human reality in the consciousness of the contemporary man. Religious values are not the only which give sense to fundamental values institutionalized in the society". Thus, religion ceases to have the earlier potentialities of the monopoly in the sphere of fundamental values. The issue of pluralism, widely discussed today and raising a lot of dispute, can be viewed from the perspective of the analysis of broadly understood learning processes and outcomes (the analysis of educational and self‑educational activities). Pluralism can be perceived as a process and a result of mutual and constant learning in the (educationally potent and dynamic) relationship with individuals who show more or less different attitudes and beliefs – a process of learning those who, by entering relationships with each other, preserve and at the same time shape their different identities. If a person enhances the inner will to learn constantly, to multiply the cognitively valuable knowledge, to improve intellectual skills, this willingness should lead to the recognition of important intrinsic and educational values of other attitudes and beliefs. By meeting what is to some extent different, it is possible to learn further and, with growing accuracy, to recognize the fields of one's own ignorance. Modern pluralism poses serious challenges to religion. The statement used in sociological discourse that "pluralistic tendencies are destructive to religion" can be read by those for whom religion – confessing religious faith – is close and important as a challenge to oppose pluralism for the sake of the defense of traditionally perceived religious faith, the defense of its world view and its institution. Such a deeply engaged interpretation imposes formulating an alternative: either the pluralistic tendencies which are destructive to religion get intensified or religion gets more power, counteracting the dangerous tendencies of pluralism which pose threat to religion. Two different ways of the inner diagnosis of religion are outlined here. The first is a fundamentalist one and consists in "strengthening its own positions", as it recognizes that the overemphasized (in religion) elements of openness and dialogue weaken religion from inside, making it more sensitive to destructive influence of pluralism (openness and dialogue are a "Trojan horse" of hostile pluralism, let into the inside of religion). The second way, of the in‑depth and self‑critical reflection upon the current situation of religion, may lead to recognizing (among the elements so far belonging to religious identity) those which – in the context of pluralism and in spite of their presence for many centuries – are of doubtful value or even become the causes of the destructive crisis of religion in spite of their being situated inside it. Therefore, the situation of pluralism allows for cleaning religion, which is confronted with pluralism and was earlier closed within its homogeneous world. At the same time, the religious crisis in the pluralistic world can be viewed as a crisis of inner maturation and growth of religion. Undertaking ideological discussion with the conviction that common and binding arrangements should be reached is not an easy matter. What is more, in the opinion of people who believe in the necessity of confrontation, this discussion is not even needed. It can be assumed that, in the diversified social life, the persistent conducting of difficult negotiations is indispensable, instead of the state of embittered confrontation. Referring to the standpoint of Jerzy Nikitorowicz, who promotes learning pluralism and intercultural dialogue, the dialogical concept of pluralism can be applied: "In the pluralistic society, the process is taking place of reaching commonly shared values by individuals and groups through unceasing negotiations of values and interests, the process of shaping the sensitivity to others and the need for mutual respect and recognition, without the division to upper and lower cultures".

