Suchergebnisse

The political scene in South Africa today is perhaps one of the most complex in the modern world. The easiest analysis would be to have the white minority government on the one hand, and the back resistance and liberation organizations ranged against it on the other. Unfortunately, it is not that easy. The white minority itself is torn by divisions and differences in ideology, with essentially two divisions into the right-wing and the centrists. Both camps, however, are themselves divided into various notches on the scale to the right, but never beyond to the left of centrist. That position has been reserved for black politics, which is also positioned at various points on the scale to the left.

The current situation of the press in South Africa is reviewed. Statistical data are presented on 19 publications of the Information Service of South Africa & on 43 major newspapers published privately. Four major private groups dominate private newspaper publication: Argus Printing & Publishing Co, South African Associated Newspapers, Nasionale Pers, & Perskor. The press faces a number of legal restrictions on what material it can publish. Blacks make up a large & growing part of newspaper readership, & white press groups are increasingly producing newspapers for them; these dominate the black press, though there are some black-owned papers as well. Major black-oriented newspapers are reviewed. The black press does play a partially positive role in the movement toward the liberation of South Africa, despite the restrictions under which it operates. 2 Tables. W. H. Stoddard.

Abstract
School integration is an important indicator of equality of opportunity and racial reconciliation in contemporary South Africa. Despite its prominence in public and political discourse, however, there is no systemic evidence on the levels and patterns of school segregation. Drawing on the literature on the post-apartheid political settlement and sociological theories of opportunity hoarding, we explain how the small White minority and, to a lesser extent, the new Black middle class monopolized access to South Africa's most prestigious schools following the abolition of de jure segregation in 1994. Using the 2021 Annual School Survey—an administrative dataset covering all South African schools—and the 2019 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study school survey, we find very high levels of school segregation along racial as well as socioeconomic lines. White students almost exclusively attend former White schools, have little exposure to the low-income Black majority, and are vastly overrepresented in elite public and private schools. We argue that in South Africa and other contexts with under-resourced education systems, elite capture of the few high-performing schools serves to reproduce race and class privilege.

Wacquant (2001) and others have argued that social control efforts directed at racial and ethnic minorities frequently shift institutional form and become more nuanced as societies modernize, even as the underlying function persists. This study examines the connection between southern lynching and housing segregation. We argue that legal, political, social and demographic changes in the south made lynching dysfunctional as a means of control. Among other more nuanced control mechanisms, modern housing segregation helped serve as a replacement. We test this proposition by relating historical southern black lynching rates to recent levels of segregation in southern MSAs. We find that an MSA's historical lynching rate is positively and significantly linked to the MSA's current segregation levels after accounting for standard determinants of segregation. Thus, segregation does not just occur generally throughout the south, but follows a very particular pattern based on past lynching rates. Our findings add to a growing literature on the legacy of lynching, such as studies examining contemporaneous variation in support for and use of capital punishment.

Both reason and passion combine in making policy. When he considers his means, a strong man may threaten, take acts of reprisal, break relations and attack. A weak man may beg and cajole, appeal to sentiments, ask friends to mediate and eventually accept less than he wanted. But passion can make the weak man act as if he were strong, or the justice of his cause may lead him to feel that only a strong line is right. That, by and large, is what has happened over apartheid in South Africa. Since the 1950's, speech has followed speech, resolution followed resolution and threat followed threat. Indeed, there was too often an escalation of rhetoric that left action far behind.

An attempt is made to provide additional insight into understanding & explaining the origins & causes of the strike of 60,000 African workers in Durban, the largest port of South Africa. All sample firms exploited their African workers. A latent conflict over wages existed in the whole of industrial Durban. In strike firms the wage issue was manifest. There was a lack of opportunities for African industrial workers. Restricted job mobility was a manifest point of conflict at the time of the study. Black Indians were given promotion preference over the Africans which was also a manifest conflict. Legal & social provisions were used to prevent or hamper blacks from entering positions held by white workers. Africans had no alternatives & they were not allowed to strike. It is possible that the rising cost of living served to reactivate the existing latent grievances. L. DeForge.

SINCE THE REINTRODUCTION OF BLACKS INTO THE COMBAT STRUCTURE OF THE S. AFRICAN DEFENSE FORCE IN 1963, THE NATIONAL PARTY GOVERNMENT IN THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA HAS EXPERIMENTED WITH A VARIETY OF ROLES, RESPONSIBILITIES, & ORGANIZATIONAL FORMATS FOR THEIR USE IN THE ARMED FORCES.