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Originally written in 1998, this book remains a key resource for women in heterosexual marriages who discover, or are coming to terms with, their lesbianism or bisexuality. This classic edition includes a foreword from Ann Northrop that reflects on changes in language, intersectionality, and understandings of gender since first publication

Originally written in 1998, this book remains a key resource for women in heterosexual marriages who discover, or are coming to terms with, their lesbianism or bisexuality. This classic edition includes a foreword from Ann Northrop that reflects on changes in language, intersectionality, and understandings of gender since first publication.

Book Cover; Title; Copyright; Contents; Figures; Part I Situating Non-Monogamies; 1 Introduction; 2 Deconstructing Monogamy: Boundaries, Identities, and Fluidities across Relationships; Part II Representing Non-Monogamies; 3 Non-Monogamy and Fiction; 4 'Science Says She's Gotta Have It': Reading for Racial Resonances in Woman-Centered Poly Literature; 5 Discursive Constructions of Polyamory in Mono-Normative Media Culture; Part III Distinguishing Non-Monogamies; 6 Relationship Innovation in Male Couples; 7 Swinging: Pushing the Boundaries of Monogamy?

Objective. The objective of this article is to examine the degree to which populist features of state governments affect minority interests, particularly gays, lesbians, and bisexuals (GLB)Method. We examine the effects of specific institutional features that affect state government responsiveness to majority preferences on GLB policies: bans on same‐sex marriage and hate crime. We also control for variations in political environment.Results. Features that increase popular control over policy making and policymakers advance anti‐GLB policies but have little effect on pro‐GLB policies; however, legislative term limits have the opposite effect. Further, constituency size and senators' term length increases both types of policies.Conclusions. The findings indicate that an unpopular minority is likely to be harmed by populist features that increase the role of citizens and may be helped by features that shield legislators from majoritarian preferences.

Although the rest of the American politics subfield has taken up many of the research challenges that LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) politics poses, there has been very little attention to LGBT politics within APD (American political development). Yet LGBT politics has deeply developmental and "state-centered" dynamics. Until the middle of the twentieth century, sexual orientation was simply not widely and deeply politicized in the United States. But abruptly, in a period of a decade and a half (roughly 1940-1955), national political and bureaucratic actors created a national sexuality regime that has taken 60 years of LGBT struggle to partly reverse. In seeking to substitute a different, overtly inclusive sexuality regime, LGBT citizens and their straight allies have initiated far-reaching changes in public policy, regulation of the workplace, and the institution of marriage. American politics has thus been developed by LGBT politics-and in the process, a fruitful research agenda has emerged. Adapted from the source document.

William Galston (1996) & Jean Bethke Elshtain (1991) argue that law & policy should be used to promote the intact two-parent married heterosexual family. Galston advocates divorce reform to discourage single-parent families & Elshtain opposes extending the right to marry to same-sex couples. This response defends a multipurpose definition of family, opposes making divorce more difficult, & supports same-sex marriage. 42 References. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract.The gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered (GLBT) population is a good example of a demographic group that has been understudied because it is difficult to develop a subsample of sufficient size from typical national samples. Here we exploit the extraordinary size of a 2006 online election day survey (with about 35,000 respondents) to examine how the GLBT community behaves politically. While it will surprise no one that this community bestowed little support on Stephen Harper's Conservative party in the 2006 federal election, the factors behind such a consistent vote pattern are not adequately understood. In order to shed more light on the voting behaviour of the GLBT electorate, we develop a socio-demographic profile of the group, and explore three explanatory angles: 1) salience of issue campaign dynamics, given that the same-sex marriage issue was prominent in 2006; 2) ideological and attitudinal proclivities; and 3) strategic considerations.Résumé.La population gaie, lesbiennes, bisexuels et transgenres (GLBT) est un exemple d'un groupe démographique qui a été peu étudié, car il est difficile de développer un sous-échantillon de taille suffisante à partir d'échantillons nationaux. Ici, nous exploitons la taille extraordinaire d'une enquête enligne du jour du scrutin fédérale du 2006 (avec environ 35.000 répondants) d'examiner comment la communauté GLBT se comporte politiquement. Bien qu'il ne surprendra personne que cette communauté accordé peu d'appui sur Parti conservateur de Stephen Harper lors de l'élection fédérale de 2006, les facteurs qui expliquent un tel motif ne sont pas bien compris. Afin de jeter plus de lumière sur le comportement de vote de l'électorat GLBT, nous développons un profil sociodémographique de cette groupe, et d'explorer trois angles explicatives: 1) pertinence de la question du mariage de même sexe, 2) tendances idéologiques, et 3) des considérations stratégiques.