Problem setting. The article examines the role of the media in social and psychological adaptation of internally displaced persons. It is proved that social and psychological adaptation is a multi-faceted phenomenon, the most significant characteristics of which are the following ones: social and psychological adaptation is the process of "entering" of an individual into a social environment; is a two-way interaction between the individual and the group, the result of which is changes both in the personality and in the group; getting into a new group, the person changes his/her status and key characteristics; in the process of social and psychological adaptation the goals, expectations, requirements of the person and the group are agreed; the components of value-motivational sphere; the successful realization of social and psychological adaptation requires the presence of positive social settings ("social interest") of the individual and group, the interest of the parties in the interaction; activity of the person is necessary for effective social and psychological adaptation ("social activity"), its personal qualities (maturity, self-actualization, etc.), relevant psychological resource. It is revealed that in addition to public authorities, local governments, public organizations, the mass media is the regulator of adaptation of the internally displaced persons. The indicated media function allows them to be included into the system of multilevel IDP adaptation management. Recent research and publications analysis. A conclusion is drawn regarding the negative impact of the media on the description of events related to the situation with IDPs. In connection with this the following outcomes are indicated: Contacts of journalists with the internally displaced persons. Often, while interviewing, the journalists try to get a description of "the most terrible" facts that caused the forced relocation. This leads to the so-called "secondary traumatism". Interpretation of events. Often the emphasis is on unresolved issues, lack of support, and thus a feeling of helplessness and impotence appear. In practice, the media often use techniques to worsen the effects of forced relocation. Focusing on finding the causes and perpetrators of what has happened. This is a dead end situation, because it focuses on the past, which can not be changed. This search only reinforces the feeling of hopelessness, guilt and hatred. The media almost never emphasize "how" to make sure that this will not happen in the future. It is noted that in this period of time to talk about the socio-therapeutic function of the media, which should be aimed at treating people from frustration, the formation of a tolerant, tolerant attitude towards people who "are not like us." As noted in the literature, tolerance – is tolerance, indulgence in the shortcomings of others, the ability of man, society, state to hear and respect the opinions of others, to be hostile to opinions that are different from their own, the ability to understand another person, care and understand other people's feelings. Used as an antipode to aggression, malice and irritability. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In this regard, it is proposed to consider unacceptable: "shooting" a person "unexpectedly" at the time of acute grief or despair (such favorite video scene shows in Ukrainian media, when they talk about their losses through their tears); showing a person in a situation of humiliation that offends him/her human dignity (a demonstration of the terrible places of resettlement of the internally displaced persons, the arrival of "high guests" and "meeting with the people", etc.); demonstration of moral and physical bullying; direct or indirect justification for actions that have caused the suffering of internally displaced persons; direct or indirect condemnation of the internally displaced persons; an appeal to collective repentance, a requirement for the internally displaced persons to recognize themselves as guests and behave accordingly; sarcasm or humor regarding internally displaced persons. Paper main body. It is determined that in order to provide information-psychological safety of the IDPs, potentially stress-related information should correspond to a number of conditions: constructive description of problems (showing people in a state of active overcoming of existing problems); analysis of possible means of constructive overcoming of difficulties; informing on the progress of the solution of the problem and its solution; provision of psychological support to internally displaced persons (demonstration of social approval and assistance). Materials about internally displaced persons should not end with statements such as "Who will help?", "Who responds to other humans?", "Where to search for justice?". That creates an effect of incomplete action and may turn into a loss of hope and faith. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. It is concluded that the media influence the social attitudes of its audience, changing opinions, shaping evaluation and stimulating behavior. The image of social reality created by the media influences the audience, forming a subjective image. Depending on the nature of the image created, perceptions of what is happening change, which can lead either to the assimilation of social norms, values, patterns of acceptable behavior, or to the rejection of social reality. In the process of social and psychological adaptation, forced internally displaced persons, representatives of the group with which they are in contact, form social attitudes towards each other, which can either be consolidated or adjusted through the media. The image created will be influenced not only by the objective social situation, but also by the subjective social attitudes of journalists, through the prism of which information material is created. representatives of the contact group and ultimately – in the process of socio-psychological adaptation. The conclusion is made on the necessity of indirect regulation of the description of internally displaced persons by the media from the state authorities (Ministry of Information Policy of Ukraine, Ministry of Reintegration of the Temporarily Occupied Territories of Ukraine), local self-government bodies, NGOs and journalists' associations. ; Досліджено роль засобів масової інформації щодо соціально-психологічної адаптації внутрішньо переміщених осіб. Визначено сутнісні характеристики соціально-психологічної адаптації внутрішньо переміщених осіб. Встановлено тип інформаційних впливів на внутрішньо переміщених осіб. Проаналізовано характеристики негативного та позитивного впливу медіа на висвітлення проблем внутрішньо переміщених осіб. Розглянуто умови інформаційно-психологічної безпеки внутрішньо переміщених осіб. Зроблено висновок про необхідність непрямого регулювання висвітлення засобами масової інформації тематики внутрішньо переміщених осіб із боку органів державної влади, органів місцевого самоврядування, громадських організацій та об'єднань журналістів.

