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This paper analyses the history of the state-owned gallery Sala Amadís during 1961 and 1975. It is based on both unpublished documents from the Spanish General Administration Archive and a personal interview with one of its directors, Juan Antonio Aguirre, as well as with another relevant member of the cultural administration of the time, Juan Van-Halen Acedo. This new evidence leads to a different understanding of its exhibition policy, which seems to have been rather a follow-up of Francoist strategy of promoting and (de)politicizing Informalism in the 1950's and 60's than a modernizing Trojan Horse conceived solely by Aguirre. ; Este texto estudia la historia de la sala oficial Amadís entre 1961 y 1975. Para su realización se ha empleado documentación inédita del Archivo General de la Administración y se ha entrevistado a uno de sus directores, Juan Antonio Aguirre, así como a otra figura relevante de la administración cultural de la época, Juan Van-Halen Acedo. Los datos obtenidos sugieren una nueva lectura de su política de exposiciones, que estaría más cercana a la estrategia franquista de propaganda y (des)politización del informalismo en los años 50 y 60, que de ser un caballo de Troya modernizador fruto de la iniciativa de Aguirre.This paper analyses the history of the state-owned gallery Sala Amadís during 1961 and 1975. It is based on both unpublished documents from the Spanish General Administration Archive and a personal interview with one of its directors, Juan Antonio Aguirre, as well as with another relevant member of the cultural administration of the time, Juan Van-Halen Acedo. This new evidence leads to a different understanding of its exhibition policy, which seems to have been rather a follow-up of Francoist strategy of promoting and (de)politicizing Informalism in the 1950's and 60's than a modernizing Trojan Horse conceived solely by Aguirre.

Este texto estudia la historia de la sala oficial Amadís entre 1961 y 1975. Para su realización se ha empleado documentación inédita del Archivo General de la Administración y se ha entrevistado a uno de sus directores, Juan Antonio Aguirre, así como a otra figura relevante de la administración cultural de la época, Juan Van-Halen Acedo. Los datos obtenidos sugieren una nueva lectura de su política de exposiciones, que estaría más cercana a la estrategia franquista de propaganda y (des)politización del informalismo en los años 50 y 60, que de ser un caballo de Troya modernizador fruto de la iniciativa de Aguirre. ; This paper analyses the history of the state-owned gallery Sala Amadís during 1961 and 1975. It is based on both unpublished documents from the Spanish General Administration Archive and a personal interview with one of its directors, Juan Antonio Aguirre, as well as with another relevant member of the cultural administration of the time, Juan Van-Halen Acedo. This new evidence leads to a different understanding of its exhibition policy, which seems to have been rather a follow-up of Francoist strategy of promoting and (de)politicizing Informalism in the 1950's and 60's than a modernizing Trojan Horse conceived solely by Aguirre.

Vorspann
Heute gehört die Bundesrepublik Deutschland zu den größten Waffenexporteuren der Welt, wobei über die Genehmigung dieser Exporte grundsätzlich hinter verschlossenen Türen entschieden wird. Dennoch kommt es Jahr für Jahr zu einem politischen Tauziehen zwischen Bundesregierung, Bundestag, Parteien, Medien und Lobbyisten; außen- oder bündnispolitische Erwägungen und ökonomische Interessen stehen gegen Fragen der Moral und der Menschenrechte. William Glenn Gray kann zeigen, dass die Ursprünge dieser Debatten weit zurückreichen und fast so alt sind wie die Streitkräfte der Bundesrepublik. Der Autor zeichnet die Anfänge der parlamentarischen Kontrolle des Exports von Kriegswaffen nach, skizziert die fast vergessene Militärhilfe Westdeutschlands für Staaten in aller Welt unter den Auspizien des Kalten Kriegs und kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Grundlagen für die bis heute wirksamen institutionellen Entscheidungsmechanismen schon überraschend früh gelegt wurden.

"Heute gehört die Bundesrepublik Deutschland zu den größten Waffenexporteuren der Welt, wobei über die Genehmigung dieser Exporte grundsätzlich hinter verschlossenen Türen entschieden wird. Dennoch kommt es Jahr für Jahr zu einem politischen Tauziehen zwischen Bundesregierung, Bundestag, Parteien, Medien und Lobbyisten; außen- oder bündnispolitische Erwägungen und ökonomische Interessen stehen gegen Fragen der Moral und der Menschenrechte. William Glenn Gray kann zeigen, dass die Ursprünge dieser Debatten weit zurückreichen und fast so alt sind wie die Streitkräfte der Bundesrepublik. Der Autor zeichnet die Anfänge der parlamentarischen Kontrolle des Exports von Kriegswaffen nach, skizziert die fast vergessene Militärhilfe Westdeutschlands für Staaten in aller Welt unter den Auspizien des Kalten Kriegs und kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Grundlagen für die bis heute wirksamen institutionellen Entscheidungsmechanismen schon überraschend früh gelegt wurden." (Autorenreferat)

