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China's 'One Belt, One Road' initiative puts new emphasis on the development of the system of international relations, and it is expected to contribute to the further displacement of the gravity center of the world economy and the expansion of intercontinental trade flows. Increased attention to the proposed project could be explained not only by its scale and supra-regional territorial coverage, but also with an ambiguous attitude to it in potential member countries, as well as by uncertainty of content, which allows experts to find different interpretations of its goals and objectives. Over time, it becomes increasingly clear that China is seeking to expand the scope of 'One Belt, One Road' (OBOR) by the realization of various projects in partner countries, deliberately giving them the initiative for the development of investment proposals. Having succeeded in creating the financial basis of this strategy and reducing the number of possible political risks, the Chinese authorities are rewarded not only with the growing interest to OBOR in the partner countries but also with the increasing competition between them for transportation routes development. This eventually will allow China to control the critical elements of an extensive network of ground transportation in Eurasia, which will be used for the intercontinental trade, especially for deliveries to remote areas of the hinterland (although the prospects to compete with sea transport remain non-obvious). We should not underestimate the other political and economic benefits of OBOR initiative that modestly silenced in official statements and documents. But at the same time while assessing the strategy we should refrain from the alarmist predictions about the formation of a new world order and hegemonic aspirations – at this stage, Chinese authorities consider OBOR as an opportunity to address the crucial problems of socioeconomic development, resource provision and the reduction of regional disparities. Neighboring countries, regardless of their regional ambitions and economic weight, have a chance to take advantage of externalities that will arise during the implementation of the new Chinese project.

"The concept of a "21st-Century Maritime Silk Road" refers to the proposed modern-time version of the ancient Maritime Silk Road that connected China with the rest of Asia, and even parts of eastern Africa. It is a strategic initiative designed to increase investments in and foster collaboration among all countries along the ancient Silk Road. This volume, 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative: Aims and Objectives, Implementation Strategies and Policy Recommendations, presents the latest research findings on the directions and implementation methods related to the initiative, and contributors offer policy suggestions, include promoting effective macroeconomic policies, extending microeconomic cooperation schemes, removing trade barriers and facilitating financial integration, building infrastructures that can connect all subregions in Asia, and increasing people-to-people exchanges and industrial cooperation"--Publisher's website

Grounded Theory Methodology (GTM) ist vor allem für weniger erfahrene Forscher wegen ihrer strukturellen Klarheit attraktiv. Erst später werden dem Forscher die Klippen und Komplexitäten dieses Verfahrens klar. Vor allem die Anforderungen an die Stichprobenziehung sind hoch - das sorgt für Schwierigkeiten bei Dissertationsprojekten und erfordert eine kreative Handhabung der GTM-Prinzipien. Die Autoren formulieren hier Vorschläge für die Forschungspraxis. Dazu gehört die Formulierung einer eindeutigen Forschungsfrage, die in der vorgegebenen Zeit und mit einem überschaubaren Datenaufwand beantwortet werden kann. Eine weitere wichtige Strategie ist der flexible Umgang mit theoretischem Wissen. Zudem sollte man ein Verfahren der Stichprobenziehung wählen, das die Forschungsfrage und den Zugang zum Feld berücksichtigt. Auch der Austausch von Forschungsergebnissen mit anderen Forschern kann Möglichkeiten zur kommunikativen Validierung der eigenen Ergebnisse eröffnen. (ICEÜbers)

Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), founded in 2001 in Shanghai, with PR China, The Russian Federation, The Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, The Republic of Tajikistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan as members, and India, Iran, Mongolia and Pakistan as observers, is new, but very important security and economic organizational frame in Central and East Asia. During the last six years of its' existence the Organization grew stronger, as well as development of relations among the member states in numerous fields - from border demarcation issues and common border surveillance, common respond to traditional and non-traditional security threats, to political cooperation, co-op in culture, education, trade agriculture, transportation, transport infrastructure, investment, especially in the field of exploration, exploitation and transit of oil and gas. With the growing influence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as successful framework for the confidence building in the region, development of various ways of cooperation, firstly economic and security ones, but on the principles of the equal footing and respect for differences among cultures and models and paths of development of its' members, influence and respect for the Organization has been growing in the region and globally. Since the strong presence of the USA and NATO in the region, especially since the invasion of Afghanistan, the role of the SCO has significantly changed, and been challenged. So far, it has found the way to respond through deepening its' cooperation and building its' institutional base. Nonetheless, because of the exceptional geopolitical sensitivity of the region, numerous inherited and existing contradictions, the Organization, beyond its huge economic perspective, especially in the fields of energy, traffic infrastructure and trade, has to count on serous limitations and challenges in its' future. On the other hand, it has already become security, political and economic factor in the region, counted on by all the other regional and global geopolitical players. ; Šangajska organizacija za saradnju (ŠOS), osnovana 2001. godine u Šangaju čije su članice NR Kina, Rusija, Kazahstan, Kirgistan, Tadžikistan, i Uzbekistan, a posmatrači: Iran, Indija, Mongolija i Pakistan, nov je, ali i izuzetno značajan bezbednosno-ekonomski oblik organizovanja u Centralnoj i istočnoj Aziji. Tokom šest godina postojanja došlo je do jačanja Organizacije, kao i razvoja odnosa između svih članica u brojnim oblastima - od utvrđivanja međudržavnih razgraničenja i zajedničkog nadgledanja granice zajedničkog odgovora na tradicionalne i netradicionalne bezbednosne pretnje političke saradnje, saradnje u oblasti kulture, obrazovanja, do trgovine poljoprivrede, transporta, transportne infrastrukture, investicija, a naročito u oblasti istraživanja, eksploatacije i prenosa nafte i gasa. Sa rastom uticaja Šangajske organizacija za saradnju kao uspešnog okvira za izgradnju poverenja u regionu, razvijanje brojnih vidova saradnje, a najpre ekonomske i bezbednosne, na principima ravnopravnosti i uvažavanja različitosti kultura i modela i puteva razvoja članica rastao je i njen ugled u regionu i globalno. Od snažnog prisustva SAD i NATO u regionu, naročito od invazije na Avganistan, uloga ŠOS je doživela značajan preobražaj, ali i jedan od najvećih izazova, na koji je, za sada našla načina da odgovori kroz produbljivanje saradnje i izgradnju institucionalnog okvira. Ipak, s obzirom na izuzetnu geopolitičku osetljivost regiona, brojne nasleđene i postojeće protivrečnosti, Organizacija, pored izuzetne ekonomske perspektive, naročito u oblasti energenata, saobraćajne infrastrukture i trgovine, u svom budućem razvoju mora da računa i sa ozbiljnim ograničenjima i izazovima. Sa druge strane, ona je već postala bezbednosni, politički i ekonomski faktor u regionu, na koji svaki od prisutnih aktera regionalnih, ali i globalnih geopolitičkih dešavanja računa.