Problem setting. The article examines the role of the media in social and psychological adaptation of internally displaced persons. It is proved that social and psychological adaptation is a multi-faceted phenomenon, the most significant characteristics of which are the following ones: social and psychological adaptation is the process of "entering" of an individual into a social environment; is a two-way interaction between the individual and the group, the result of which is changes both in the personality and in the group; getting into a new group, the person changes his/her status and key characteristics; in the process of social and psychological adaptation the goals, expectations, requirements of the person and the group are agreed; the components of value-motivational sphere; the successful realization of social and psychological adaptation requires the presence of positive social settings ("social interest") of the individual and group, the interest of the parties in the interaction; activity of the person is necessary for effective social and psychological adaptation ("social activity"), its personal qualities (maturity, self-actualization, etc.), relevant psychological resource. It is revealed that in addition to public authorities, local governments, public organizations, the mass media is the regulator of adaptation of the internally displaced persons. The indicated media function allows them to be included into the system of multilevel IDP adaptation management. Recent research and publications analysis. A conclusion is drawn regarding the negative impact of the media on the description of events related to the situation with IDPs. In connection with this the following outcomes are indicated: Contacts of journalists with the internally displaced persons. Often, while interviewing, the journalists try to get a description of "the most terrible" facts that caused the forced relocation. This leads to the so-called "secondary traumatism". Interpretation of events. Often the emphasis is on unresolved issues, lack of support, and thus a feeling of helplessness and impotence appear. In practice, the media often use techniques to worsen the effects of forced relocation. Focusing on finding the causes and perpetrators of what has happened. This is a dead end situation, because it focuses on the past, which can not be changed. This search only reinforces the feeling of hopelessness, guilt and hatred. The media almost never emphasize "how" to make sure that this will not happen in the future. It is noted that in this period of time to talk about the socio-therapeutic function of the media, which should be aimed at treating people from frustration, the formation of a tolerant, tolerant attitude towards people who "are not like us." As noted in the literature, tolerance – is tolerance, indulgence in the shortcomings of others, the ability of man, society, state to hear and respect the opinions of others, to be hostile to opinions that are different from their own, the ability to understand another person, care and understand other people's feelings. Used as an antipode to aggression, malice and irritability. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In this regard, it is proposed to consider unacceptable: "shooting" a person "unexpectedly" at the time of acute grief or despair (such favorite video scene shows in Ukrainian media, when they talk about their losses through their tears); showing a person in a situation of humiliation that offends him/her human dignity (a demonstration of the terrible places of resettlement of the internally displaced persons, the arrival of "high guests" and "meeting with the people", etc.); demonstration of moral and physical bullying; direct or indirect justification for actions that have caused the suffering of internally displaced persons; direct or indirect condemnation of the internally displaced persons; an appeal to collective repentance, a requirement for the internally displaced persons to recognize themselves as guests and behave accordingly; sarcasm or humor regarding internally displaced persons. Paper main body. It is determined that in order to provide information-psychological safety of the IDPs, potentially stress-related information should correspond to a number of conditions: constructive description of problems (showing people in a state of active overcoming of existing problems); analysis of possible means of constructive overcoming of difficulties; informing on the progress of the solution of the problem and its solution; provision of psychological support to internally displaced persons (demonstration of social approval and assistance). Materials about internally displaced persons should not end with statements such as "Who will help?", "Who responds to other humans?", "Where to search for justice?". That creates an effect of incomplete action and may turn into a loss of hope and faith. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. It is concluded that the media influence the social attitudes of its audience, changing opinions, shaping evaluation and stimulating behavior. The image of social reality created by the media influences the audience, forming a subjective image. Depending on the nature of the image created, perceptions of what is happening change, which can lead either to the assimilation of social norms, values, patterns of acceptable behavior, or to the rejection of social reality. In the process of social and psychological adaptation, forced internally displaced persons, representatives of the group with which they are in contact, form social attitudes towards each other, which can either be consolidated or adjusted through the media. The image created will be influenced not only by the objective social situation, but also by the subjective social attitudes of journalists, through the prism of which information material is created. representatives of the contact group and ultimately – in the process of socio-psychological adaptation. The conclusion is made on the necessity of indirect regulation of the description of internally displaced persons by the media from the state authorities (Ministry of Information Policy of Ukraine, Ministry of Reintegration of the Temporarily Occupied Territories of Ukraine), local self-government bodies, NGOs and journalists' associations. ; Досліджено роль засобів масової інформації щодо соціально-психологічної адаптації внутрішньо переміщених осіб. Визначено сутнісні характеристики соціально-психологічної адаптації внутрішньо переміщених осіб. Встановлено тип інформаційних впливів на внутрішньо переміщених осіб. Проаналізовано характеристики негативного та позитивного впливу медіа на висвітлення проблем внутрішньо переміщених осіб. Розглянуто умови інформаційно-психологічної безпеки внутрішньо переміщених осіб. Зроблено висновок про необхідність непрямого регулювання висвітлення засобами масової інформації тематики внутрішньо переміщених осіб із боку органів державної влади, органів місцевого самоврядування, громадських організацій та об'єднань журналістів.