Die Kritik am schweizerischen Nationalstrassennetz setzt immer wieder bei konzeptionellen Schwächen der Planung im Bereich des Umweltschutzes, der Analyse der Verkehrsbedürfnisse und der Landesplanung an. Demgegenüber kommt der Autor der vorliegenden Arbeit zum Schluss, dass gerade der Verzicht auf ein umfassendes Gesamtkonzept, die streckenweise Planung der Autobahnen, dafür verantwortlich war, dass bei der Nationalstrassenplanung der Jahre 1954 bis 1958 in kurzer Zeit ein tragfähiger Kompromiss über das Nationalstrassennetz gefunden wurde. Die historische, durch System- und Entscheidungstheorie geleitete Darstellung zeichnet den Meinungsbildungsprozess zum schweizerischen Autobahnbau von den zwanziger bis Anfang der sechziger Jahre nach.

p. 33-56 ; Abstract in Polish and English. ; This article presents basic statistical data illustrating changes in the nationality composition of Vilnius over the course of history. The discussed material allows us to take a position in the post-First World War Polish–Lithuanian dispute on the state affiliation of the city. ; s. 33-56 ; Abstrakt w języku polskim i angielskim. ; W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe dane statystyczne ilustrujące zmianę składu narodowościowego Wilna w biegu dziejów. Przedstawiony materiał pozwala odnieść się do kwestii sporu polsko-litewskiego o przynależność państwową tego miasta toczonego po zakończeniu I wojny światowej.

p. 191-207 : ill. ; 23 cm ; The article discusses the participation of Italians in the town council and the judicial bench being local government authorities of the city of Cracow in the early modern period. As many as seventy-four Italians (this standing for 14 per cent of all the councillors and 8 per cent assessors or lay judges) are identifiable for the period in question; nineteen of them concluded their careers with the office of assessors, never getting ranked to councillor. While most of them were merchants by profession, as many as five councillors held a doctor's degree. Italians were the most influential ethnic group in the council in the latter half of the seventeenth century and in the former half of the eighteenth, when in certain years the council-in-office, elected annually and consisting of eight members, featured as many as four Italians at the same time. Similarly, a considerable share of Italians in the judicial bench (almost 50 per cent) is observed for the first half of the eighteenth century; the detailed statistics is featured in the tables appended. Over 20 per cent of the families that accepted the municipal law in the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries obtained at least one of these offices. The share of Italians in Cracow's local-government administration at that time, incommensurate with the actual size of local Italian population, is explainable by their larger interest in pursuing municipal career opportunities. In the medieval period, and even under the reign of Queen Bona Sforza, a number of Italians demonstrated different economic strategies. They satisfied themselves with the royal privilege of servitoriate, counted on fast moneymaking and expected to return home sooner or later. In the later years, most of the Cracow-based Italians were well assimilated and preferred to settle down in the city. ; s. 191-207 ; il. ; 23 cm ; The article discusses the participation of Italians in the town council and the judicial bench being local government authorities of the city of Cracow in the early modern period. As many as seventy-four Italians (this standing for 14 per cent of all the councillors and 8 per cent assessors or lay judges) are identifiable for the period in question; nineteen of them concluded their careers with the office of assessors, never getting ranked to councillor. While most of them were merchants by profession, as many as five councillors held a doctor's degree. Italians were the most influential ethnic group in the council in the latter half of the seventeenth century and in the former half of the eighteenth, when in certain years the council-in-office, elected annually and consisting of eight members, featured as many as four Italians at the same time. Similarly, a considerable share of Italians in the judicial bench (almost 50 per cent) is observed for the first half of the eighteenth century; the detailed statistics is featured in the tables appended. Over 20 per cent of the families that accepted the municipal law in the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries obtained at least one of these offices. The share of Italians in Cracow's local-government administration at that time, incommensurate with the actual size of local Italian population, is explainable by their larger interest in pursuing municipal career opportunities. In the medieval period, and even under the reign of Queen Bona Sforza, a number of Italians demonstrated different economic strategies. They satisfied themselves with the royal privilege of servitoriate, counted on fast moneymaking and expected to return home sooner or later. In the later years, most of the Cracow-based Italians were well assimilated and preferred to settle down in the city.

Este artículo presenta las condiciones estructurales del comercio sexual entre varones en los espacios públicos y revisa la organización social de la prostitución entre varones durante el franquismo. Para ello define y caracteriza cuatro tipos ideales de comercio sexual entre varones: el modelo de iniciación a la homosexualidad, el modelo militar y legionario, el modelo delincuente, y el modelo chulo (o pijo aparte).