Abjection abortion agency aids -- Barebacking bisexuality blackmail bodies -- Childhood sexuality choice closet commodification -- Community consent cosmopolitanism cybersex -- Desire disability -- Essentialism -- Families fateful moments femininity feminism -- Fetish friendship fundamentalism -- Gay gay liberation gender globalization -- Great transition -- Habitus heterosexuality homophobia homosexuality -- Human sexual rights hybridity -- Individualization informalization intersectionality intimacy -- Lesbian love -- Marriage masculinity masturbation melancholia -- Mixedness moral panic multiculturalism -- Neoliberalism -- Paedophilia perversion pleasure polyamory -- Pornography prostitution psychoanalysis -- Queer -- Recognition reflexivity regulation relationality -- Religion reproductive technologies risk -- Sado-masochism safer sex same-sex marriage secularization -- Sex addiction sex tourism sexology -- Sexual citizenship sexual cultures sexual diversity sexual ethics -- Sexual identity sexual orientation sexual scripts sexual stories -- Sexual violence sexuality sexualization social capital -- Social constructionism space subject -- Toleration trafficking transgender -- Viagra

Mixed orientation marriages refers to marriages involving a partner who is gay or lesbian while the other partner may be heterosexuals or bi-sexual as well. Parties to such marriage are men and women who are gender fluid or transgender who wish to maintain their relationship that exist before or after the existing marriage commenced. In United States of America, there are as many as three million of such marriages – perhaps even more. Homosexuality or bisexuality is illegal in Malaysia and thus, the existence of mixed orientation marriage in Malaysia often hide behind a normal marriage. It has been difficult to quantify such marriage unless the courts that handle divorce matters identified such grounds to these divorces. Plus, mixed orientation marriage is an oppression towards the wives who are heterosexual. This paper will dwell on; (a) the definition of mixed-orientation marriage; (b) the factors that cause a bisexual husband to pursue a marriage with a heterosexual wife without her knowing of the fact ; (c) to find out the effects of such relationships to a heterosexual spouse in terms of her health, emotion and psychological impacts; (d) To identify the legal redress on heterosexual wife and her rights in such marriage; and (e) to analyse some strategies and the legal remedies available to deal with such kind of marriages, which denied the vary basis of contractual relationship acknowledge by civil and sharia marriages laws in Malaysia.

Using the case of same-sex marriage in China, this article explores two fundamental questions: What motivates a non-democratic state to promulgate a progressive human rights policy? More importantly, when a non-democratic state adopts such policies, what is the impact on activism? I argue that same-sex marriage legislation could be used strategically to improve China's human rights reputation. While this would extend a pinnacle right to gays and lesbians, the benefits might not outweigh the costs: I show that when imposed from above, a same-sex marriage law would incur opportunity costs on activism; the passage of this progressive policy would eliminate an important issue around which the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Trans-gender/-sexual (LGBT) community might develop. Moreover, even if such policy is promulgated, the right to marry will do little to challenge the larger social pressures that make life difficult for LGBT Chinese. Adapted from the source document.

"Between Camp and Cursi examines the role of humor in portrayals of homosexuality in contemporary Mexican literature. Brandon P. Bisbey argues that humor based on camp and cursileria -- a form of bad taste that expresses a sense of social marginalization -- is used to represent key social conflicts and contradictions of modernity in Mexico. Combining perspectives from queer theory, humor theory, and Latin American cultural studies, Bisbey looks at a corpus of canonical and lesser-known texts that treat a range of topics relevant to contemporary discussions of gender, sexuality, race, and human rights in Mexico--including sex work, transvestitism, bisexuality, same-sex marriage, racism, classism, and homophobic and transphobic violence"--

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- I. Queer Identities -- 1. Critically Queer -- 2. True or False: The Self in Radical Lesbian Feminist Theory -- 3. Dichotomies and Displacement: Bisexuality in Queer Theory and Politics -- 4. Lesbians and Mestizas: Appropriation and Equivalence -- II. Queer Critiques -- 5. Somewhere Over the Rainbow: Queer Translating, -- 6. The Centering of Right-Wing Extremism Through the Construction of an "Inclusionary" Homophobia and Racism -- 7. Community, Rights Talk, and the Communitarian Dissent in Bowers v. Hardwick -- 8. Essentialism and the Political Articulation of Identity -- III. Queer Agendas -- 9. Intimacy and Equality: The Question of Lesbian and Gay Marriage -- 10. Politics, Practices, Publics: Identity and Queer Rights -- 11. Queer Problems/Straight Solutions: The Limits of a Politics of "Official Recognition".