Covered key aspects of the rules and procedures of defencese procurement. The features of the impact of corruption on defence procurement and methods to counter its negative consequences. The main ways to detect corruption component in the state defence procurement and its impact on the security of the country in the economic sphere. It analyzed the legal framework of defences procurement.The issues of minimizing the corruption component in the process of defence procurement require a detailed study from the point of view of transparency and increasing the effectiveness of control. The relevance of this research topic is due to the need for effective development of the security and defence sector in the context of Euro-Atlantic integration, the transition of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to NATO standards and the optimal use of resources to protect civilians and military personnel.According to the Anti-Corruption Policy Index in the defense sector, developed by the international organization Transparency International, the Ukrainian defense sector received a general "D" rating, which indicates a low level of transparency and a high level of corruption risk. Defense purchases received fairly low scores from international experts and were noted as the most non-transparent and corruption-prone sector of the defense sector. It should be noted that more than 55% of the procurement budget is used for purchases under a closed procedure, and the purchase of weapons and armed equipment is 95% classified. If there is a corruption component in classified purchases, according to various estimates, from 5 to 40% of the budget of such a transaction can be plundered.The aim of the study is to study the impact of corruption on defense purchases inUkraine and methods to counter the negative consequences of this phenomenon.Open publication of data on public and secret procurement is common practice in many countries, such as the United States of America, Great Britain and the Netherlands. To minimize the impact of corruption risks on the defense procurement process, it is advisable to develop guidelines for conducting a comprehensive study of this market segment before the tender begins. In addition, in order to strengthen the defense capability of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, when conducting public procurement, technical requirements for defense products (works, services), technical and economic characteristics and economic justification for the selection of a particular product, the mechanism for conducting an internal audit of bidders and classifying information should be considered. ; Рассмотрены ключевые аспекты правил и процедур проведения оборонных закупок. Охарактеризованы особенности влияния коррупции на оборонные закупки и методы противодействия его негативным последствиям. Определены основные способы выявления коррупционной составляющей в государственных оборонных закупках и их влияние на безопасность страны в экономической сфере. Проанализирована нормативно-правовая база осуществления оборонных закупок.Вопросы минимизации коррупционной составляющей в процессе оборонных закупок требуют детального изучения с точки зрения прозрачности и повышения эффективности контроля. Актуальность данной темы исследования обусловлена необходимостью эффективного развития сектора безопасности и обороны в условиях евроатлантической интеграции, перехода Вооруженных Сил Украины на стандарты НАТО и оптимального расходования ресурсов для защиты гражданских и военнослужащих. По оценке Индекса антикоррупционной политики в оборонном секторе, разработанном международной организацией Transparency International украинский сектор обороны получил общую оценку "D", что говорит о низком уровне прозрачности и высоком уровне коррупционного риска. Оборонные закупки получили довольно низкие баллы от международных экспертов и были отмечены как наиболее непрозрачная и подверженная коррупции сфера оборонного сектора. Следует отметить, что более 55% закупочного бюджета используется для закупок по закрытой процедуре, а закупка вооружения и вооруженной техники на 95% является засекреченной. В случае наличия коррупционной составляющей в засекреченных закупках, по разным оценкам, от 5 до 40% бюджета такой сделки может разворовываться.Целью исследования является изучение воздействия коррупции на оборонные закупки в Украине и методов противодействия негативным последствиям этого явления.Открытая публикация данных по поводу публичных и засекреченных закупок является привычной практикой для многих государств, таких как Соединенные Штаты Америки, Великая Британия и Нидерланды. Для минимизации воздействия коррупционных рисков на процесс осуществления оборонных закупок целесообразно разработать методические рекомендации проведения комплексного исследования данного сегмента рынка до начала проведения тендера. Кроме того, для усиления обороноспособности Вооруженных Сил Украины при проведении государственных закупок следует учитывать технические требования к оборонной продукции (работам, услугам), технико-экономические характеристики и экономическое обоснование целесообразности выбора определенного товара, механизм проведения внутренней проверки участников торгов и засекречивания информации. ; Розглянуто ключові аспекти правил і процедур здійснення оборонних закупівель. Охарактеризовано особливості впливу корупції на оборонні закупівлі та методи протидії її негативним наслідкам. Визначено основні способи виявлення корупційної складової в державних оборонних закупівлях та їх вплив на безпеку країни в економічній сфері. Проаналізовано нормативно-правову базу здійснення оборонних закупівель.Актуальність обраної теми зумовлена тим, що для ефективного розвитку сектору оборони в умовах євроатлантичної інтеграції, переходу Збройних Сил України на стандарти НАТО та з метою забезпечення кращого спрямування ресурсів для захисту цивільних та військових питання мінімізації корупційної складової в процесі здійснення оборонних закупівель потребують детального вивчення з точки зору прозорості та підвищення ефективності контролю.Так, згідно Індексу антикорупційної політики в оборонному секторі, розробленому міжнародною організацією Transparency International, український сектор оборони отримав загальну оцінку "D", що свідчить про низький рівень прозорості та "високий" рівень корупційного ризику. Оборонні закупівлі отримали доволі низькі бали від міжнародних експертів, та були відмічені як найбільш непрозора та вразлива до корупції сфера в оборонному секторі. Загалом слід зазначити, що більше 55% закупівельного бюджету використовується для закупівель за закритою процедурою, а закупівля озброєння та військової техніки на 95% є засекреченою. Втім, в разі наявності корупційної складової у закритій закупівлі, за різними оцінками, від 5 до 40% бюджету такої закупівлі може розкрадатися.Метою дослідження є вивчення впливу корупції на процес здійснення оборонних закупівель в Україні та методів протидії негативним наслідкам цього явища.Відкрита публікація даних щодо публічних і засекречених закупівель є звичною практикою для багатьох інших держав, таких як Сполучені Штати Америки, Велика Британія та Нідерланди. Для мінімізації впливу корупційних ризиків на процес здійснення оборонних закупівель доцільно розробити методичні рекомендації щодо проведення комплексного дослідження даного сегмента ринку до початку проведення тендеру. Крім того, для посилення обороноздатності Збройних Сил України при здійсненні державних закупівель варто враховувати технічні вимоги до оборонної продукції (робіт, послуг), техніко-економічні характеристики та економічне обґрунтування доцільності обрання певного товару, механізм проведення внутрішньої перевірки учасників торгів та засекречування інформації.

Il presente studio ha come oggetto lo studio del principio di leale cooperazione nell'applicazione degli articoli 101 e 102 TFUE ("norme antitrust"). In particolare, intende esaminare la sua concreta applicazione nei rapporti intercorrenti tra i diversi soggetti competenti ad applicare gli articoli 101 e 102 TFUE, quali la Commissione, le autorità nazionali garanti della concorrenza e i giudici nazionali. La ricerca si sviluppa lungo tre linee di ricerca. La prima parte è dedicata ad una ricostruzione delle origini e dell'evoluzione del principio di leale cooperazione nell'ordinamento dell'Unione europea: viene dapprima analizzato l'apporto della giurisprudenza, poi la consacrazione del principio nel Trattato di Lisbona, e infine il suo rapporto con il principio del primato, dell'effetto diretto e dell'autonomia istituzionale e procedurale degli Stati membri. L'affermazione del principio del primato del diritto dell'Unione è da sempre stata accompagnata, nella giurisprudenza della Corte di giustizia, dal riconoscimento dell'autonomia istituzionale e procedurale degli Stati membri, conducendo ad un conflitto continuo tra esigenze contrapposte: da un lato la necessità di garantire un'applicazione piena ed efficace del diritto dell'Unione, dall'altro lato la volontà degli Stati di mantenere intatta la propria sfera di autonomia. Il ricorso alle strutture proprie degli Stati membri rischia tuttavia di compromettere l'attuazione uniforme ed efficace del diritto dell'Unione, a causa dell'eterogeneità delle soluzioni nazionali. Il tale contesto, il principio di leale cooperazione svolge un ruolo centrale, imponendo agli Stati membri di utilizzare le proprie strutture e procedure per perseguire l'impegno comune, non potendo la conservazione dell'autonomia istituzionale e procedurale condurre ad una compromissione degli impegni assunti dagli Stati membri. L'autonomia degli Stati membri è stata così gradualmente compressa, in nome della necessità di convivere con altri principi di matrice europea, quali il principio del primato, dell'effetto diretto e dell'effetto utile. Tale ricostruzione è finalizzata a delineare i confini e la portata del principio di leale cooperazione, per poterlo poi declinare nel diritto della concorrenza in cui è chiamato a svolgere un ruolo centrale. La seconda parte dello studio si concentra sull'analisi del principio di leale cooperazione nell'applicazione pubblicistica degli articoli 101 e 102 TFUE ("norme antitrust"). Dapprima, sono esaminate le relazioni tra le autorità nazionali garanti della concorrenza e la Commissione europea, analizzando gli strumenti di cooperazione verticali ed orizzontali. Successivamente, è posta l'attenzione sulla tensione tra l'esigenza di garantire l'applicazione efficace delle norme della concorrenza dell'Unione e l'esigenza di avvalersi di strumenti giuridici propri degli ordinamenti nazionali per darvi attuazione. Le autorità nazionali sono chiamate ad applicare le stesse regole sostanziali, ma il loro assetto istituzionale e procedurale si differenzia da Stato a Stato. In tale ottica, lo studio procede ad un esame in chiave comparatistica dell'ordinamento francese e di quello italiano, in tema di poteri di indagine delle autorità nazionali garanti della concorrenza, di modalità di calcolo delle sanzioni e di programmi di trattamento favorevole, facendo emergere i principali punti di divergenza tra i sistemi. La terza parte dello studio, partendo dall'analisi dei meccanismi di cooperazione tra le autorità garanti della concorrenza (autorità nazionali garanti della concorrenza e Commissione) e gli organi giurisdizionali, conclude con una discussione sulle problematiche che emergono dall'interazione tra l'applicazione pubblicistica e quella privatistica degli articoli 101 e 102 TFUE. L'elaborato, analizzando gli istituti, i principi e comparando le regole procedurali del sistema francese e di quello italiano, mira a fare emergere le problematiche legate al ricorso di strumenti giuridici propri degli ordinamenti nazionali per l'applicazione delle medesime norme sostanziali, gli articoli 101 e 102 TFUE. ; The aim of the research is to analyse the principle of loyal cooperation in the application of articles 101 and 102 TFEU ("antitrust rules"). The study is carried out along three different lines of research. The first part examines the origin and development of the principle of loyal cooperation in the European Union: first, the contribution of the relevant case law is analysed, then the consolidation of the principle in the Lisbon Treaty, and finally, its relationship with the principle of primacy, direct effect and institutional and procedural autonomy of the Members States. The affirmation of the principle of the primacy of EU law has always been accompanied, in the case law of the Court of Justice, by the recognition of the institutional and procedural autonomy of the Member States, leading to a continuous conflict between opposing needs; on the one hand, the need to ensure a full and effective application of EU law and, on the other hand, the willingness of the States to maintain their own sphere of autonomy intact. However, the use of Member States' own structures risks jeopardizing the uniform and effective implementation of EU law, due to the heterogeneity of national solutions. In this context, the principle of loyal cooperation plays a central role requiring Member States to use their structures and procedures to pursue the objectives of the Union. This reconstruction is aimed at outlining the boundaries and scope of the principle of loyal cooperation, so that it can then be analysed into competition law in which it has a central role to play. The second part of the study focuses on the principle of loyal cooperation in regard to the public application of Article 101 and 102 TFEU. First, it examines the relationship between national competition authorities and the European Commission, analysing vertical and horizontal cooperation tools. Secondly, it analyses the tension between the need to ensure effective enforcement of the antitrust rules and the need to use national legal mechanisms to implement those rules. National authorities must apply the same substantive rules, but their institutional and procedural structure differs from State to State. In this context, the study examines the French and Italian legal systems on a comparative basis, with regard to the powers of investigation of the national competition authorities, the methods for calculating penalties and leniency programmes, highlighting the main points of divergence between the systems. The third part of the study consists of starting with an analysis of mechanism for cooperation between the competition authorities (national competition authorities and the Commission) and the courts, and in conclusion with a discussion of the issues arising from the interaction between the public and private application of Articles 101 and 102 TFEU. The common thread of this thesis is the use of the principle of loyal cooperation as a keystone to achieve the balance between the need to create a level playing field and the need not to make the principle of autonomy of Member States a "lost paradise."

Covered key aspects of the rules and procedures of defencese procurement. The features of the impact of corruption on defence procurement and methods to counter its negative consequences. The main ways to detect corruption component in the state defence procurement and its impact on the security of the country in the economic sphere. It analyzed the legal framework of defences procurement.The issues of minimizing the corruption component in the process of defence procurement require a detailed study from the point of view of transparency and increasing the effectiveness of control. The relevance of this research topic is due to the need for effective development of the security and defence sector in the context of Euro-Atlantic integration, the transition of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to NATO standards and the optimal use of resources to protect civilians and military personnel.According to the Anti-Corruption Policy Index in the defense sector, developed by the international organization Transparency International, the Ukrainian defense sector received a general "D" rating, which indicates a low level of transparency and a high level of corruption risk. Defense purchases received fairly low scores from international experts and were noted as the most non-transparent and corruption-prone sector of the defense sector. It should be noted that more than 55% of the procurement budget is used for purchases under a closed procedure, and the purchase of weapons and armed equipment is 95% classified. If there is a corruption component in classified purchases, according to various estimates, from 5 to 40% of the budget of such a transaction can be plundered.The aim of the study is to study the impact of corruption on defense purchases inUkraine and methods to counter the negative consequences of this phenomenon.Open publication of data on public and secret procurement is common practice in many countries, such as the United States of America, Great Britain and the Netherlands. To minimize the impact of corruption risks on the defense procurement process, it is advisable to develop guidelines for conducting a comprehensive study of this market segment before the tender begins. In addition, in order to strengthen the defense capability of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, when conducting public procurement, technical requirements for defense products (works, services), technical and economic characteristics and economic justification for the selection of a particular product, the mechanism for conducting an internal audit of bidders and classifying information should be considered. ; Рассмотрены ключевые аспекты правил и процедур проведения оборонных закупок. Охарактеризованы особенности влияния коррупции на оборонные закупки и методы противодействия его негативным последствиям. Определены основные способы выявления коррупционной составляющей в государственных оборонных закупках и их влияние на безопасность страны в экономической сфере. Проанализирована нормативно-правовая база осуществления оборонных закупок.Вопросы минимизации коррупционной составляющей в процессе оборонных закупок требуют детального изучения с точки зрения прозрачности и повышения эффективности контроля. Актуальность данной темы исследования обусловлена необходимостью эффективного развития сектора безопасности и обороны в условиях евроатлантической интеграции, перехода Вооруженных Сил Украины на стандарты НАТО и оптимального расходования ресурсов для защиты гражданских и военнослужащих. По оценке Индекса антикоррупционной политики в оборонном секторе, разработанном международной организацией Transparency International украинский сектор обороны получил общую оценку "D", что говорит о низком уровне прозрачности и высоком уровне коррупционного риска. Оборонные закупки получили довольно низкие баллы от международных экспертов и были отмечены как наиболее непрозрачная и подверженная коррупции сфера оборонного сектора. Следует отметить, что более 55% закупочного бюджета используется для закупок по закрытой процедуре, а закупка вооружения и вооруженной техники на 95% является засекреченной. В случае наличия коррупционной составляющей в засекреченных закупках, по разным оценкам, от 5 до 40% бюджета такой сделки может разворовываться.Целью исследования является изучение воздействия коррупции на оборонные закупки в Украине и методов противодействия негативным последствиям этого явления.Открытая публикация данных по поводу публичных и засекреченных закупок является привычной практикой для многих государств, таких как Соединенные Штаты Америки, Великая Британия и Нидерланды. Для минимизации воздействия коррупционных рисков на процесс осуществления оборонных закупок целесообразно разработать методические рекомендации проведения комплексного исследования данного сегмента рынка до начала проведения тендера. Кроме того, для усиления обороноспособности Вооруженных Сил Украины при проведении государственных закупок следует учитывать технические требования к оборонной продукции (работам, услугам), технико-экономические характеристики и экономическое обоснование целесообразности выбора определенного товара, механизм проведения внутренней проверки участников торгов и засекречивания информации. ; Розглянуто ключові аспекти правил і процедур здійснення оборонних закупівель. Охарактеризовано особливості впливу корупції на оборонні закупівлі та методи протидії її негативним наслідкам. Визначено основні способи виявлення корупційної складової в державних оборонних закупівлях та їх вплив на безпеку країни в економічній сфері. Проаналізовано нормативно-правову базу здійснення оборонних закупівель.Актуальність обраної теми зумовлена тим, що для ефективного розвитку сектору оборони в умовах євроатлантичної інтеграції, переходу Збройних Сил України на стандарти НАТО та з метою забезпечення кращого спрямування ресурсів для захисту цивільних та військових питання мінімізації корупційної складової в процесі здійснення оборонних закупівель потребують детального вивчення з точки зору прозорості та підвищення ефективності контролю.Так, згідно Індексу антикорупційної політики в оборонному секторі, розробленому міжнародною організацією Transparency International, український сектор оборони отримав загальну оцінку "D", що свідчить про низький рівень прозорості та "високий" рівень корупційного ризику. Оборонні закупівлі отримали доволі низькі бали від міжнародних експертів, та були відмічені як найбільш непрозора та вразлива до корупції сфера в оборонному секторі. Загалом слід зазначити, що більше 55% закупівельного бюджету використовується для закупівель за закритою процедурою, а закупівля озброєння та військової техніки на 95% є засекреченою. Втім, в разі наявності корупційної складової у закритій закупівлі, за різними оцінками, від 5 до 40% бюджету такої закупівлі може розкрадатися.Метою дослідження є вивчення впливу корупції на процес здійснення оборонних закупівель в Україні та методів протидії негативним наслідкам цього явища.Відкрита публікація даних щодо публічних і засекречених закупівель є звичною практикою для багатьох інших держав, таких як Сполучені Штати Америки, Велика Британія та Нідерланди. Для мінімізації впливу корупційних ризиків на процес здійснення оборонних закупівель доцільно розробити методичні рекомендації щодо проведення комплексного дослідження даного сегмента ринку до початку проведення тендеру. Крім того, для посилення обороноздатності Збройних Сил України при здійсненні державних закупівель варто враховувати технічні вимоги до оборонної продукції (робіт, послуг), техніко-економічні характеристики та економічне обґрунтування доцільності обрання певного товару, механізм проведення внутрішньої перевірки учасників торгів та засекречування інформації.